The concept of connecting these killings to theideology of the states that committed them has been both supported and criticized by the academic community. Some academics view this connection as causal in nature, and thus as an indictment ofcommunism as anideology, while other academics view such analyses as being overly simplistic and rooted inanti-communism. There is academic debate over whether the killings should be attributed to the political system, or primarily to the individual leaders of thecommunist states; similarly, there is debate over whether all thefamines which occurred during the rule of communist states can be considered mass killings. Mass killings committed by communist states have been compared to killings which were committed by other types of states. Monuments to individuals and groups considered to be victims ofcommunism exist in almost all the capitals ofEastern Europe, as well as many other cities in the world.
Several different terms are used to describe the intentional killing of large numbers of noncombatants.[1][2][3][4][5][6] According to historianAnton Weiss-Wendt, the field of comparativegenocide studies has very "little consensus on defining principles such as definition of genocide, typology, application of a comparative method, and timeframe."[7] According to professor of economics Attiat Ott,mass killing has emerged as a "more straightforward" term.[8]
The following terminology has been used by individual authors to describe mass killings of unarmed civilians bycommunist governments, individually or as a whole:
Classicide – sociologistMichael Mann has proposedclassicide to mean the "intended mass killing of entiresocial classes."[9][10]Classicide is considered "premeditated mass killing" narrower thangenocide in that it targets a part of a population defined by its social status, but broader thanpoliticide in that the group is targeted without regard to their political activity.[11]
Crime against humanity – historianKlas-Göran Karlsson usescrimes against humanity, which includes "the direct mass killings of politically undesirable elements, as well as forced deportations and forced labour." Karlsson acknowledges that the term may be misleading in the sense that the regimes targeted groups of their own citizens, but he considers it useful as a broad legal term which emphasizes attacks on civilian populations and because the offenses demean humanity as a whole.[12] HistorianJacques Sémelin, as well as Michael Mann,[13] believe thatcrime against humanity is more appropriate thangenocide orpoliticide when speaking of violence by communist regimes.[5]
Democide – political scientistRudolph Rummel defineddemocide as "the intentional killing of an unarmed or disarmed person by government agents acting in their authoritative capacity and pursuant to government policy or high command."[14] His definition covers a wide range of deaths, includingforced labor andconcentration camp victims, killings by "unofficial" private groups, extrajudicialsummary killings, and mass deaths due to the governmental acts of criminal omission and neglect, such as in deliberate famines as well as killings byde facto governments, such as warlords or rebels in a civil war.[15] This definition covers any murder of any number of persons by any government,[16] and it has been applied to killings that were perpetrated by communist regimes.[17][18]
Genocide – under theGenocide Convention, thecrime of genocide generally applies to themass murder ofethnic rather than political or social groups. The clause which granted protection to political groups was eliminated from theUnited Nations resolution after a second vote because many states, including theSoviet Union underJoseph Stalin,[19][20] feared that it could be used to impose limitations on their right to suppress internal disturbances.[21][22] Scholarly studies of genocide usually acknowledge the UN's omission of economic and political groups and use mass political killing datasets ofdemocide andgenocide and politicide orgeno-politicide.[23] The killings that were committed by theKhmer Rouge inCambodia has been labeled agenocide or anautogenocide, and the deaths that occurred underLeninism andStalinism in the Soviet Union, as well as those that occurred underMaoism inChina, have been controversially investigated as possible cases. In particular, theSoviet famine of 1930–1933 and theGreat Chinese Famine, which occurred during theGreat Leap Forward, have both been "depicted as instances of mass killing underpinned by genocidal intent."[24]
Red holocaust – the term, which was coined by theMunich Institut für Zeitgeschichte,[25][26] has been used by professor of comparative economic systemsSteven Rosefielde for communist "peacetime state killings", while stating that it "could be defined to include all murders (judicially sanctioned terror-executions), criminal manslaughter (lethal forced labor andethnic cleansing), and felonious negligent homicide (terror-starvation) incurred from insurrectionary actions and civil wars prior to state seizure, and all subsequent felonious state killings."[27] According to historian Jörg Hackmann, this term is not popular among scholars in Germany or internationally.[26] HistorianAlexandra Laignel-Lavastine writes that usage of this term "allows the reality it describes to immediately attain, in the Western mind, a status equal to that of theextermination of the Jews by theNazi regime."[28][29] Political scientistMichael Shafir writes that the use of the term supports the "competitive martyrdom component ofDouble Genocide", a theory whose worst version isHolocaust obfuscation.[30] Professor of political science George Voicu wrote that Leon Volovici, a literary historian of Jewish culture, has "rightfully condemned the abusive use of this concept as an attempt to 'usurp' and undermine a symbol specific to the history ofEuropean Jews."[31]
Mass killing – professor of psychologyErvin Staub definedmass killing as "killing members of a group without the intention to eliminate the whole group or killing large numbers of people without a precise definition of group membership. In a mass killing the number of people killed is usually smaller than in genocide."[32][33] Referencing earlier definitions,[34] Professors of economics Joan Esteban, Massimo Morelli, and Dominic Rohner have definedmass killings as "the killings of substantial numbers of human beings, when not in the course of military action against the military forces of an avowed enemy, under the conditions of the essential defenselessness and helplessness of the victims."[35] The term has been defined by political scientistBenjamin Valentino as "the intentional killing of a massive number of noncombatants", where a "massive number" is defined as at least 50,000 intentional deaths over the course of five years or less.[36] This is the most accepted quantitative minimum threshold for the term.[35] He applied this definition to the cases ofStalin's Soviet Union,China under Mao Zedong and Cambodia under the Khmer Rouge while admitting that "mass killings on a smaller scale" also appear to have been carried out by regimes inNorth Korea,Vietnam,Eastern Europe (in specific nations of the Warsaw Pact, like Poland) and various nations inAfrica.[37] Alongside Valentino, political scientistJay Ulfelder has used a threshold of 1,000 killed.[38] Professor ofpeace and conflict studiesAlex J. Bellamy states that 14 of the 38 instances of "mass killing since 1945 perpetrated by non-democratic states outside the context of war" were by communist governments.[39] Professor of political science Atsushi Tago and professor of international relations Frank W. Wayman usedmass killing from Valentino and concluded that even with a lower threshold (10,000 killed per year, 1,000 killed per year, or even 1 killed per year) "autocratic regimes, especially communist, are prone to mass killing generically, but not so strongly inclined (i.e. not statistically significantly inclined) toward geno-politicide."[40] According to professor of economics Attiat F. Ott and associate professor of economics Sang Hoo Bae, there is a general consensus thatmass killing constitutes the act of intentionally killing a number of non-combatants, but that number can range from as few as four to more than 50,000 people.[41] Sociologist Yang Su used a definition ofmass killing from Valentino but allows as a "significant number" more than 10 killed in one day in one town.[42] He usedcollective killing for analysis of mass killing in areas smaller than a whole country that may not meet Valentino's threshold.[43]
