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Kingdom of Greece Βασίλειον τῆς Ἑλλάδος Vasílion tis Elládos | |||||||||||
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| 1936–1941 | |||||||||||
 Unofficial emblem | |||||||||||
| Motto: Eleftheria i Thanatos Ελευθερία ή θάνατος "Freedom or Death" | |||||||||||
| Anthem: Ýmnos is tin Eleftherían Ὕμνος εἰς τὴν Ἐλευθερίαν "Hymn to Freedom" | |||||||||||
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| Capital and largest city | Athens | ||||||||||
| Common languages | Greek language | ||||||||||
| Religion | Greek Orthodox | ||||||||||
| Demonym(s) | Greek,Hellene | ||||||||||
| Government | Unitaryconstitutional monarchy under aMetaxistnonpartisanmilitary dictatorship | ||||||||||
| King | |||||||||||
• 1936–1941 | George II | ||||||||||
| Prime Minister | |||||||||||
• 1936–1941 | Ioannis Metaxas | ||||||||||
• 1941 | Alexandros Koryzis | ||||||||||
• 1941 | George II | ||||||||||
• 1941 | Emmanouil Tsouderos | ||||||||||
| History | |||||||||||
• Established | 4 August 1936 | ||||||||||
| 28 October 1940 | |||||||||||
| 29 January 1941 | |||||||||||
| 6 April 1941 | |||||||||||
| 18 April 1941 | |||||||||||
| 23 April 1941 | |||||||||||
| Currency | Greek drachma | ||||||||||
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| Today part of |  Greece | ||||||||||
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The4th of August Regime (Greek:Καθεστώς της 4ης Αυγούστου,romanized: Kathestós tis tetártis Avgoústou), commonly also known as theMetaxas regime (Καθεστώς Μεταξά,Kathestós Metaxá), was a dictatorial regime under the leadership of GeneralIoannis Metaxas that ruled theKingdom of Greece from 1936 to 1941.
On 4 August 1936, Metaxas, with the support of KingGeorge II, suspended theGreek parliament and went on to preside over aconservative, staunchlyanti-communist andultranationalist government under the ideology ofMetaxism, which has been described either as anauthoritarian conservative system[1] or as a Greek variation ofFascism;[2][3][a]; a middle position is that it was a regime with a strong Fascist component[4] or apara-fascist regime.[5] Metaxas himself and some contemporary historians have described the government astotalitarian.[6][7] In its symbolism and rhetoric, the regime took inspiration fromFascist Italy, but it retained close links to Britain and theFrench Third Republic, rather than theAxis powers. Being non-partisan, after Metaxas' death in January 1941, the regime hinged entirely on the King. Although Greece was occupied following theGerman invasion of Greece in April 1941 and the Greek government wasforced to go into exile in the British-controlledKingdom of Egypt, several prominent figures of the regime, notably the notorious security chiefKonstantinos Maniadakis, survived in cabinet for several months until the King was forced to dismiss them in accordance with a compromise with the representatives of the old democratic political establishment.
Metaxas imposed his regime primarily to fight the turbulent social situation prevalent in Greece in the 1930s, in which political factionalization had disrupted Greekparliamentary democracy. The sinking credibility of the Parliament was accompanied by severalcoup attempts; aVenizelistputsch failed in March 1935, and in the following October, elections reinforced theRoyalist majority, which allowed the exiled KingGeorge II to return to Greece.
The king re-established themonarchy in the country, but the parliament, split into incompatible factions, was unable to shape a clear political majority and form a government. Meanwhile, the increasing activity of theCommunists, whose 15 deputies from the1936 elections held the balance between 143 Monarchists and 142 Liberals, Agrarians, and Republicans, created a deadlock.
In May 1936, widespread agrarian unrest among tobacco farmers and industrial unrest in the north of the country erupted,[8] which eventually brought General Metaxas to suspend the parliament on the eve of a major strike, on 4 August 1936. Endorsed by the King, Metaxas declared astate of emergency, decreedmartial law, annulled various articles of the constitution, and established a crisis cabinet to put an end to the unrest and to restore the social order. In one of his first speeches, Metaxas announced: "I have decided to hold all the power I need for saving Greece from the catastrophes which threaten her."
