Since 1945, immigration to the United Kingdom, controlled byBritish immigration law and to an extent byBritish nationality law, has been significant, in particular from the former territories of theBritish Empire and the member states of theEU andEFTA.^[1] Since the UK's withdrawal from the European Union, migration from countries outside theEuropean Economic Area has dominated immigration to the UK.

TheBritish Nationality Act 1948 granted residency rights to all colonial subjects, approximately 800 million, enabling mass post-war immigration. The Commonwealth Immigrants Acts (1962,1968) andImmigration Act 1971 rescinded these rights by introducing work vouchers and ancestral requirements that favoured those with parent or grandparent to have been born in the UK. TheBritish Nationality Act 1981 abolished the 1948 citizenship status.

Since the United Kingdomacceded to the European Communities in the 1970s and thecreation of the European Union in the early 1990s, people have migrated from member states of theEuropean Union, exercising one of the European Union'sFour Freedoms. Migration to and fromCentral andEastern Europe increased since 2004, following theaccession ofeight Central and Eastern European states to the European Union. Following the end of theBrexit transition period on December 31, 2020, at 11 pm GMT, this freedom of movement ceased. Citizens ofEEA+CH member states no longer had an automatic right tomove to or reside permanently in the UK without a visa.

A smaller number have come as illegal immigrants, many of which have claimedasylum.

According to the2021–2022 United Kingdom censuses the foreign-born population was 10.7 million or 16% of the total United Kingdom, a 34% increase over the 2011 census,^[2] although the census gives no indication of their immigration status or intended length of stay.^[3]

The UK currently uses apoints-based immigration system. The UK Government can also grant settlement to foreign nationals, which confers on themindefinite leave to remain in the UK, without granting them British citizenship. Grants of settlement are made on the basis of various factors, including employment, family formation and reunification, and asylum (including to deal with backlogs of asylum cases).^[4]

Long-term net migration is estimated to have reached a record high of 944,000 in the year ending March 2023, with immigration at 1,469,000 and emigration at 525,000.^[5]

According to theOffice for National Statistics' provisional estimate, released November 2025, long-term net migration in the year ending June 2025 was +204,000 (consisting of non-EEA+CH nationals at +383,000, British nationals at -109,000, and EEA+CH nationals at -70,000).^[5] Total immigration was 898,000: non-EEA+CH nationals accounted for 75% of total immigration (670,000), British nationals comprised 16% (143,000), and EEA+CH nationals constituted 9% (85,000).^[5] The top three nationalities from non-EU+ countries immigrating on work-related visas wereIndian,Pakistani, andNigerian.^[5] Meanwhile, total emigration was 693,000: non-EEA+CH nationals accounted for 41% of total emigration (286,000), British nationals composed 36% (252,000), and EEA+CH nationals accounted for 22% (155,000).^[5]

According to an August 2018 publication of theHouse of Commons Library, several definitions for a migrant exist in the United Kingdom. A migrant can be:^[6]

• Someone whose country of birth is different to their country of residence.
• Someone whose nationality is different to their country of residence.
• Someone who changes their country of usual residence for a period of at least a year, so that the country of destination effectively becomes the country of usual residence.

The Immigration Act 1971, section 1, provides for "rules laid down by the Secretary of State as to the practice to be followed in the administration of this Act".^[7] By August 2018, the Immigration Rules stood at almost 375,000 words, often so precise and detailed that the services of a lawyer are typically required to navigate them.^[8]

Individuals wanting to apply forBritish citizenship have to demonstrate their commitment by learningEnglish,Welsh orScottish Gaelic and by having an understanding ofBritish history, culture and traditions.^[9] Any individual seeking to apply for naturalisation or indefinite leave to remain must pass the officialLife in the UK test.^[10]

Visas for immigration are managed byUK Visas and Immigration, a department within theHome Office. Applications are made at UK embassies or consulates or directly to UK Visas and Immigration, depending upon the type of visa or permit required.