Politicide – genocide scholarBarbara Harff definesgenocide andpoliticide, sometimes shortened asgeno-politicide, to include the killing of political, economic, ethnic, and cultural groups, some of whom would not otherwise be covered by the Genocide Convention.[44][45][46] Political science Manus I. Midlarsky usespoliticide to describe an arc of large-scale killing from the western parts of the Soviet Union to China and Cambodia.[47] In his bookThe Killing Trap: Genocide in the Twentieth Century, Midlarsky raises similarities between the killings of Stalin andPol Pot.[48]
According to historianKlas-Göran Karlsson, discussions of the number of victims of communist regimes have been "extremely extensive and ideologically biased."[49] Any attempt to estimate a total number of killings under communist regimes depends greatly on definitions,[50] resulting in a vast range of estimates ranging from a low of 10–20 million to as high as 148 million.[51][52] Political scientistRudolph Rummel and historian Mark Bradley have written that, while the exact numbers have been in dispute, theorder of magnitude is not.[18][53] ProfessorBarbara Harff says that Rummel and othergenocide scholars are focused primarily on establishing patterns and testing various theoretical explanations ofgenocides andmass killings. They work with large data sets that describe mass mortality events globally and have to rely on selective data provided by country experts; researchers cannot expect absolute precision, and it is not required as a result of their work.[54]
The usefulness of using communist regimes as a category under which to count killings has been disputed. HistorianAlexander Dallin argued that the idea to group together different countries such as Afghanistan and Hungary has no adequate explanation.[55] During theCold War era, some authors (Todd Culberston), dissidents (Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn), andanti-communists in general attempted to make both country-specific and global estimates.Scholars of communism have mainly focused on individual countries, while genocide scholars have attempted to provide a more global perspective, maintaining that their goal is not reliability but establishing patterns.[54] Scholars of communism have generally debated on estimates for the Soviet Union instead of for all communist regimes, an practice which was popularized by the introduction toThe Black Book of Communism but which was controversial.[55] Among scholars of communism, Soviet specialistsMichael Ellman andJ. Arch Getty have criticized estimates for relying onémigré sources, hearsay, and rumor as evidence,[56] and cautioned that historians should instead utilize archive material.[57] Such scholars distinguish between historians who base their research on archive materials and those whose estimates are based on witnesses evidence and other data that they consider unreliable.[58] Soviet specialistStephen G. Wheatcroft says that historians relied on Solzhenitsyn to support their higher estimates but research in the state archives supported the lower estimates, and that the popular press has continued to include serious errors that should not be cited, or relied on, in academia.[59] Rummel was also another widely used and cited source.[60][54]
Notable estimate attempts include the following:[60]
In 1994, Rummel's bookDeath by Government included about 110 million people, foreign and domestic, killed by communistdemocide from 1900 to 1987.[62] This total excluded deaths from theGreat Chinese Famine of 1958–1961 due to Rummel's then belief that "although Mao's policies were responsible for the famine, he was misled about it, and finally when he found out, he stopped it and changed his policies."[63][64] Rummel would later revise his estimate from 110 million to about 148 million due to additional information about Mao's culpability in the Great Chinese Famine fromMao: The Unknown Story, includingJon Halliday andJung Chang's estimated 38 million famine deaths.[63][64]
In 2004, historianTomislav Dulić criticized Rummel's estimate of the number killed inTito's Yugoslavia as an overestimation based on the inclusion of low-quality sources, and stated that Rummel's other estimates may suffer from the same problem if he used similar sources for them.[65] Rummel responded with a critique of Dulić's analysis.[66] Karlsson says that Rummel's thesis of "extreme intentionality in Mao" for the famine is "hardly an example of a serious and empirically-based writing of history",[67] and describes Rummel's 61,911,000 estimate for the Soviet Union as being based on "an ideological preunderstanding and speculative and sweeping calculations".[68]
In 1997, historianStéphane Courtois's introduction toThe Black Book of Communism, an impactful yet controversial[55] work written about thehistory of communism in the 20th century,[69] gave a "rough approximation, based on unofficial estimates". The subtotals listed by Courtois added up to 94.36 million killed.[70]Nicolas Werth andJean-Louis Margolin, contributing authors to the book, criticized Courtois as obsessed with reaching a 100 million overall total.[71]
In his foreword to the 1999 English edition,Martin Malia wrote that "a grand total of victims variously estimated by contributors to the volume at between 85 million and 100 million."[72] HistorianMichael David-Fox states that Malia is able to link disparate regimes, from radical Soviet industrialists to the anti-urbanists of theKhmer Rouge, under the guise of a "generic communism" category "defined everywhere down to the common denominator of party movements founded by intellectuals."[73] Courtois's attempt to equateNazism and communist regimes was controversial.[74]
In 2005, professorBenjamin Valentino stated that the number of non-combatants killed by communist regimes in the Soviet Union, China, and Cambodia alone ranged from a low of 21 million to a high of 70 million.[75]
In 2010, professor of economicsSteven Rosefielde wrote inRed Holocaust that the internal contradictions of communist regimes caused the killing of approximately 60 million people and perhaps tens of millions more.[76]
In 2012, academicAlex J. Bellamy wrote that a "conservative estimate puts the total number of civilians deliberately killed by communists after the Second World War between 6.7 million and 15.5 million people, with the true figure probably much higher."[77]
In 2014, professor of Chinese politics Julia Strauss wrote that while there was the beginning of a scholarly consensus on figures of around 20 million killed in the Soviet Union and 2–3 million in Cambodia, there was no such consensus on numbers for China.[78]
