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Multilateralism

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(Redirected fromMinilateralism)
Alliance between multiple countries in pursuit of a common goal

Ininternational relations,multilateralism refers to analliance of multiple countries pursuing a common goal. Multilateralism is based on the principles of inclusivity, equality, and cooperation, and aims to foster a more peaceful, prosperous, and sustainable world.[1]Middle powers play a crucial role in the international system by promoting multilateralism andinternationalism.[2][3]

One of the key advantages of multilateralism is that it enables countries to solve problems that transcend national boundaries, such as climate change, terrorism, and pandemics, through shared responsibility and burden-sharing.[4] However, multilateralism is not without its challenges. The rise of populism, nationalism, and protectionism in some countries has raised concerns about the future of multilateralism and the effectiveness of international cooperation.[5]

Definitions

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Multilateralism, in the form of membership in international institutions, serves to bind powerful nations, discourageunilateralism, and gives small powers a voice and influence that they could not otherwise exercise. For a small power to influence a great power, theLilliputian strategy of small countries banding together to collectively bind a larger one can be effective. Similarly, multilateralism may allow one great power to influence another great power. For a great power to seek control through bilateral ties could be costly; it may require bargaining and compromise with the other great power.

Miles Kahler defines multilateralism as "international governance" orglobal governance of the "many," and its central principle was "opposition [to]bilateral discriminatory arrangements that were believed to enhance the leverage of the powerful over the weak and to increase international conflict.";[6]Robert Keohane defined it as "the practice of coordinating national policies in groups of three or more states."[7]

John Ruggie further elaborated the concept in his influential writings on multilateralism. Based on principles of "indivisibility" and "diffusereciprocity he defined it as "an institutional form which coordinates relations among three or more states based on 'generalized' principles of conduct ... which specify appropriate conduct for a class of actions, without regard to particularistic interests of the parties or the strategic exigencies that may exist in any occurrence."[8] He further clarified that multilateralism is 'a unique product of US global hegemony [. . . ] not necessarily a post-war American invention', but a reflection of post-war 'Americanhegemony'.[9]

Embedding the target state in a multilateral alliance reduces the costs borne by the power-seeking control, but it also offers the same binding benefits of the Lilliputian strategy. Furthermore, if a small power seeks control over another small power, multilateralism may be the only choice, because small powers rarely have the resources to exert control on their own. As such, power disparities are accommodated to the weaker states by having more predictable bigger states and means to achieve control through collective action. Powerful states also buy into multilateral agreements by writing the rules and having privileges such as veto power and special status.[citation needed]

International organizations, such as theUnited Nations (UN) and theWorld Trade Organization, are multilateral in nature. The main proponents of multilateralism have traditionally been themiddle powers, such as Canada, Australia, Switzerland, theBenelux countries and theNordic countries. Larger states often actunilaterally, while smaller ones may have little direct power ininternational affairs aside from participation in the United Nations (by consolidating their UN vote in a voting bloc with other nations, for example.) Multilateralism may involve several nations acting together, as in the UN, or may involve regional or military alliances, pacts, or groupings, such asNATO. These multilateral institutions are not imposed on states but are created and accepted by them to increase their ability to seek their own interests through the coordination of their policies. Moreover, they serve as frameworks that constrain opportunistic behaviour and encourage coordination by facilitating the exchange of information about the actual behaviour of states regarding the standards to which they have consented.

The term "regional multilateralism" has been proposed byHarris Mylonas and Emirhan Yorulmazlar, suggesting that "contemporary problems can be better solved at the regional rather than the bilateral or global levels" and that bringing together the concept ofregional integration with that of multilateralism is necessary in today's world.[10]Regionalism dates from the time of the earliest development of political communities, where economic and political relations naturally had a strong regionalist focus due to restrictions on technology, trade, and communications.[11]

Theconverse of multilateralism isunilateralism, in terms ofpolitical philosophy. Other authors have used the term "minilateralism" to refer to the fewest states required to get the biggest results through this institutional form.[12]