The UK currently operates a globalpoints-based immigration system, which was fully implemented in December 2020 to replace the previous tiered structure. The old tiered points-based system was phased in over the course of 2008, replacing previous managed migration schemes such as thework permit system and the Highly Skilled Migrant Programme.^[11][12]

Contrary to the old Tier 1 route, which was a supply-led system allowing highly skilled migrants to enter without a job offer, the current system is demand-led, requiring almost all economic migrants to have a confirmed job offer and sponsorship from a UK employer.^[13] The current immigration system has faced criticism for being significantly exploited, an example of which is criminal networks selling fake jobs and sponsorships to migrants, enabling migrants to stay and enter the UK illegally.^[14]

The old tiered points-based system that was introduced in 2008 and replaced in 2020 was composed of five tiers and was first described by theUK Border Agency as follows:

• Tier 1 – for highly skilled individuals, who can contribute to growth and productivity;
• Tier 2 – for skilled workers with a job offer, to fill gaps in the United Kingdom workforce;
• Tier 3 – for limited numbers of low-skilled workers needed to fill temporary labour shortages;
• Tier 4 – for students;
• Tier 5 – for temporary workers and young people covered by the Youth Mobility Scheme, who are allowed to work in the United Kingdom for a limited time to satisfy primarily non-economic objectives.^[15]

Though immigration is a matter that is reserved to the UK Government under thelegislation that established devolution for Scotland in 1999, theScottish Government was able to get an agreement from theHome Office for theirFresh Talent Initiative which was designed to encourage foreign graduates ofScottish universities to stay in Scotland to look for employment.^[16] The Fresh Talent Initiative ended in 2008, following the introduction of points-based system.^[17][18]

In the lead-up toWorld War II, many people fromGermany, particularly those belonging to minorities which were persecuted underNazi rule, such asJews, sought to emigrate to the United Kingdom, and it is estimated that as many as 50,000 may have been successful. There were immigration caps on the number who could enter, and, subsequently, some applicants were turned away. When the UK declaredwar on Germany, however, migration between the countries ceased.^{[citation needed]}

During the Second World War, an estimated 10,000 West Indian men came to the UK. They were the first non-white group to settle in large numbers, and whilst two-thirds of them were repatriated after the war, returning ex-servicemen formed the majority of passengers who arrived on the 'Empire Windrush’ in 1948.^[19]

At the end of the Second World War, substantial groups of people fromSoviet-controlled territories settled in the UK, particularlyPoles andUkrainians. The UK recruited displaced people as so-called European Volunteer Workers in order to provide labour to industries that were required in order to aid economic recovery after the war.^[20] In the1951 United Kingdom census, the Polish-born population of the country numbered some 162,339, up from 44,642 in 1931.^[21][22] There was also an influx of refugees fromHungary, following the crushing of the1956 Hungarian revolution, numbering 20,990 people.^[23]

Following the end of theSecond World War, theBritish Nationality Act 1948 allowed the 800,000,000^[24]subjects in the British Empire to live and work in the United Kingdom without needing avisa. This was not an anticipated consequence of the Act, which 'was never intended to facilitate mass migration'.^[25] This migration was initially encouraged to help fill gaps in the UKlabour market for both skilled and unskilled jobs, including in public services such as the newly createdNational Health Service andLondon Transport. Many people were specifically brought to the UK on ships, notably the 'Empire Windrush' in 1948.^{[26][27][28][29]}

TheIreland Act 1949 has the unusual status of recognising theRepublic of Ireland, but affirming that its citizens are not citizens of a foreign country for the purposes of any law in the United Kingdom.^[30] This act was initiated at a time when Ireland withdrew from theCommonwealth of Nations after declaring itself a republic.^[31]

Commonwealth immigration, made up largely ofeconomic migrants, rose from 3,000 per year in 1953 to 46,800 in 1956 and 136,400 in 1961.^[24] The heavy numbers of migrants resulted in the establishment of a Cabinet committee in June 1950 to find 'ways which might be adopted to check the immigration into this country ofcoloured people fromBritish colonial territories'.^[24]