In 2017, historianStephen Kotkin wrote inThe Wall Street Journal that 65 million people died prematurely under communist regimes according to demographers, and those deaths were a result of "mass deportations, forced labor camps and police-state terror" but mostly "from starvation as a result of its cruel projects of social engineering."[79][80]
Criticism of the estimates is mostly focused on three aspects, namely that the estimates are based on sparse and incomplete data, making significant errors inevitable,[81][82][83] that the figures are skewed to higher possible values,[81][84][69] and that victims of civil wars,Holodomor and other famines, and wars involving communist governments should not be counted.[81][85][86] Criticism also includes arguments that these estimates ignore lives saved by communist modernization[87] and that they engage in comparisons and equations with Nazism,[88] which are described by scholars asHolocaust obfuscation,[89][90]Holocaust trivialization, andanti-communist oversimplifications.[91][92] In addition, the communist grouping as applied by Courtois and Malia inThe Black Book of Communism has been claimed to have no adequate explanation by historianAlexander Dallin,[93] while Malia has been able to link disparate regimes, from radical Soviet industrialists to the anti-urbanists of the Khmer Rouge, under the guise of a "generic communism" category "defined everywhere down to the common denominator of party movements founded by intellectuals."[73]
Criticism of Rummel's estimates have focused on two aspects, namely his choice of data sources and his statistical approach. According toBarbara Harff, the historical sources Rummel based his estimates upon can rarely serve as sources of reliable figures.[94] The statistical approach Rummel used to analyze big sets of diverse estimates may lead to dilution of useful data with noisy ones.[94][95]
Another criticism, as articulated by ethnographer andpostsocialistgender studies scholarKristen Ghodsee and political scientistLaure Neumayer, is that the body-counting reflects an anti-communist point of view,[96] is mainly approached by anti-communist scholars, and is part of the popular "victims of communism" narrative,[87][91] who have frequently used the 100 million figure from the introduction toThe Black Book of Communism,[97] which is used not only to discredit thecommunist movement, but the wholepolitical left.[98][failed verification] They say the same body-counting can be easily applied to other ideologies or systems, such ascapitalism andcolonialism. However, alongside philosopherScott Sehon, Ghodsee wrote that "quibbling about numbers is unseemly. What matters is that many, many people were killed by communist regimes."[96][99]
Communist party mass killings have been criticized by members of the political right, who state that the mass killings are an indictment of communism as an ideology, and has also been criticized by other socialists such asanarchists,communists,democratic socialists,libertarian socialists, andMarxists.[96][97] Opponents of this hypothesis, including those on thepolitical left andcommunist party members, state that these killings were aberrations caused by specificauthoritarian regimes, and not caused by communism itself, and point to mass deaths that they say were caused by anti-communism andcapitalism[96][97] as a counterpoint to those killings.[100]
HistorianKlas-Göran Karlsson writes: "Ideologies are systems of ideas, which cannot commit crimes independently. However, individuals, collectives and states that have defined themselves as communist have committed crimes in the name of communist ideology, or without [sic] naming communism as the direct source of motivation for their crimes."[101]John Gray,[102]Daniel Goldhagen,[103] andRichard Pipes[104] consider the ideology of communism to be a significant causative factor in mass killings. In the introduction toThe Black Book of Communism,Stéphane Courtois claims an association between communism andcriminality, stating that "Communist regimes ... turned mass crime into a full-blown system of government",[70] while adding that this criminality lies at the level of ideology rather than state practice.[105]
The last issue, printed in red ink, of Karl Marx's journalNeue Rheinische Zeitung from 19 May 1849
Professor Mark Bradley writes that communist theory and practice has often been in tension withhuman rights and most communist states followed the lead ofKarl Marx in rejecting "Enlightenment-era inalienable individual political and civil rights" in favor of "collective economic and social rights."[53] Christopher J. Finlay posits that Marxism legitimates violence without any clear limiting principle because it rejects moral and ethical norms as constructs of the dominant class, and states that "it would be conceivable for revolutionaries to commit atrocious crimes in bringing about a socialist system, with the belief that their crimes will be retroactively absolved by the new system of ethics put in place by theproletariat."[106]Rustam Singh states that Marx had alluded to the possibility of peaceful revolution; after the failedRevolutions of 1848, Singh states that Marx emphasized the need for violent revolution andrevolutionary terror.[107]
Literary historianGeorge Watson cited an 1849 article written byFriedrich Engels called "The Hungarian Struggle" and published in Marx's journalNeue Rheinische Zeitung, and commented that "entire nations would be left behind after a workers' revolution against the bourgeoisie, feudal remnants in a socialist age, and since they could not advance two steps at a time, they would have to be killed. They were racial trash, as Engels called them, and fit only for the dung-heap of history."[108] One book review criticized this interpretation, maintaining that "what Marx and Engels are calling for is ... at the very least a kind ofcultural genocide; but it is not obvious, at least from Watson's citations, that actual mass killing, rather than (to use their phraseology) mere 'absorption' or 'assimilation', is in question."[109] Talking about Engels's 1849 article, historianAndrzej Walicki states: "It is difficult to deny that this was an outright call for genocide."[110]Jean-François Revel writes that Joseph Stalin recommended study of the 1849 Engels article in his 1924 bookOn Lenin and Leninism.[111]
According to Rummel, the killings committed by communist regimes can best be explained as the result of the marriage between absolute power and the absolutist ideology of Marxism.[112] Rummel states that "communism was like a fanatical religion. It had its revealed text and its chief interpreters. It had its priests and their ritualistic prose with all the answers. It had a heaven, and the proper behavior to reach it. It had its appeal to faith. And it had its crusades against nonbelievers. What made this secular religion so utterly lethal was its seizure of all the state's instruments of force and coercion and their immediate use to destroy or control all independent sources of power, such as the church, the professions, private businesses, schools, and the family."[113] Rummels writes that Marxist communists saw the construction of theirutopia as "though a war on poverty, exploitation, imperialism and inequality. And for the greater good, as in a real war, people are killed. And, thus, this war for the communist utopia had its necessary enemy casualties, the clergy, bourgeoisie, capitalists, wreckers, counterrevolutionaries, rightists, tyrants, rich, landlords, and noncombatants that unfortunately got caught in the battle. In war millions may die, but the cause may be well justified, as in the defeat of Hitler and an utterly racist Nazism. And to many communists, the cause of a communist utopia was such as to justify all the deaths."[112]