Thus the Metaxas dictatorship was born, and the period of time which would follow was named after the day Metaxas rose to absolute power: 4 August. The new regime was backed by small extremist political parties, and by conservatives expecting a crackdown on the communists.
The roots of Metaxas' "New State" were sought in Greece's classical history. Metaxas thoughtGreek nationalism would galvanize "the heathen values ofancient Greece, specifically those ofSparta, along with theEastern Orthodox Christian values of the Medieval empire ofByzantium".[10]Ancient Macedonia was also glorified as the first political unifier of the Hellenes.[11] As its main symbol, the youth organization of the regime chose thelabrys/pelekys, the symbol of ancientMinoan Crete.
The traditional Greek values of "Country, Loyalty, Family and Religion", which Metaxas praised repeatedly, were also close to those of the ancient Spartans. The regime promoted the perceived Spartan ideals ofself-discipline,militarism and collective sacrifice, whileByzantium provided an emphasis on a centralized state and devotion to themonarchy andGreek Orthodox Church.[12]
Metaxas consideredAntónio Salazar'sEstado Novo ofPortugal his main inspiration[citation needed] and surrounded himself with elements from this and other dictatorial regimes of the time. Thus, his main ideological slogan was also "New State" (Neon Kratos) and 4 August regime used its own military-like uniforms, greetings, songs and rituals, including theRoman salute (which Metaxas considered Greek in origin as a salutation to the sun god Apollo, and he referred to it as the "Hellenikos Hairetismos" ("Hellenic Hailing")).[citation needed]
Metaxas' regime also developed characteristics typical of authoritarian states such as 1930s Italy and Germany: the regime's propaganda presented Metaxas as "the First Peasant", "the First Worker" and as "the National Father" of the Greeks. Like his contemporaries Hitler with Führer and Mussolini with Duce, Metaxas adopted the title ofArchigos, Greek for "leader" or "chieftain", and claimed that his regime had to lay the foundations for the appearance of a glorious "Third Hellenic Civilization" combining the best of ancient Greece and the GreekByzantine Empire of theMiddle Ages.
The Metaxas regime sought to comprehensively change Greece, and therefore instituted controls on Greek society, politics, language, and the economy. In each of these policy areas, the Metaxas government seemed more nearly an anticipation of Francoist Spain than to resemble its contemporariesNazi Germany orFascist Italy.
Greece since the 4th of August became an anticommunist State, an antiparliamentary State, a totalitarian State. A State based on its farmers and workers, and so antiplutocratic. There is not, of course, a particular party to govern. This party is all the People, except of the incorrigible communists and the reactionary old parties politicians.
— Ioannis Metaxas[13]
Having come to power intent on restoring public order, Metaxas' state largely achieved this goal, under the supervision of what can be described as its most fascist member, minister of public orderKonstantinos Maniadakis. Maniadakis created a second fake "communist party", published a fakeRizospastis and achieved the dissolution of all the communist organizations.
Metaxas' policies such as thecensorship of the media, the banning of political parties and prohibition ofstrikes copied contemporary European authoritarian regimes. As its far-right contemporaries Italy and Germany, the Greek State also had its political police force, theAsfaleia, based upon theGestapo (its chief Maniadakis maintained a close relationship withHimmler on methods and techniques). The objective of Asfaleia was to secure public order.
The regime also repressed therebetiko music due to the uncompromising lyrics and favoured the traditionalGreek folk music. Hashish dens,baglamas andbouzouki were banned, or at least playing in theeastern-style manner and scales. Probably inspired by theVölkisch movement, a massive promotion of theGreek folk music took place, though the radio and public festivals, mainly because of the animosity of the state towards thebouzoukis and therebetiko music. On this point the Greek communist left agreed, considering the rebetiko as "reactionary".
Soon after its inception the regime severely repressed the communists and leftists. About 15,000 people were arrested and jailed, or exiled for political reasons; some were subjected to torture. Metaxas' regime forced the Communist party underground, and also attempted to dismantle the old system of loyalties of the Royalist andVenizelist parties. Those major forces however remained, as they had for the preceding decades, and re-emerged immediately after the four-year Metaxas regime.