Indians began arriving in the UK in large numbers shortly after India gained independence in 1947, although there were a number of people from India living in the UK prior to this. More than 60,000 arrived before 1955, many of whom drove buses, or worked infoundries ortextile factories.^{[citation needed]} The flow of Indian immigrants peaked between 1965–72, boosted in particular by Ugandan dictatorIdi Amin's sudden decision toexpel all 50,000Asians (people of Indian or Pakistani origin) fromUganda. Around 30,000 Ugandan Asians emigrated to the UK.^[32]

Following the independence ofPakistan, Pakistani immigration to the United Kingdom increased, especially during the 1950s and 1960s. Many Pakistanis came to Britain following the turmoil during thepartition of India and the subsequent independence of Pakistan. Among them were those who migrated to Pakistan upon displacement from India, and then emigrated to the UK, thus becoming secondary migrants.^[33] Migration was made easier as Pakistan was a member of theCommonwealth of Nations.^[34]

Pakistanis were invited by employers to fill labour shortages which arose after the Second World War. As Commonwealth citizens, they were eligible for most British civic rights. They found employment in the textile industries ofLancashire andYorkshire, manufacturing in theWest Midlands, and car production and food processing industries ofLuton andSlough. It was common for Pakistanis to work night shifts and unsociable hours.^[35]

In addition, there was astream of migrants fromEast Pakistan, nowBangladesh.^[36][37] In the 1970s, a large number of East African-Asians, most of whom already heldBritish passports because they had beenBritish subjects settled in the overseas colonies, entered the United Kingdom fromKenya andUganda, particularly as a result of theexpulsion of Asians from Uganda byIdi Amin in 1972. A majority of the Pakistani immigrants to UK trace their origin toMirpur district in the region presently calledAzad Kashmir.^[38][39][40]

Although the Committee recommended not to introduce restrictions, theCommonwealth Immigrants Act was passed in 1962 as a response to public sentiment that the new arrivals 'should return to their own countries' and that 'no more of them come to this country'.^[41] Introducing the legislation to theHouse of Commons, theConservativeHome SecretaryRab Butler stated that:

The justification for the control which is included in this Bill, which I shall describe in more detail in a few moments, is that a sizeable part of the entire population of the Earth is at present legally entitled to come and stay in this already densely populated country. It amounts altogether to one-quarter of the population of the globe and at present there are no factors visible which might lead us to expect a reversal or even a modification of the immigration trend.^[42]

The new Act required migrants to have a job before they arrived, to possess special skills or who would meet the 'labour needs' of the national economy. In 1965, to combat the perceived injustice in the case where the wives of British subjects could not obtain British nationality, the British Nationality Act 1965 was adopted.

Shortly afterwards, mainly Asian British passport holders fromKenya andUganda, fearing discrimination from their own national governments, began to arrive in Britain; as they had retained their British nationality granted by the 1948 Act, they were not subject to the later controls. To manage this exodus from the formerEast African colonies, the Home SecretaryJames Callaghan under aLabour party government introduced a bill in February 1968, and got it passed within a week. The new act calledCommonwealth Immigrants Act placed entry controls on holders of British passports who had 'no substantial connection' with Britain by setting up a new system.^[43][44]For the first time, the 1968 Act required migrants to have a 'substantial connection with the United Kingdom', namely to be connected by birth or ancestry to a UK national. Those who did not could only obtain British nationality at the discretion of the national authorities.^[45]

The Conservative MPEnoch Powell had campaigned hard for tighter controls on immigration. On 20 April 1968, one month after the adoption of the Act, he made his famous 'Rivers of Blood' speech,^[a] in which he warned his audience of what he believed would be the consequences of continued unchecked immigration from the Commonwealth to Britain.Conservative Party leaderEdward Heath sacked Powell from his Shadow Cabinet the day after the speech, and he never held another senior political post. Powell received 110,000 letters  – only 2,300 disapproving.^[48]