Benjamin Valentino writes that "apparently high levels of political support for murderous regimes and leaders should not automatically be equated with support for mass killing itself. Individuals are capable of supporting violent regimes or leaders while remaining indifferent or even opposed to specific policies that these regimes and carried out." Valentino quotes Vladimir Brovkin as saying that "a vote for the Bolsheviks in 1917 was not a vote for Red Terror or even a vote for a dictatorship of the proletariat."[114] According to Valentino, such strategies were so violent because they economically dispossess large numbers of people,[115][39] commenting: "Social transformations of this speed and magnitude have been associated with mass killing for two primary reasons. First, the massive social dislocations produced by such changes have often led toeconomic collapse,epidemics, and, most important, widespread famines. ... The second reason that communist regimes bent on the radical transformation of society have been linked to mass killing is that the revolutionary changes they have pursued have clashed inexorably with the fundamental interests of large segments of their populations. Few people have proved willing to accept such far-reaching sacrifices without intense levels of coercion."[116] According toJacques Sémelin, "communist systems emerging in the twentieth century ended up destroying their own populations, not because they planned to annihilate them as such, but because they aimed to restructure the 'social body' from top to bottom, even if that meant purging it and recarving it to suit their newPromethean politicalimaginaire."[117]
Daniel Chirot andClark McCauley write that, especially inJoseph Stalin's Soviet Union,Mao Zedong's China, andPol Pot's Cambodia, a fanatical certainty that socialism could be made to work motivated communist leaders in "the ruthlessdehumanization of their enemies, who could be suppressed because they were 'objectively' and 'historically' wrong. Furthermore, if events did not work out as they were supposed to, then that was becauseclass enemies, foreign spies andsaboteurs, or worst of all, internal traitors were wrecking the plan. Under no circumstances could it be admitted that the vision itself might be unworkable, because that meant capitulation to the forces of reaction."[118] Michael Mann writes thatcommunist party members were "ideologically driven, believing that in order to create a new socialist society, they must lead in socialist zeal. Killings were often popular, the rank-and-file as keen to exceed killing quotas as production quotas."[119] According toVladimir Tismăneanu, "the Communist project, in such countries as the USSR, China, Cuba, Romania, or Albania, was based precisely on the conviction that certain social groups were irretrievably alien and deservedly murdered."[120] Alex Bellamy writes that "communism's ideology of selective extermination" of target groups was first developed and applied by Joseph Stalin but that "each of the communist regimes that massacred large numbers of civilians during the Cold War developed their own distinctive account",[121] whileSteven T. Katz states that distinctions based on class and nationality, stigmatized and stereotyped in various ways, created an "otherness" for victims of communist rule that was important for legitimating oppression and death.[122]Martin Shaw writes that "nationalist ideas were at the heart of many mass killings by Communist states", beginning with Stalin's "new nationalist doctrine of 'socialism in one country'", and killing by revolutionary movements in the Third World was done in the name of national liberation.[123]
Anne Applebaum writes that "without exception, theLeninist belief in theone-party state was and is characteristic of every communist regime" and "theBolshevik use of violence was repeated in every communist revolution." Phrases which were first uttered byVladimir Lenin andCheka founderFelix Dzerzhinsky were uttered all over the world. Applebaum states that as late as 1976,Mengistu Haile Mariam unleashed aRed Terror in Ethiopia.[124] To his colleagues in the Bolshevik government, Lenin was quoted as saying: "If we are not ready to shoot a saboteur andWhite Guardist, what sort of revolution is that?".[125]
Robert Conquest stated that Stalin's purges were not contrary to the principles ofLeninism, rather, they were a natural consequence of the system which was established by Lenin, who personally ordered the killing of local groups of class enemy hostages.[126]Alexander Nikolaevich Yakovlev, architect ofperestroika andglasnost and later head of the Presidential Commission for the Victims of Political Repression, elaborates on this point, stating: "The truth is that in punitive operations Stalin did not think up anything that was not there under Lenin: executions, hostage taking, concentration camps, and all the rest."[127] HistorianRobert Gellately concurs, commenting: "To put it another way, Stalin initiated very little that Lenin had not already introduced or previewed."[128]
Stephen Hicks ofRockford College ascribes the violence characteristic of 20th-century socialist rule to these collectivist regimes' abandonment of protections ofcivil rights and rejection of the values ofcivil society. Hicks writes that whereas "in practice every liberal capitalist country has a solid record for being humane, for by and large respecting rights and freedoms, and for making it possible for people to put together fruitful and meaningful lives", in socialism "practice has time and again proved itself more brutal than the worst dictatorships prior to the twentieth century. Each socialist regime has collapsed into dictatorship and begun killing people on a huge scale."[129]
Eric D. Weitz states that the mass killing in communist states is a natural consequence of the failure of the rule of law, commonly seen during periods of social upheaval in the 20th century. For both communist and non-communist mass killings, "genocides occurred at moments of extreme social crisis, often generated by the very policies of the regimes",[130] and are not inevitable but are political decisions.[130]Steven Rosefielde writes that communist rulers had to choose between changing course and "terror-command" and more often than not, they chose the latter.[131] Michael Mann posits that a lack of institutionalized authority structures meant that a chaotic mix of both centralized control and party factionalism were factors which contributed to the killings.[119]
Professor Matthew Krain states that many scholars have pointed torevolutions andcivil wars as providing the opportunity for radical leaders and ideologies to gain power and the preconditions for mass killing by the state.[132] Professor Nam Kyu Kim writes that exclusionary ideologies are critical to explaining mass killing, but the organizational capabilities and individual characteristics of revolutionary leaders, including their attitudes towards risk and violence, are also important. Besides opening up political opportunities for new leaders to eliminate their political opponents, revolutions bring to power leaders who are more apt to commit large-scale acts of violence against civilians in order to legitimize and strengthen their own power.[133] Genocide scholarAdam Jones states that theRussian Civil War was very influential on the emergence of leaders like Stalin and it also accustomed people to "harshness, cruelty, terror."[134]Martin Malia called the "brutal conditioning" of the two World Wars important to understanding communist violence, although not its source.[135]