The foreign policy that India formulated after independence reflected its idiosyncratic culture and political traditions. Speaking in the Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Parliament of India, in March 1950, Nehru affirmed: “It should not be supposed that we are starting on a clean slate. It is a policy that flowed from our recent history and our national movement and its development and various ideals, we have proclaimed. (Nehru, 1961, p. 34). In fact, the foreign policy culture of India is an elite culture, meaning, in effect, that the writings and speeches of select leading figures of the Indian foreign policy elite provide an insight into the key ideas and norms constituting the foundation ofIndia's foreign policy.[13]

History

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One modern instance of multilateralism occurred in the nineteenth century in Europe after the end of theNapoleonic Wars, where the great powers met to redraw the map of Europe at theCongress of Vienna (November 1814 to June 1815). TheConcert of Europe, as it became known, was a group of great and lesser powers that would meet to resolve issues peacefully. Conferences such as theConference of Berlin in 1884 helped reduce power conflicts during this period, and the 19th century was one of Europe's most peaceful.[14]

Industrial and colonial competition, combined with shifts in the balance of power after the creation - by diplomacy and conquest - of Germany by Prussia meant cracks were appearing in this system by the turn of the 20th century. The concert system was utterly destroyed by theFirst World War. After that conflict, world leaders created theLeague of Nations (which became the precursor of theUnited Nations) in an attempt to prevent a similar conflict.[15] Although the League of Nations failed in its security mission, it initiated a variety of specialized organizations that continue to operate today. Moreover, although the US did not join, it did provide a degree of support from individual Americans and American philanthropies that started a tradition of public and private participation.[16]

After the Second World War the victors, drawing upon experience from the League's failure, created the United Nations in 1945. Since then, the "breadth and diversity" of multilateral arrangements have escalated.[8] Unlike the League, the UN had the active participation of the United States and theSoviet Union, the world's then greatest contemporary powers. Along with the political institutions of the UN, the post-war years also saw the development of organizations such as theGeneral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) (now theWorld Trade Organization), theWorld Bank, and theInternational Monetary Fund (IMF) (the so-called 'Bretton Woods' institutions), and other technical institutions that were part of the UN system—including theWorld Health Organization. Formation of these and other subsequent bodies under the United Nations made the new system more powerful than the old League system.[17] Moreover, United Nationspeacekeepers stationed around the world became a visible symbol of multilateralism. Later, theNorth Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) was formed as a defensive alliance that used the multilateral form to promotecollective security in the postwar era.

Multilateral institutions of varying scope and subject matter range from theInternational Telecommunication Union (ITU) to theWorld Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) andOrganisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW)

Challenges

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The multilateral system has encountered mounting challenges since the end of the Cold War.[18]

The United States became increasingly dominant in terms of military andeconomic power, which has led countries such as Iran, China and India to question the UN's relevance. Concurrently, a perception developed among internationalists such as formerUN Secretary-GeneralKofi Annan, that the United States is more inclined to act unilaterally in situations with international implications. This trend began when the U.S. Senate, in October 1999, refused to ratify theComprehensive Test Ban Treaty, which PresidentBill Clinton had signed in September 1996.[19] Under PresidentGeorge W. Bush the United States rejected such multilateral agreements as theKyoto Protocol, theInternational Criminal Court, theOttawa Treaty banninganti-personnel land mines and a draft protocol to ensure compliance by States with theBiological Weapons Convention. Also under theGeorge W. Bush administration, the United States withdrew from theAnti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, which the RichardNixon administration and the Soviet Union had signed in 1972.

These challenges presented by the U.S. could be explained by a strong belief in bilateral alliances as instruments of control. Liberal institutionalists would argue, though, that great powers might still opt for a multilateral alliance. But great powers can amplify their capabilities to control small powers and maximize their leverage by forging a series of bilateral arrangements with allies, rather than see that leverage diluted in a multilateral forum. Arguably, the Bush administration favoured bilateralism over multilateralism, or even unilateralism, for similar reasons. Rather than going it alone or going it with others, the administration opted for intensive one-on-one relationships with handpicked countries that maximized the U.S. capacity to achieve its objectives.[20]

Another challenge in global governance through multilateralism involves national sovereignty. Regardless of the erosion of nation-states' legal and operational sovereignty in international relations, "nation-states remain the ultimate locus of authoritative decision making regarding most facets of public and private life".[21]Hoffman asserted that nation-states are "unlikely to embrace abstract obligations that clash with concrete calculations of national interest."[21]