Three days after the speech, on 23 April, as the Race Relations Bill was being debated in theHouse of Commons, around 2,000 dockers walked off the job to march on Westminster protesting against Powell's dismissal.^[49] The next day, 400 meat porters from Smithfield market handed in a 92-page petition in support of Powell.^[50] At that time, 43% of junior doctors working in NHS hospitals, and some 30% of student nurses, were immigrants, without which the health service would needed to have been curtailed.^[48]

Until theCommonwealth Immigrants Act 1962, allCommonwealth citizens could enter and stay in the UK without any restriction. The Act madeCitizens of the United Kingdom and Colonies (CUKCs), whose passports were not directly issued by the UK Government (i.e., passports issued by the Governor of a colony or by the Commander of a Britishprotectorate), subject to immigration control.

In 1972, theHeath administration introduced the first proposed Immigration Rules under the 1971 act.^[51] The rules proposal drew criticism from Conservative Partybackbenchers, because it formally implemented a limit of six months of leave to enter as a visitor for white 'Old Commonwealth' citizens who were 'non-patrial' (did not haveRight of Abode under the 1971 act, generally because they did not have a parent or grandparent from the UK).^[51] At the same time the proposal opened the door to free movement of certain European workers from European Economic Community member states.^[51] Seven backbenchers voted against the proposed Rules and 53 abstained, leading to defeat.^[51] Minutes from a Cabinet meeting the next day conclude that 'anti-European sentiment' among backbenchers, who instead preferred 'Old Commonwealth' migration to the UK, was at the core of the result.^[51] The proposal was revised, and the first Rules were passed in January 1973.^[51]

The Act abolished the distinction between Commonwealth and non-Commonwealth entrants. The Conservative government nevertheless allowed, amid much controversy, the immigration of 27,000 individuals displaced from Uganda after thecoup d'état led byIdi Amin in 1971.^[44]

Historians have argued that the majority of initial "New Commonwealth migrants" were British settlers and colonial officials and their descendants. Starting in 1962, immigration controls were made less lenient for immigration from the Commonwealth. In practice, these changes only resulted in a small reduction in Commonwealth immigration. In the 1960s, immigration from both the "New Commonwealth" and "Old Commonwealth" averaged at roughly 75,000 per year. The average number of settlements granted in the 1970s was 72,000 per year. This decreased to approximately 54,000 a year in the 1980s and early 1990s. The newly elected Labour government abolished the Primary Purpose Rule (PPR) in June 1997, which, along with other Labour policies, led to a surge in Commonwealth immigration. The Primary Purpose Rule required foreign nationals to prove their marriage to a British citizen or a foreign national with indefinite leave to remain in the UK was not for immigration purposes.^{[52][better source needed]} In 1998, the Commonwealth immigration rate surged to 82,000 and peaked at 156,000 in 2004.^{[53][better source needed]}

TheBritish Nationality Act 1981, which was enacted in 1983, distinguishes between British citizens andBritish Overseas Territories citizens. It also made a distinction between nationality 'by descent' and nationality 'other than by descent'. Citizens by descent cannot automatically pass on British nationality to a child born outside the United Kingdom or its Overseas Territories (though in some situations the child can be registered as a citizen). Immigration officers have to be satisfied with a person's nationality and identity, and entry can be refused if they are not satisfied.^[54]

During the 1980s and 1990s, thecivil war inSomalia led to a large number of Somali immigrants, comprising the majority of the currentSomali population in the UK. In the late 1980s, most of these early migrants were granted asylum, while those arriving later in the 1990s more often obtained temporary status. There has also been some secondary migration of Somalis to the UK from theNetherlands andDenmark. The main driving forces behind this secondary migration included a desire to reunite with family and friends and for better employment opportunities.^[55]

Non-European immigration rose significantly during the period from 1997, not least because of thegovernment's abolition of the primary purpose rule in June 1997.^[56] This change made it easier for UK residents to bring foreign spouses into the country. The former government adviser Andrew Neather in the 'Evening Standard' stated that the deliberate policy of ministers from late 2000 until early 2008 was to open up the UK to mass immigration.^[57][58]

One of theFour Freedoms of theEuropean Union, of which the United Kingdom is a former member, is the right to the free movement of workers as codified in theDirective 2004/38/EC and theEEA Regulations (UK).