HistorianHelen Rappaport describesNikolay Yezhov, the bureaucrat who was in charge of the NKVD during theGreat Purge, as a physically diminutive figure of "limited intelligence" and "narrow political understanding. ... Like other instigators of mass murder throughout history, [he] compensated for his lack of physical stature with a pathological cruelty and the use of brute terror."[136]Russian andworld history scholar John M. Thompson places personal responsibility directly onJoseph Stalin. According to him, "much of what occurred only makes sense if it stemmed in part from the disturbed mentality, pathological cruelty, and extreme paranoia of Stalin himself. Insecure, despite having established a dictatorship over the party and country, hostile and defensive when confronted with criticism of the excesses of collectivization and the sacrifices required by high-tempo industrialization, and deeply suspicious that past, present, and even yet unknown future opponents were plotting against him, Stalin began to act as a person beleaguered. He soon struck back at enemies, real or imaginary."[137] Professors Pablo Montagnes and Stephane Wolton posit that the purges in the Soviet Union and China can be attributed to thepersonalist leadership of Stalin and Mao, who were incentivized by having both control of the security apparatus used to carry out the purges and control of the appointment of replacements for those purged.[138] Slovenian philosopherSlavoj Žižek attributes Mao allegedly viewing human life as disposable to his "cosmic perspective" on humanity.[139]
American historian and authorWilliam Rubinstein wrote that "Most of the millions who perished at the hands of Stalin,Mao Tse-tung, Pol Pot and the other communist dictators died because the party's leaders believed they belonged to a dangerous or subversive social class or political grouping."[140]
According to historianJ. Arch Getty, over half of the 100 million deaths which are attributed to communism were due to famines.[141]Stéphane Courtois posits that many communist regimes caused famines in their efforts to forcibly collectivize agriculture and systematically used it as a weapon by controlling the food supply and distributing food on a political basis. Courtois states that "in the period after 1918, only communist countries experienced such famines, which led to the deaths of hundreds of thousands, and in some cases millions, of people. And again in the 1980s, two African countries that claimed to beMarxist–Leninist,Ethiopia andMozambique, were the only such countries to suffer these deadly famines."[142]
Stephen G. Wheatcroft,R. W. Davies, and Mark Tauger reject the idea that theUkrainian famine was an act of genocide that was intentionally inflicted by the Soviet government.[143][144] Wheatcroft says that the Soviet government's policies during the famine were criminal acts of fraud and manslaughter, though not outright murder or genocide.[145]Joseph Stalin biographerStephen Kotkin supports a similar view, stating that while "there is no question of Stalin's responsibility for the famine" and many deaths could have been prevented if not for the "insufficient" and counterproductive Soviet measures, there is no evidence for Stalin's intention to kill the Ukrainians deliberately.[146] According to history professorRonald Grigor Suny, most scholars view the famine in Ukraine not as a genocide but rather as the result of badly conceived and miscalculated Soviet economic policies.[147] Getty posits that the "overwhelming weight of opinion among scholars working in the new archives is that the terrible famine of the 1930s was the result of Stalinist bungling and rigidity rather than some genocidal plan."[141]
In contrast, according toSimon Payaslian, a scholarly consensus classifies the Holodomor in the former Soviet Ukraine as agenocide.[148] Some historians conclude that the famine was planned and exacerbated byJoseph Stalin in order to eliminate aUkrainian independence movement.[149][150] Oleksandr Kramarenko argues that this conclusion is supported byRaphael Lemkin's original definition of genocide, which included "the deliberate extermination of social groups." TheGenocide Convention, which Lemkin campaigned to establish, did not include political killing in its definition of genocide under pressure from the USSR.[151] Lemkin,James Mace,Norman Naimark,Timothy Snyder andAnne Applebaum have called the Holodomor a genocide and the intentional result of Stalinist policies.[152][153][154][155] According to Lemkin, Holodomor "is a classic example of the Soviet genocide, the longest and most extensive experiment inRussification, namely the extermination of the Ukrainian nation". Lemkin said that in order for the Soviet Union to accomplish its aims of Russification and collectivization in Ukraine, it did not need to follow the pattern of theHolocaust. Because Ukraine was so populous, and its religious, intellectual and political leadership was comparatively small, Instead the "Soviet genocide" consisted of four steps: 1) extermination of the Ukrainian national elite 2) liquidation of theUkrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church 3) extermination of a significant part of the Ukrainian peasantry as "custodians of traditions, folklore and music, national language and literature 4) populating the territory with other nationalities with intent of mixing Ukrainians with them, which would eventually lead to the dissolvance of the Ukrainian nation.[152][151][156]
Benjamin Valentino writes: "Although not all the deaths due to famine in these cases were intentional, communist leaders directed the worst effects of famine against their suspected enemies and used hunger as a weapon to force millions of people to conform to the directives of the state."[116]Daniel Goldhagen says that in some cases deaths from famine should not be distinguished from mass murder, commenting: "Whenever governments have not alleviated famine conditions, political leaders decided not to say no to mass death – in other words, they said yes." Goldhagen says that instances of this occurred in theMau Mau rebellion, theGreat Leap Forward, theNigerian Civil War, theEritrean War of Independence, and theWar in Darfur.[157]Martin Shaw posits that if a leader knew the ultimate result of their policies would be mass death by famine, and they continue to enact them anyway, these deaths can be understood asintentional.[158]
Economics professorMichael Ellman is critical of the fixation on a "uniquely Stalinist evil" when it comes to excess deaths from famines. Ellman posits that mass deaths from famines are not a "uniquely Stalinist evil", commenting that throughoutRussian history, famines, and droughts have been acommon occurrence, including theRussian famine of 1921–1922, which occurred before Stalin came to power. He also states that famines were widespread throughout the world in the 19th and 20th centuries in countries such as India, Ireland, Russia and China. According to Ellman, theG8 "are guilty of mass manslaughter or mass deaths from criminal negligence because of their not taking obvious measures to reduce mass deaths" and Stalin's "behaviour was no worse than that of many rulers in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries."[159]
Several authors have compared the mass killings under communist regimes with other mass killings, reaching varying conclusions.