Global multilateralism is challenged, particularly with respect to trade, by regional arrangements such as theEuropean Union andNAFTA, although these are not in themselves incompatible with larger accords. The original sponsor of post-war multilateralism in economic regimes, the United States, turned towards unilateral action and in trade and other negotiations as a result of dissatisfaction with the outcomes of multilateral fora. As the most powerful nation, the United States had the least to lose from abandoning multilateralism; the weakest nations have the most to lose, but the cost for all would be high.[22] Aside from changes in the US,populism in Europe has proven to be problematic to multilateralism in recent years. Results from direct elections to theEuropean Parliament give evidence to this claim, as Eurosceptic parties have made advances.[23]

Comparison with bilateralism

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Powerplay: Bilateral versus Multilateral Control
Target State:
Small Power
Target State:
Great Power
Small power(s) seeking
control over target
Quadrant 1
multilateralism
Quadrant 2
multilateralism
Great power seeking control
over target
Quadrant 3
bilateralism
Quadrant 4
multilateralism
Source:Victor Cha'sPowerplay: Bilateral versus Multilateral Control.[24]

When enacting foreign policies, governments face a choice between unilateralism,bilateralism and multilateralism.

Bilateralism means coordination with another single country. Multilateralism has attempted to find common ground based on generalized principles of conduct, in addition to details associated with a particular agreement.Victor Cha argued that: power asymmetries predict the type of structures, bilateral or multilateral, that offer the most control. If small powers try to control a larger one, then multilateralism is effective. But if great powers seek control over smaller ones, bilateral alliances are more effective.[24]

Thus, a country's decision to select bilateralism or multilateralism when enacting foreign policies is greatly affected by its size and power, as well as the size and power of the country over which it seeks to control. Take the example ofForeign Policy of the United States. Many references discuss how the United States interacts with other nations. In particular, the United States chose multilateralism in Europe and decided to formNATO, while it formed bilateral alliances, or theHub and spokes architecture, in East Asia. Although there are many arguments about the reasons for this, Cha's "powerplay" theory provides one possible reason. He argued:

...postwar U.S planners had to contend with a region uniquely constituted of potential rogue allies, through their aggressive behaviour, could potentially entrap the United States in an unwanted wider war in Asia... To avoid this outcome, the United States created a series of tight, deep bilateral alliances with Taiwan, South Korea, and Japan through which it could exercise maximum control and prevent unilateral aggression. Furthermore, it did not seek to make these bilateral alliances multilateral, because it wanted to amplify U.S. control and minimize any collusion among its partners.[24]