With the expansion of theEU on 1 May 2004, the UK accepted immigrants fromCentral andEastern Europe,Malta andCyprus, although the substantial Maltese,Greek-Cypriot andTurkish-Cypriot communities were established earlier through their Commonwealth connection. There were restrictions on the benefits that members of eight of these accession countries ('A8' nationals) could claim, which were covered by theWorker Registration Scheme.^[59] Many other European Union member states exercised their right to temporary immigration control, which ended in 2011,^[60] over entrants from these accession states,^[61] but some subsequently removed these restrictions ahead of the 2011 deadline.^[62]

The Government announced that the same rules would not apply to nationals ofRomania andBulgaria (A2 nationals) when those countries acceded to the EU in 2007. Instead, restrictions were put in place to limit migration tostudents, the self-employed, highly skilled migrants and food and agricultural workers.^[63]

Research conducted by theMigration Policy Institute for theEquality and Human Rights Commission suggests that, between May 2004 and September 2009, 1.5 million workers migrated from the new EU member states to the UK, but that many returned home, with the result that the number of nationals of the new member states in the UK increased by some 700,000 over the same period.^[64][65]

In 2009, for the first time since the enlargement, more nationals of the eight Central and Eastern European states that joined the EU in 2004 left the UK than arrived.^[66] Research commissioned by the Regeneration and Economic Development Analysis Expert Panel suggested migrant workers leaving the UK due to the recession were likely to return in the future and cited evidence of 'strong links between initial temporary migration and intended permanent migration'.^[67]

A report by theDepartment for Communities and Local Government (DCLG) entitled 'International Migration and Rural Economies', suggested that intra-EU migration since enlargement had resulted in migrants settling in rural locations without a prior history of immigration.^[68]

In June 2010, the newly electedCoalition government brought in a temporary annual cap onthe Tier 2 visa route,^[69] which was part of the points-based-system that administered non-EU immigration to the UK from outside the EU, with the limit set as 24,100, in order to stop an expected rush of applications before a permanent annual cap of 20,700 for immigrants using the Tier 2 visa route, primarily those applying for jobs that were not on the Shortage Occupation List. The annual cap was imposed in April 2011; accompanying family members and immigrants earning £150,000 (later rising to nearly £160,000) were not counted within the 20,700 annual cap. The Tier 1 visa route was closed for new applicants. The monthly allocation was only first reached in June 2015, more than four years after its introduction,^[70] and was only reached again in December 2017 and subsequently each month until July 2018 when the government exempted doctors and nurses from the annual cap on 6 July 2018.^[71] The annual cap was never reached again. The annual cap only applied to a small segment of immigration from outside the EU. The annual cap did not apply to foreign students (Tier 4), dependents of foreign students and foreign workers, foreign nationals immigrating via marrying a British citizen or a foreign national with indefinite leave to remain in the UK, intra-company transfers, temporary workers (Tier 5), and immigrants that were in the UK switching from other visa categories to Tier 2.

The annual cap was suspended when the Tier 2 visa route was replaced by the Skilled Worker visa on 1 December 2020, as part of the UK's post-Brexit points-based immigration system. The result was a massive surge in non-EU+ immigration, which has since dominated immigration to the UK. In the Office for National Statistics' provisional November 2025 estimate for the year ending (YE) June 2025, non-EU+ nationals accounted for 75% of total immigration, 670,000 immigrants out of the total 898,000 immigrants.^[5]

TheCOVID-19 pandemic saw a temporary reduction in net migration. The reduction in net migration peaked at 35,000 in the year ending (YE) September 2020. This was due to a temporary reduction in immigration numbers, as in the year ending (YE) September 2020, immigration was 606,000, which was lower compared to 793,000 in the year ending (YE) September 2019.^[5] Emigration was speculated during the pandemic to have massively increased; however, emigration actually slightly decreased in the year ending (YE) September 2020 to 571,000, from 591,000 in the year ending (YE) September 2019.^[5]