Daniel Goldhagen argues that 20th century communist regimes "have killed more people than any other regime type."[160] Other scholars in the fields ofcommunist studies andgenocide studies, such asSteven Rosefielde andBenjamin Valentino, have come to similar conclusions.[37][161] Rosefielde states that it is possible to conclude that the "Red Holocaust" killed more non-combatants than "Ha Shoah" and "Japan's Asian holocaust" combined, and it "was at least as heinous, given thesingularity ofHitler's genocide." Rosefielde also writes that "while it is fashionable to mitigate the Red Holocaust by observing thatcapitalism killed millions of colonials in the twentieth century, primarily through man-made famines, no inventory of such felonious negligent homicides comes close to the Red Holocaust total."[161]
Seumas Milne has criticized the emphasis oncommunism when assigning blame for famines, saying there is "moral blindness displayed towards the record ofcolonialism," which he calls a "third leg of 20th-century tyranny." Milne laments that while "there is a much-laudedBlack Book of Communism, [there exists] no such comprehensive indictment of the colonial record." He writes that authors who over-emphasize the role of communism in 20th century atrocities "relativise the unique crimes of Nazism, bury those of colonialism and feed the idea that any attempt at radical social change will always lead to suffering, killing and failure."[162]Jon Wiener makes a similar assertion while comparing theHolodomor and the Bengal famine of 1943, stating thatWinston Churchill's role in the Bengal famine "seems similar to Stalin's role in the Ukrainian famine."[163] HistorianMike Davis, author ofLate Victorian Holocausts, draws comparisons between theGreat Chinese Famine and theIndian famines of the late 19th century, arguing that in both instances the governments which oversaw the response to the famines deliberately chose not to alleviate conditions and as such bear responsibility for the scale of deaths in said famines.[164] Economic anthropologistJason Hickel and Dylan Sullivan suggest that the number of excess deaths during the apex of British colonialism in India rises to around 100 million, which is greater than all the famine deaths that have been attributed to communist governments combined.[165][166]
According to anthropologistKristen Ghodsee, efforts to institutionalize the victims of communism narrative, or the moral equivalence between theNazi Holocaust (race murder) and the victims of communism (class murder), and in particular the push during the2008 financial crisis for commemoration of the latter in Europe, can be seen as the response by economic and political elites to fears of aleftist resurgence in the face of devastated economies and extremeinequalities in both the East and West as the result of the excesses ofneoliberal capitalism. Ghodsee argues that any discussion of the achievements under communist states, including literacy, education, women's rights, and social security is usually silenced, and any discourse on the subject ofcommunism is focused almost exclusively on Stalin's crimes and thedouble genocide theory.[180] According to Laure Neumayer, this is used as ananti-communist narrative "based on a series of categories and figures" to "denounce Communist state violence (qualified as 'Communist crimes', 'red genocide' or 'classicide') and to honour persecuted individuals (presented alternatively as 'victims of Communism' and 'heroes of anti totalitarian resistance')."[181]
The war crimes which were perpetrated by theSoviet Union's armed forces from 1919 to 1991 include acts which were committed by theRed Army (later called theSoviet Army) as well as acts which were committed by the country's secret police,NKVD, including itsInternal Troops. In many cases, these acts were committed upon the orders of the Soviet leadersVladimir Lenin andJoseph Stalin in pursuance of the early Soviet government's policy ofRed Terror. In other instances they were committed without orders by Soviet troops against prisoners of war or civilians of countries that had been inarmed conflict with the USSR, or they were committed duringpartisan warfare.[190]
A significant number of these incidents occurred in Northern, Central, and Eastern Europe recently before, and during, the aftermath of World War II, involving summary executions and the mass murder of prisoners of war, such as in theKatyn massacre andmass rape by troops of the Red Army interritories they occupied.
When theAllies of World War II founded the post-warInternational Military Tribunal to examine war crimes committed during the conflict byNazi Germany, with officials from the Soviet Union taking an active part in the judicial processes, there was no examination of the Allied forces' actions and no charges were ever brought against their troops, because they were undefeated powers which then held Europe under military occupation, marring the historical authority of the Tribunal's activity as being, in part,victor's justice.[191]
In the 1990s and 2000s, war crimes trials held in the Baltic states led to the prosecution of some Russians and Ukrainians, mostlyin absentia, and some Latvians, Lithuanians and Estonians, for crimes against humanity committed during or shortly after World War II, including killings or deportations of civilians.[186]
Mao Zedong was thechairman of theChinese Communist Party (CCP) which took control of China in 1949 until his death in September 1976. During this time, he instituted several reform efforts, the most notable of which were theGreat Leap Forward and theCultural Revolution. In January 1958, Mao launched the second five-year plan, which was known as the Great Leap Forward. The plan was intended to expedite production andheavy industry as a supplement to economic growth similar to the Soviet model and the defining factor behind Mao'sChinese Marxist policies. Mao spent ten months touring the country in 1958 to gain support for the Great Leap Forward and inspect the progress that had already been made. What this entailed was the humiliation, public castigation and torture of all who questioned the leap. The five-year-plan first instituted the division of farming communities into communes. The Chinese National Program for Agricultural Development (NPAD) began to accelerate its drafting plans for the countries industrial and agricultural outputs. The drafting plans were initially successful as the Great Leap Forward divided the Chinese workforce and production briefly soared.[192]
Eventually CCP planners developed even more ambitious goals such as replacing the draft plans for 1962 with those for 1967 and the industries developed supply bottlenecks, but they could not meet the growth demands. Rapid industrial development came in turn with a swelling of urban populations. Due to the furthering of collectivization, heavy industry production and the stagnation of the farming industry that did not keep up with the demands of population growth in combination with a year (1959) of unfortunate weather in farming areas, only 170 million tons of grain were produced, far below the actual amount of grain which the population needed. Mass starvation ensued and it was made even worse in 1960, when only 144 million tons of grain were produced, a total amount which was 26 million tons lower than the total amount of grain that was produced in 1959.[193] The government instituted rationing, but between 1958 and 1962 it is estimated that at least 10 million people died of starvation. The famine did not go unnoticed and Mao was fully aware of the major famine that was sweeping the countryside, but rather than try to fix the problem he blamed it on counterrevolutionaries who were "hiding and dividing grain".[194] Mao even symbolically decided to abstain from eating meat in honor of those who were suffering.[194]