See also

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Notes

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  1. ^Wijk, Rob de; Thompson, Jack; Chavannes, Esther (2020).Adjusting the Multilateral System to Safeguard Dutch Interests (Technical report). p. 17–33.JSTOR resrep26672.5. RetrievedMay 9, 2024.
  2. ^Efstathopoulos, Charalampos (March 4, 2023). "Global IR and the middle power concept: exploring different paths to agency".Australian Journal of International Affairs.77 (2):213–232.doi:10.1080/10357718.2023.2191925.hdl:2160/6266dc76-5168-4a2c-8e33-4bd207139ff0.ISSN 1035-7718.
  3. ^Laurence, Marion (October 18, 2023). "Middle Powers".Oxford Research Encyclopedia of International Studies. Oxford University Press.doi:10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.783.ISBN 978-0-19-084662-6.
  4. ^OECD (2021).OECD Science, Technology and Innovation Outlook 2021 Times of Crisis and Opportunity: Times of Crisis and Opportunity. OECD Publishing. p. 42.ISBN 978-92-64-78432-1. RetrievedMay 9, 2024.
  5. ^"The future of multilateralism: three hard facts, three needs and one belief".Banque de France. October 11, 2023. RetrievedMay 9, 2024.
  6. ^Kahler, Miles. "Multilateralism with Small and Large Numbers." International Organization, 46, 3 (Summer 1992),681.
  7. ^Keohane, Robert O. "Multilateralism: An Agenda for Research." International Journal, 45 (Autumn 1990), 731.; see for a definition of the special features of "regional multilateralism" Michael, Arndt (2013). India's Foreign Policy and Regional Multilateralism (Palgrave Macmillan), pp. 12-16.
  8. ^abJohn Ruggie, "Multilateralism: the anatomy of an institution, "International Organization, 46:3, summer 1992, pp 561-598.
  9. ^Acharya, Amitava (2018-06-28), Weiss, Thomas G; Daws, Sam (eds.), "Multilateralism and the Changing World Order",The Oxford Handbook on the United Nations, Oxford University Press, pp. 780–796,doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198803164.013.43,ISBN 978-0-19-880316-4
  10. ^Harris Mylonas and Emirhan Yorulmazlar, "Regional multilateralism: The next paradigm in global affairs",CNN, January 14, 2012.
  11. ^Andrew Hurrell, "One world, many worlds: the place of regions in the study of international society," International Affairs, 83:1, 2007, pp 127-146.
  12. ^Brummer, Chris (2014), "Managing Minilateralism",Minilateralism, Cambridge University Press, pp. 165–198,doi:10.1017/cbo9781107281998.006,ISBN 978-1-107-28199-8
  13. ^Ardnt, Michael (2013).India's Foreign Policy and Regional Multilateralism (1 ed.). London, UK: Palgrave Macmillan UK.doi:10.1057/9781137263124.ISBN 978-1-349-44245-4. Retrieved1 October 2018.
  14. ^Adogame, Afe (2004). "The Berlin-Congo Conference 1884: The Partition of Africa and Implications for Christian Mission Today".Journal of Religion in Africa.34 (1/2): 188.doi:10.1163/157006604323056778.
  15. ^"The United Nations: An Introduction for Students." UN News Center. UN, n.d. Web. 25 Sept. 2013. <http://www.un.org/cyberschoolbus/unintro/unintro3.htm>.
  16. ^Ostrower, Gary B. (1996).The League of Nations. Avery Publishing Group.ISBN 0-89529-636-5.
  17. ^Claude, Inis L. (1984).Swords into plowshares: the problems and progress of international organization. Random House.ISBN 0-394-34053-1.OCLC 11425625.
  18. ^Kim Fontaine-Skronski, Valériane Thool & Norbert Eschborn,Does the UN Model Still Work? Challenges and Prospects for the Future of Multilateralism, Leiden, Brill, 2023,https://brill.com/display/title/61341
  19. ^Hook, Steven & Spanier, John (2007). "Chapter 12: America Under Fire".American Foreign Policy Since World War II. CQ Press. p. 305.ISBN 978-1-933116-71-6.
  20. ^Cha, Victor D. "Powerplay: Origins of the US alliance system in Asia." International Security 34.3 (2010):166-167
  21. ^abStanley Hoffmann, “World governance: beyond utopia,” Daedalus, 132:1, pp 27-35.
  22. ^Iain McLean; Alistair McMillan (26 February 2009).The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics. OUP Oxford. p. 519.ISBN 978-0-19-101827-5.
  23. ^"Home | 2019 European election results | European Parliament".www.election-results.eu/. Retrieved2019-09-09.
  24. ^abcCha, Victor D. "Powerplay: Origins of the US alliance system in Asia." International Security 34.3 (2010): 165-166


Further reading

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  • Woods, Ngaire (2023)."Multilateralism in the Twenty-First Century".Global Perspectives.4 (1): 68310.doi:10.1525/gp.2023.68310.
  • Kim Fontaine-Skronski, Valériane Thool & Norbert Eschborn,Does the UN Model Still Work? Challenges and Prospects for the Future of Multilateralism, Brill, 2023,ISBN 978-90-04-51648-9
  • Kathryn C. Lavelle,The Challenges of Multilateralism (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2020).ISBN 978-0-300-23045-1
  • Nicola Contessi, "Multilateralism" in Joel Krieger (ed.)Oxford Companion to International Relations (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2014), pp. 96–101.
  • Edward Newman, Ramesh Rhakur and John Tirman,Multilateralism Under Challenge (Tokyo: United Nations Press, 2006).
  • Michale Yahuda,The International Politics of the Asia-Pacific (New York: Routledge, 2011)
  • Rorden Wilkinson,Multilateralism and the World Trade Organisation: The Architecture and Extension of International Trade Regulation (New York: Routledge, 2000).
  • Claude, Inis L. (1984).Swords into plowshares : the problems and progress of international organization. Random House.ISBN 0-394-34053-1.OCLC 246372664.
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