In 2019, then Prime Minister,Boris Johnson pledged to reduce net migration to the UK (the number of people immigrating minus the number emigrating) below 250,000 per year.^[72] In 2021, net migration to the UK was 488,000,^[73] However, following the introduction of the post-Brexit points-based immigration system on 1 January 2021 under the second Conservative government of Prime Minister Boris Johnson, net migration is estimated to have reached a record high of 944,000 in year ending (YE) March 2023, with immigration at 1,469,000 and emigration at 525,000.^[5] Many commentators have since referred to the substantial increase in non-EU immigration, enabled under this new policy, as the "Boriswave".^{[74][75][76][77][78]}

Writing in the centre-left magazine "The New Statesman", Rachel Cunliffe explained that, "Unfortunately for those who had anticipated that the introduction of a such a system would bring down overall numbers, given Johnson had also promised to get net migration down, the opposite happened. A quick look at these graphs helpfully provided by the Office for National Statistics shows how dramatically immigration spiked after the new rules were introduced: inwards migration went from 737,000 people in year ending June 2021, to 1.1 million for year ending June 2022, 1.32 million for year ending June 2023."^[75]

For the year ending (YE) June 2025, the top three nationalities from non-EU+ countries immigrating on work-related visas wereIndian,Pakistani, andNigerian.^[5] The Office for National Statistics' provisional estimate, released in November 2025 on migration in the year ending (YE) June 2025, stated that long-term net migration in the year ending (YE) June 2025 was 204,000: non-EU+ nationals at 383,000 net migration, British nationals at -109,000, and EU+ nationals at -70,000.^[5]

In May 2025, Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer introduced new rules on immigration, claiming they would significantly reduce net migration to approximately 100,000 annually. Key measures include extending the residency requirement for citizenship from five to ten years, phasing out the recruitment of foreign care workers by 2028, increasing the immigration skills charge for employers by 32%, shortening the post-graduation work period for international students from two years to 18 months, tightening English language requirements for visa applicants and their adult dependents, and proposing legislation to limit asylum seekers' use of Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights to streamline deportations.^[79] However, the OBR forecasted, in November 2025, that net migration will rise to 327,000 in 2029 and 340,000 in 2030, "as the latest evidence suggests immigrant stay rates in the UK under the new migration system have risen more than we assumed in March".^[80][81]

Illegal immigrants in the UK include those who have:

• entered the UK without authority
• entered with false documents
• overstayed their visas

Illegal immigrants enter the UK through a variety of clandestine and exploitative routes, by crossing the English Channel in small boats, stowing away in the back of heavy goods vehicles (HGVs) or on international trains, utilising counterfeit or stolen identity documents to bypass airport security, or by legally arriving on short-term visas and subsequently overstaying their leave to remain. Furthermore, some claim asylum at a designated port of entry, such as an airport, immediately upon arrival.

ThePew Research Centre, an American think tank, estimated in 2019 that in 2017 there were between 800,000 and 1,200,000 illegal immigrants in the UK, before the English Channel illegal immigrant crossings that proliferated from 2018 onwards. Pew Research Centre later released a new estimate of between 700,000 and 900,000 illegal immigrants in the UK in 2017^[82] Illegal immigrants are 24 times more likely to go to prison than British citizens.^[83]

Organised efforts of illegal immigrants attempting to clandestinely enter the UK fromCalais date back to at least the late 1990s, primarily by concealing themselves within freight lorries or cross-border trains before the illegal small boat channel crossings proliferated from 2018 onwards. The situation at Calais escalated significantly in 2015 with the establishment of a large-scale informal camp, theCalais Jungle.^[84]