While Metaxas' regime did play up the communist threat in order to justify its repression, the regime is not known to have committed political murders and did not instate the death penalty. Dissidents were, rather, usually banished to tiny islands in theAegean Sea. For example, the liberal leaderGeorge Papandreou was exiled toAndros. TheGreek Communist Party (KKE), meanwhile, which had already been outlawed, remained intact. Legal restrictions against it finally were ended in 1974 duringmetapolitefsi.
Metaxas was educated in theGerman Empire and admired German culture. He supported the arts (theatrical, literary, musical, visual arts, etc.). He collaborated with significant intellectual figures of the era, likeStratis Myrivilis,Nikos Kazantzakis,Angelos Sikelianos,Manolis Kalomoiris,Angelos Terzakis, "Nelly's" (Elli Seraidari), and others, to promote the ideas of the regime, especially to the youth.
Another notable policy was the use and promotion ofDemotic Greek (Demotiki) in the educational system (but in a conservative form), instead ofKatharevousa.Manolis Triantafyllidis was appointed to create the Demotic grammar used.
In order to keep and maintain the values of the regime in future years, Metaxas gave birth to theEthniki Organosi Neolaias (Εθνική Οργάνωση Νεολαίας,National Organisation of Youth, EON).
The EON brought together youths of all economic and social strata into one single body. Boys' education emphasized discipline and physical training, while girls were taught to become supportive wives and caring mothers to breed a stronger, healthier new generation. The EON published a fortnightly magazine calledNeolaia (Νεολαία, Greek for "Youth"), which had much influence both in schools and in higher education.
Metaxas' vision was to create, through the youth, the "Third Hellenic Civilization", a continuity of the ancient Greek and Byzantine civilization.
The EON was disbanded by the German-Italian occupying authority in Greece following its vigorous resistance of the invasion.
As in most other totalitarian regimes, 4 August regime adopted a strong nationalistic program: although Metaxas was opposed to the invasion of Asia Minor as part of theMegali Idea, he used strong nationalist language concerning Greek minorities in neighbouring countries[citation needed] and in answering threats from Greece's neighbours in the still volatile southeast Europe. As with many nation states at the time, he used language exalting his people's race.
Ethnic and linguistic minorities (mainlySlavic-speakers of Greek Macedonia) were persecuted under Metaxas' rule.[14] The regime, however, was tolerant to theGreek Jews, repealing the anti-Semitic laws of previous regimes. A large community of Sephardic Jews was present in the region of Thessaloniki which was annexed by Greece in 1913, and Jews were largely in opposition toVenizelism. Metaxas was firmly opposed to the irredentist factions of the Slavophones of northern Greece (most of whom were Bulgarians), some of whom underwent political persecution due to advocacy ofirredentism with regard to neighbouring countries.[14]
Metaxas' regime continued repression of the use of Slavic languages both in public and in private and of expressions of Slavic cultural distinctiveness. DuringWorld War II, theGreek-identifying Slavophones fought in theHellenic Army indefense of Greece, whereas those who didn't, collaborated with the occupational forces following Greece's capitulation.
Again, in contrast to some totalitarian regimes, no mass killings were ever instituted and there is no evidence that any were planned.[14]
One of 4 August government's main objectives was the repudiation of the old capitalist system and its replacement with acorporatist economic system in order to promote national and social solidarity. This idea "harmonized perfectly with Metaxas' convictions on social and national solidarity as well as his rejection of individualism and class struggle". The plan for the creation of a corporatist state was manifest in the early days of the regime by public declarations by Metaxas and by government ministers.[15]
To this end, Deputy Premier and Finance Minister Konstantinos Zavitsianos "published details about a horizontal (according to branches of production), not vertical (according to social class), syndicalist organization" of the state. However, due to the external crisis with Italy, the plan had to be temporarily postponed with the result that it never fully materialized.[15]
Metaxas' government, initially unpopular, also gained popularity through an elaborate program to socialize the Greek economy, including:
Many elements of this program persist in Greek economic policy. Metaxas' regime founded the Workers' Center (Εργατικό Κέντρο), which was established to look after workers' housing and recreation, among other things.