An original estimate of the final death toll ranged from 15 to 40 million. According toFrank Dikötter, a chair professor of humanities at theUniversity of Hong Kong and the author ofMao's Great Famine, a book which details the Great Leap Forward and the consequences of the strong armed implementation of the economic reform, the total number of people who were killed in the famine which lasted from 1958 to 1962 ran upwards of 45 million. Of those who were killed in the famine, 6–8% of them were often tortured first and then prematurely killed by the government, 2% of them committed suicide and 5% of them died in Mao'slabor camps which were built to hold those who were labelled "enemies of the people".[195] In an article forThe New York Times, Dikötter also references severe punishments for slight infractions such as being buried alive for stealing a handful of grain or losing an ear and being branded for digging up a potato.[196] Dikotter claims that a chairman in an executive meeting in 1959 expressed apathy with regard to the widespread suffering, stating: "When there is not enough to eat, people starve to death. It is better to let half of the people die so that the other half can eat their fill".[196] Anthony Garnaut clarifies that Dikötter's interpretation of Mao's quotation, "It is better to let half of the people die so that the other half can eat their fill." not only ignores the substantial commentary on the conference by other scholars and several of its key participants, but defies the very plain wording of the archival document in his possession on which he hangs his case.[197]
There is a scholarly consensus that theCambodian genocide which was carried out by theKhmer Rouge under the leadership ofPol Pot in what became known as theKilling Fields was a crime against humanity.[198] Over the course of 4 years, the Pol Pot regime was responsible for the deaths of approximately 2 million people through starvation, exhaustion, execution, lack of medical care as a result of the communist utopia experiment.[199] Legal scholars Antoine Garapon and David Boyle, sociologistMichael Mann and professor of political scienceJacques Sémelin all believe that the actions of theCommunist Party of Kampuchea can best be described as a crime against humanity rather than agenocide.[200] In 2018, theKhmer Rouge Tribunal found the Khmer Rouge guilty of committing genocide against the minority Muslim Cham and Vietnamese.[201] Conviction appeal against court decision was rejected in 2022.[202] It reaffirms the ECCC's recognition of the Khmer Rouge's racial discrimination and ethnic cleansing against non-Cambodian (Khmer) minorities. The naming of the Cambodian genocide is an overlooked problem because it downplays the overwhelming sufferings among targeted minority groups and the important roles of racism in understanding how the genocide was perpetrated.[203][204][205] HistorianEric D. Weitz calls the Khmer Rouge's ethnic policy "racial communism."[206]
In 1997 the co-prime ministers of Cambodia sought help from the United Nations in seeking justice for the crimes which were perpetrated by the communists during the years from 1975 to 1979. In June 1997, Pol Pot was taken prisoner during an internal power struggle within the Khmer Rouge and offered up to the international community. However, no country was willing to seek hisextradition.[207] The policies enacted by the Khmer Rouge led to the deaths of one quarter of the population in just four years.[208]
Following the overthrow of Ethiopian emperorHaile Selassie in 1974, theDerg gained control over Ethiopia and established a Marxist–Leninist state. They enacted theRed Terror against political opponents, killing an estimated 10,000 to 750,000 people.[209][210][211][212] Derg chairmanMengistu Haile Mariam said "We are doing whatLenin did. You cannot buildsocialism withoutRed Terror."[213][214] TheSave the Children Fund reported that the victims of the Red Terror included not only adults but 1,000 or more children, mostly aged between eleven and thirteen, whose corpses were left in the streets of Addis Ababa.[214]
On 13 August 2004, 33 top former Derg officials were presented in trial for genocide and other human rights violations during the Red Terror. The officials appealed for a pardon to the Prime MinisterMeles Zenawi in a forum to "beg the Ethiopian public for their pardon for the mistakes done knowingly or unknowingly" during the Derg regime.[215] No official response made by the government to the date. The Red Terror trial included grave human rights violations, comprisinggenocide,crime against humanity,torture, rape andforced disappearances which be would punishable under Article 7 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, article 26 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights as well as article 3 of the African Charter on Human and People's Rights, all of which made part of theEthiopian law.[216]
Three victims of theprison camp system in North Korea unsuccessfully attempted to bringKim Jong-il to justice with the aid of the Citizens Coalition for Human Rights of abductees and North Korean Refugees. In December 2010, they filed charges inThe Hague.[217] The NGO groupChristian Solidarity Worldwide has stated that thegulag system appears to be specifically designed to kill a large number of people who are labelled enemies or have a differing political belief.[218]
Engineer and former political prisoner Gheorghe Boldur-Lățescu has also stated that the Pitești Experiment was a crime against humanity,[222] whileDennis Deletant has described it as "[a]n experiment of a grotesque originality ... [which] employed techniques of psychiatric abuse which were not only designed to inculcate terror into opponents of the regime but also to destroy the personality of the individual. The nature and enormity of the experiment ... set Romania apart from the other Eastern European regimes."[223]
Dominic McGoldrick writes that as the head of a "highly centralized and oppressive" dictatorship,Josip Broz Tito wielded tremendous power in Yugoslavia, with his dictatorial rule administered through an elaborate bureaucracy which routinely suppressed human rights.[224] First repressions included reprisal killings against World War IIPOWs, most prominent beingBleiburg repatriations andFoibe massacres.[225][226][227][228] Near the end of theSecond World War,Banat Swabians who were suspected to have been involved with theNazi administration were placed into internment camps. Many were tortured, and at least 5,800 were killed. Others were subject to forced labor.[229] In March 1945, the surviving Swabians wereghettoized in "village camps", later described as "extermination camps" by the survivors, where the death rate ranged as high as 50%.[229] The most notorious camp was atKnićanin (formerly Rudolfsgnad), where an estimated 11,000 to 12,500 Swabians died.[230]
Some 120,000Macedonian Serbs were forced to emigrate to Serbia by the Yugoslav Communists after they had opted for Serbian citizenship in 1944.[231][page needed] Those who stayed were subject to increasing Macedonian efforts, such as forcibly changing their surnames, substituting "ić" with"ski " (Jovanović -Jovanovski). In the whole period after the Second World War the Serbs in the Socialist Republic of Macedonia were kept from freely developing their national and cultural identity. The Serbs were treated likesecond-class citizens.[232][better source needed]
TheTito–Stalin split initiated a repression against known and allegedStalinists, which included even some of the most prominent among Tito's collaborators, most of which were taken to a labor camp onGoli otok. On 19 November 1956,Milovan Đilas, perhaps the closest of Tito's collaborators and widely regarded as Tito's possible successor, was arrested and jailed for four years because of his criticism against certain actions of the Yugoslav regime. The repression did not exclude intellectuals and writers such asVenko Markovski, who was arrested and sent to jail in January 1956 for writing poems considered anti-Titoist.[citation needed]
Tito's Yugoslavia had been described as a tightly controlledpolice state.[233] According toDavid Matas, outside the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia had morepolitical prisoners than all of the rest of Eastern Europe combined.[234] Tito's secret police was modeled on the Soviet KGB. Its members were ever-present and oftenacted extrajudicially,[235] with victims including middle-class intellectuals, liberals and democrats.[236] Yugoslavia was a signatory to theInternational Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, but scant regard was paid to some of its provisions.[237]
^Dallin, Alexander (2000). "Reviewed Work(s):The Black Book of Communism: Crimes, Terror, Repression by Stéphane Courtois, Nicolas Werth, Jean-Louis Panné, Andrzej Paczkowski, Karel Bartošek, Jean-Louis Margolin, Jonathan Murphy and Mark Kramer".Slavic Review.59 (4): 882‒883.doi:10.2307/2697429.JSTOR2697429.