The UK has long suffered from widespread student visa abuse; in 2024, 16,000 foreign students, after entering the UK on student visas, applied for asylum. "We've seen visa abuse in the case of legal routes, where people have gone legally and then sought to overstay when their visas weren't extended", said the UK's Indo-Pacific Minister in November 2025.^[85]

People smugglers promote the UK, claiming it is the ultimate asylum destination, as working in the gig economy is "easy" and that the government will provide a "free" hotel room. One Istanbul-based smuggler said, "all you need is a mobile phone and a bike" to make "good money". Illegal immigrants housed in Home Office-funded UK hotels bypass standard right-to-work checks by paying between £75 and £100 a week to work using the food delivery app accounts of riders who are legally registered with the delivery platforms. They use bikes and illegal e-bikes, many modified to exceed speed limits. A resident based in a London hotel, in which hundreds of male illegal immigrants live, said "nearly all" of them were working as couriers.^[86]

The illegal small boat crossings were first reported on in 2015 when a sporadic number of small boats arrived off the Kent coast from France.^[87] On 28 December 2018, the UK Home Secretary declared a "major incident" regarding illegal immigrants attempting to cross the channel.^[88]

The largest number of illegal immigrants to illegally enter the UK by crossing the English Channel on a single day in 2025 was 1,195 on 19 different boats on 31 May 2025.^[89]

As of 2 February 2026, theHome Office has detected 193,599 migrants who have crossed the English Channel in small boats since 2018.^[90][91] Crossing the Channel without permission is a criminal offence under UK law, as is to attempt to use a dangerous type of vessel or any unregistered craft under French law.^[92]

The UK is a signatory to theUN1951 Refugee Convention as well as the1967 Protocol and has therefore a responsibility to not return (refoule) people who seek asylum and fall into the legal definition of a "refugee" to where they would face persecution. Policy researchers argue that the 1951 Refugee Convention does not contain a "right to asylum" (a right to be admitted) but only a right of non-refoulement (non-returning to danger). They contend that courts and NGOs have "misunderstood" and "truncated" the text to create a permissive obligation that results in the UK to accepting asylum claims that it legally does not have to.^[94]

As of June 30, 2025, approximately 35,700 people had been resettled in the UK under the specific Afghan relocation and resettlement schemes (ARAP, ACRS, and ARR) since the August 2021 withdrawal.^[95]

In 2021 the government also launched ascheme for Hongkongers following theHong Kong national security law, with an estimated thousands emigrating to the UK either as refugees, asylum seekers or under student visas.^[96] By January 2024, more than 191,000 Hong Kong-born residents had applied for a visa.^[97]

In response to the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine, the UK in 2022 created multiple special humanitarian visas for Ukrainians. As of 31 March 2025, 223,000 people had arrived in the UK via the Homes for Ukraine (165,000 people), now closed Ukraine Family Scheme (58,000 people), though over 40% (93,000 people) have left since arriving.^[98]

The UK also operates the UK Resettlement Scheme, Community Sponsorship Scheme and Mandate Resettlement Scheme.^[99] Previous UK resettlement schemes included theGateway Protection Programme and theSyrian Vulnerable Person Resettlement Programme.^[100][101]

In 1956, the majority of the public in was in favour of immigration (72%, 37% for free entry) so long as work was available (35%) with only 18% thinking it should be controlled, however by 1958, opinion against immigration had shifted with 65% in favour of control, rising to 73% by May 1961.^[102] In a Gallup poll in 1958, this polled at 79.1% as a result ofthe riots, and 81.5% in the London area.^[103] In the early to mid-1960s, over 80% of the public felt too many immigrants had been let into the country.^[104][105] 76% approved of the government's efforts torestrict immigration in 1962, 72% approved again inMarch 1968.^[106] In another poll in 1968, 95% of the public agreed with efforts to control immigration.^[107]

During the 1960s, the majority of the public agreed with voluntary repatriation.^[108] In March 1968, 59% agreed with voluntary repatriation.^[108] At Enoch Powell's speech inApril 1968, 64% agreed with voluntary repatriation.^[108] 58% agreed in September 1972 with voluntary repatriation with 40% disagreeing.^[108] 43% in 1974 and 37% in 1979 were in favour of forced repatriation.^[109]