The 4th of August regime initially stabilized thedrachma, which had been suffering from high inflation. Exploiting the newfound solidity of the currency, Metaxas' government embarked on largepublic works programs (such as theEllinikon International Airport), includingland drainage, construction of railways, road improvements, and modernization of the telecommunications infrastructure.
Metaxas' economic program met with initial success, with a marked rise inper capita income and temporary decline in unemployment in Greece between 1936 and 1938 (unemployment skyrocketed after 1938). Capitalizing on this success, the government instituteddebt relief for farmers and institutedprice floors on some agricultural goods to redistribute wealth to the countryside.
Also, on the legislation sector the Greek civil code, was finally completed by a jurist commission; a plan pending since the years ofOtto of Greece.
Another organization established by the regime was for the first time a state radio station; the YRE (todayERT), suitable also for the propaganda of the regime.
Also, during the years of the regime, the first law was made to establish theNational parks of Greece, as an example of the physiolatry, promoted by the regime. However, during these years,Ilissos river was covered in Athens.
There is some debate over the regime's relationship to other far-right regimes of the 1930s, especiallyFascist Italy andNazi Germany.[16] Some of the main and important differences of Metaxas' regime as compared to other far-right governments include:
Foreign policy was one of the main concerns of 4 August regime. Metaxas, who had studied in Germany as a youth, was pro-German, while the King was pro-British. This caused heated discussions between the two, but the reality of 1930s Europe was that Greece's security depended less on Germany than on her traditional ally and protector, theUnited Kingdom, which was theGreat Power dominating the EasternMediterranean Sea with her fleet. In addition, Italian leaderBenito Mussolini's grandiose schemes to build a new Roman Empire in the Mediterranean directly clashed with Greek pretensions to control the Aegean Sea and theDodecanese islands (then under Italian control) and to exert stronger influence in Albania.
As tensions and threat of war increased in Europe just before World War II, the situation was almost exactly the same as the position before World War I, when Greece had strong pro-German affinities in government, but it depended on Great Britain for its security. Most observers were anticipating Greece would attempt to remain neutral. Metaxas indeed attempted to maintain strict neutrality, but Italianexpansionism eventually led to an Italian ultimatum and to theGreco-Italian War. However, Greek forces repelled the Italian invasion completely and pushed the Italians back intoAlbania, where the invasion had been launched. In fact, some territories in Albaniawhere the Greek minority lives were claimed to be 'alliberated' and Metaxas' plans were to unite them with the rest of Greece.
Metaxas died suddenly in January 1941 among dark circumstances. His death raised hopes of a liberalization of his regime and the restoration of parliamentary rule, but King George quashed these hopes when he retained the regime's machinery in place. In the meantime,Adolf Hitler was reluctantly[according to whom?] forced to divert German troops to rescue Mussolini from defeat, and entered theBattle of Greece throughYugoslavia and Bulgaria on April 6, 1941. Metaxas' successor Prime MinisterAlexandros Koryzis, committed suicide on April 18, 1941, when the Germans approached Athens. On April 27, 1941, Athens was occupied by the Germans.
Despite British assistance, by the end of May, the Germans had overrun most of the country. The 4th of August regime collapsed on May 29, 1941. The King and the government escaped to Crete, where they stayed until the end of theBattle of Crete. They then transferred toEgypt, where aGreek government in exile was established. An alternative destination of Cyprus was rejected by the British, who feared that it might reinforceGreek claims on the island.
Meanwhile, in Greece afascist puppet government was placed into power by the Axis powers.
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As the Axis occupation ended, Greece descended intocivil war between the communist-dominated forces of the left, operating in Greece and from bases in the south of Yugoslavia, and the U.S.- and UK-aligned forces of the political right. This was the first major protracted combat of theCold War, one of the first exercises in U.S. policy ofContainment, and a subject of theTruman Doctrine of U.S. PresidentHarry S. Truman. The alignments were quite different from the Venizelist-Monarchist National Schism, as most Venizelists supported the right-wing alliance during the civil war.
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