^Wheatcroft 1999, p. 341: "For decades, many historians counted Stalin' s victims in 'tens of millions', which was a figure supported by Solzhenitsyn. Since the collapse of the USSR, the lower estimates of the scale of the camps have been vindicated. The arguments about excess mortality are far more complex than normally believed. R. Conquest,The Great Terror: A Re-assessment (London, 1992) does not really get to grips with the new data and continues to present an exaggerated picture of the repression. The view of the 'revisionists' has been largely substantiated (Getty & Manning 1993). The popular press, evenTLS andThe Independent, have contained erroneous journalistic articles that should not be cited in respectable academic articles."
^Doumanis, Nicholas, ed. (2016).The Oxford Handbook of European History, 1914–1945 (E-book ed.). Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. pp. 377–378.ISBN9780191017759. Retrieved2 December 2021 – via Google Books.At first sight, accusations that Hitler and Stalin mirrored each other as they 'conducted wars of annihilation against internal and external enemeis ... of class, race, and nation,' seem plausible. But such a perspective, in reality a recapitulation of the long-discredited totalitarian perspective equating Stalin's Soviet Union with Hitler's National Socialist Germany, is not tenable. It betrays a profound misunderstanding of the distinct natures of the Stalinist and Nazi regimes, which made them mortal enemies. Stalin's primary objective was to forge an autarkic, industrialized, multinational state, under the rubric of 'socialism in one country'. Nationalism and nation-building were on Stalin's agenda, not genocide; nor was it inherent in the construction of a non-capitalist, non-expansionary state – however draconian.
^Dallin 2000: "Whether all these cases, from Hungary to Afghanistan, have a single essence and thus deserve to be lumped together – just because they are labeled Marxist or communist – is a question the authors scarcely discuss."
^Suny, Ronald Grigor (2017).Red Flag Unfurled: History, Historians, and the Russian Revolution. Verso. pp. 94–95.ISBN978-1784785642.Most scholars rejected this claim, seeing the famine as following from a badly conceived and miscalculated policy of excessive requisitioning of grain, but not as directed specifically against ethnic Ukrainians.
^Sullivan, Dylan; Hickel, Jason (2 December 2022)."How British colonialism killed 100 million Indians in 40 years".Al Jazeera. Retrieved13 December 2022.While the precise number of deaths is sensitive to the assumptions we make about baseline mortality, it is clear that somewhere in the vicinity of 100 million people died prematurely at the height of British colonialism. This is among the largest policy-induced mortality crises in human history. It is larger than the combined number of deaths that occurred during all famines in the Soviet Union, Maoist China, North Korea, Pol Pot's Cambodia, and Mengistu's Ethiopia.
^François-Xavier, Nérard (27 February 2009)."The Levashovo cemetery and the Great Terror in the Leningrad region".Paris Institute of Political Studies.The Yezhovshchina or Stalin's Great Terror [...] The precise end result of these operations is difficult to establish, but the total of the condemnations is estimated at roughly 1,300,000 of which 700,000 were sentenced to death, most of the others were sentenced to ten years in the camps (document translated in Werth, 2006: 143).
^Ellman, Michael (2002)."Soviet Repression Statistics: Some Comments"(PDF).Europe-Asia Studies.54 (7):1151–1172.doi:10.1080/0966813022000017177.S2CID43510161.The best estimate that can currently be made of the number of repression deaths in 1937–38 is the range 950,000–1.2 million, i.e. about a million. This is the estimate which should be used by historians, teachers and journalists concerned with twentieth century Russian – and world – history
^Garnaut, Anthony (2013). "Hard facts and half-truths: The new archival history of China's Great Famine".China Information.27 (2):223–246.doi:10.1177/0920203X13485390.S2CID143503403.
^Heder, Steve (1997). "Racism, Marxism, labelling, and genocide in Ben Kiernan's "The Pol Pot regime"".South East Asia Research.5 (2):101–153.doi:10.1177/0967828X9700500202.JSTOR23746851.
^Kiernan, Ben (2008).The Pol Pot Regime: Race, Power, and Genocide in Cambodia Under the Khmer Rouge, 1975–79. Yale University Press.ISBN978-030-0-14299-0.
^Kiernan, Ben (2008).Wild Chickens, Farm Chickens, and Cormorants: Cambodia's Eastern Zone under Pol Pot (1st ed.). Routledge.ISBN978-0-20379-088-5.
^Weitz, Eric D. (2015).A Century of Genocide: Utopias of Race and Nation (Updated ed.). Princeton University Press, NJ.ISBN978-0-69116-587-5.
^The letter was first published by the Ethiopian Reporter on 26 June 2004. Among the Derg officials who signed the letter are former Vice-President Colonel Fiseha Desta, former Prime Minister Captain Fikreselasie Wogederes and the notorious henchmen of dictator Mengistu Hailemariam, Captain Legesse Asfaw and Major Melaku Tefera.
^Art 9 Proclamation 1/1995 Proclamation of the Constitution of the FederalDemocratic Republic of Ethiopia. 1995.
^Cohen, Bertram D.; Ettin, Mark F.; Fidler, Jay W. (2002).Group Psychotherapy and Political Reality: A Two-Way Mirror. International Universities Press. p. 193.ISBN0-8236-2228-2.
^Andjelic, Neven (2003).Bosnia-Herzegovina: The End of a Legacy. Frank Cass. p. 36.ISBN0-7146-5485-X.
^Tierney, Stephen (2000).Accommodating National Identity: New Approaches in International and Domestic Law. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. p. 17.ISBN90-411-1400-9.
^Jambrek, Peter, ed. (January–June 2008)."Crimes Committed by Totalitarian Regimes". Slovenian Presidency of the Council of the European Union. Retrieved 26 December 2019. p. 156. "Most of the mass killings were carried out from May to July 1945; among the victims were mostly the "returned" (or "home-captured") Home guards and prisoners from other Yugoslav provinces. In the following months, up to January 1946 when the Constitution of the Federative People's Republic of Yugoslavia was passed and OZNA had to hand the camps over to the organs of the Ministry of the Interior, those killings were followed by mass killing of Germans, Italians and Slovenes suspected of collaborationism and anti-communism. Individual secret killings were carried out at later dates as well. The decision to "annihilate" opponents must had been adopted in the closest circles of Yugoslav state leadership, and the order was certainly issued by the Supreme Commander of the Yugoslav Army Josip Broz – Tito, although it is not known when or in what form".
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Media related toCommunist repression at Wikimedia Commons