In January 1969, 76% believed there should be restrictions on Asians in Kenya from entering the country, while 17% disagreed.^[110][108] In March 1971, 59% agreed with the government'simmigration bill, with 17% disagreeing and 25% don't know.^[108] 57% in July 1972 agreed with restricting the settlement of Ugandan Asians into the country, with 32% disagreeing.^{[111][110][108]} In 1978, 86% thought too many immigrants had been let into the country.^[105]

In 2008, 57% of adults believed that more people should be leaving Britain than entering, with 28% believing the number should be kept at roughly equal amounts.^[112] In 2025, 45% supported "Admitting no more new migrants, and requiring large numbers of migrants who came to the UK in recent years to leave", with 44% opposed. 64% opposed "Immigration levels remaining as they are", with 22% supporting.^[113]

YouGov polling showed 'Immigration & Asylum' overtook 'The economy' as 'The most important issues facing the country' in June 2025.^[114] YouGov polling from September 2025 found 50% viewed immigration to have a negative impact, 22% an equal (negative and positive) impact, and 22% views immigration to have a positive impact.^[115]

59% of Conservative party delegates in 1979 agreed with voluntary repatriation.^[116][117] 56% believed in 1983 that Britain's immigration laws were "too lenient" and 14% were in favour of forced repatriation.^[118]

In 2008, 45% of Labour supporters agreed with more people leaving the country rather than entering, with this being 66% among Conservative supporters.^[112]

The Migration Advisory Committee (MAC) first reported in 2008, identifying skilled occupations with labour shortages to support the UK's Points-Based System and producing shortage occupation lists to guide employer recruitment of migrants. In February 2011, theLeader of the Labour Party,Ed Miliband, stated that he thought that the Labour government's decision to permit the unlimited immigration of eastern European migrants had been a mistake, arguing that they had underestimated the potential number of migrants and that the scale of migration had had a negative impact on wages.^[119][120]

The final annual report under theConservative government, published in December 2023, concluded that migrant exploitation remained a concern within the UK labour market, provided analysis of how migration shaped labour market dynamics in 2023, and examined regional and national variations in the use of the immigration system. The report also summarised research commissioned by the MAC that year, offering insights into the effectiveness of existing migration policies and highlighting the need for continued monitoring and evidence-based adjustments.^{[citation needed]}

The 2024 annual report, released under the new Labour government, reviewed recent immigration trends and the government’s efforts to link migration policy with domestic skills development. It concluded that net migration between 2021 and 2023 was unusually high, mainly due to increased numbers of international students and non-EU work immigration, especially via the "Health and Care Worker" visa route. The MAC found that increasing domestic skills does not automatically reduce reliance on migrant labour, as impacts vary by sector. For the first time, it provided its own estimates of the fiscal impact of migrants, finding that Skilled Worker migrants are net contributors to public finances. The report recommended improvements to visa schemes, including greater certainty and protections for seasonal workers, and endorsed the continuation of the graduate route for international students. The MAC also began reviews of family visa income requirements and sectoral reliance on migration, with further findings expected in 2025.^{[citation needed]}

• Historical immigration to Great Britain
• Foreign-born population of the United Kingdom
• Demographics of the United Kingdom
• 2024 United Kingdom riots
• 2025 British anti-immigration protests
• 2015 European migrant crisis
• Calais Jungle
• Migration Watch UK

• Immigration & Nationality Directorate at theHome Office
• Moving Here, the UK's biggest online database of digitised photographs, maps, objects, documents and audio items from 30 local and national archives, museums and libraries; recording migration experiences of the last 200 years
• Summary of UK immigration rules from the Home Office
• Statement of Changes to the Immigration Rules HC 1078

• Demographics of the United Kingdom
• History of immigration to the United Kingdom
• Immigration to the United Kingdom
• Ethnic groups in the United Kingdom
• Multiracial affairs in Europe

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