 Former prime ministerBettino Craxi greeted by a salvo of coins as a sign of loathing by protesters inRome on 30 April 1993 | |
| Country | Italy |
|---|---|
| Started | 17 February 1992 |
| Judges |
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Mani pulite (Italian:[ˈmaːnipuˈliːte];lit. 'clean hands') was a nationwide judicial investigation intopolitical corruption in Italy held in the early 1990s, resulting in the demise of theFirst Italian Republic and the disappearance of many political parties. Some politicians and industry leaders committedsuicide after their crimes were exposed.Antonio Di Pietro was the main judicial figure in charge of the investigation. In some accounts, as many as 5,000 public figures fell under suspicion. At one point, more than half of the members of theItalian Parliament were underindictment, while more than 400 city and town councils were dissolved because of corruption charges. The estimated value ofbribes paid annually in the 1980s by Italian and foreign companies bidding for large government contracts reachedUS$4 billion (6.5 trillionlire).
The corrupt system uncovered by the investigation was referred to asTangentopoli (Italian pronunciation:[tandʒenˈtɔːpoli]). The term derives from Italiantangente, which means "kickback", and in this context refers to kickbacks given forpublic works contracts, and Greekpolis meaning "city"; it is thus sometimes translated as "Bribesville" or "Kickback City".[nb 1] Former Italian prime ministerBettino Craxi became the main figure of the scandal and defended himself by saying that all parties did what he was accused of; Craxi, who fled toHammamet, Tunisia, in 1994, was convicted twice for corruption and illicit financing to political parties and had four more trials pending by the time of his death in 2000. TheItalian Communist Party (PCI) and some of its former members, mainly of its right wing, were also investigated but were acquitted.
The media impact and the climate of public indignation that followed were such as to decree the collapse of the then political system and the beginning of theSecond Italian Republic, as historical parties, such asChristian Democracy (DC) and theItalian Socialist Party (PSI), dissolved, being replaced in Parliament in subsequent elections by newly formed parties, or those that had previously been in the minority or opposition, such as theFederation of the Greens (FdV) andLega Nord (LN). Even without a formal change of regime, there was a profound change in the party system and a turnover of part of its national representatives. Eventually, all four parties in the 1992 government disappeared, at different times in different ways: the DC, the PSI, theItalian Democratic Socialist Party (PSDI), and theItalian Liberal Party (PLI). TheDemocratic Party of the Left (PDS), theItalian Republican Party (PRI), and theItalian Social Movement (MSI) were the only surviving national parties; the PRI is the only one that maintained its name since.
Tangentopoli, as the scandal came to be called,[1][2] began on 17 February 1992 when Antonio Di Pietro, the judge who became most associated with the investigation,[3][4][5] hadMario Chiesa, a member of the PSI, arrested for accepting a bribe from aMilan cleaning firm. The PSI distanced themselves from Chiesa, with party leader Bettino Craxi calling himmariuolo, or "villain", a "wild splinter" of an otherwise clean party.[6] Upset over this treatment by his former colleagues, Chiesa began to give information about corruption implicating them. This marked the beginning of theMani pulite investigation; news ofpolitical corruption began spreading in the Italian press.Tangentopoli itself refers to a series of judicial investigations conducted by various judicial prosecutors' offices, in particular that of Milan, which revealed a fraudulent or corrupt system that colluded with politics and Italian entrepreneurship.[7]
In the1992 Italian general election, the DC held on to power when itscoalition government kept a small majority, while leftist opposition parties gained support. The PCI split after thefall of the Soviet Union, depriving theopposition of leadership. Many votes went to the regionalist LN, which was not inclined to form alliances with other parties at the time. The resulting Parliament was therefore weak and difficult to bring to an agreement.[8]
In April 1992, many industrial figures and politicians from both the government and the opposition were arrested on charges of corruption. While the investigations started in Milan, they quickly spread to other areas as more politicians confessed. Fundamental to this increased exposure was the general attitude of the main politicians to drop support for subordinates who got caught; this made many of them feel betrayed, and they often implicated many other figures, who in turn would implicate even more. On 2 September 1992, the PSI politician Sergio Moroni, who had been charged with corruption, killed himself, leaving behind a letter declaring that his crimes were not for his personal gain but for the party's benefit.[9]
In local elections in December 1992, held in eightcomuni (municipalities), the DC lost half of their votes. The following day, Bettino Craxi was officially accused of corruption; he eventually resigned as leader of the PSI. On 5 March 1993, the government ofGiuliano Amato (PSI) and his justice ministerGiovanni Conso (independent) tried to find a solution with a decree, which allowed criminal charges for several bribery-related crimes to be replaced by administrative charges instead; according to popular opinion at the time, that would have resulted in ade factoamnesty for most corruption charges. Amid public outrage and nationwide rallies, the then Italian presidentOscar Luigi Scalfaro (DC) refused to sign the decree, deeming it unconstitutional.[10] The following week, a US$250 million scandal involvingEni, the government-controlled energy company, was revealed. The stream of accusations, confessions, and jailing continued.
On 25 March 1993, the Parliament changed municipal electoral law in favor of a majoritarian system. Later on 18 April 1993, the public overwhelmingly backed the abrogation of the existingproportional representation system in a referendum (mixed-member proportional representation was introduced that August), causing Amato to resign three days later.[11] Still shocked by the recent events, the Parliament was unable to produce a new government.Carlo Azeglio Ciampi (independent), former governor of theBank of Italy, was appointed head of the government; he appointed atechnical government without political influences. Meanwhile, the Parliament blocked the investigation into Craxi, causing several cabinet ministers includingFrancesco Rutelli (FdV) andVincenzo Visco (independent) to resign in protest after three days at their posts.[10] In new local elections on 6 June 1993, the DC lost half of its votes once again; the PSI virtually disappeared. Instead, LN became the strongest political force innorthern Italy.
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On 20 July 1993, the former Eni president Gabriele Cagliari committed suicide in jail. His wife later gave back US$3 million of illegal funds. Meanwhile, Sergio Cusani faced trial and was accused of crimes connected to Enimont, a joint venture between Eni and another energy company,Montedison. The trial was broadcast on national television and was a sort of showcase of the old politics being brought to their responsibilities. While Cusani himself was not a major figure, the connection of his crimes to the Enimont affair called in all the nation's major politicians as witnesses.[12]
A high note was reached in the Cusani trial when former head of governmentArnaldo Forlani (DC), answering a question, simply said: "I don't remember."[13] He happened to be very nervous and did not notice that perspiration was accumulating on his lips, and that image was by many considered symbolic of the people's disgust for the corrupt system. Instead, Craxi admitted that his party received $93 million of illegal funds, defending his actions by saying that "everyone was doing this".[14] Even the LN was implicated in the trial; secretaryUmberto Bossi and former treasurer Alessandro Patelli were convicted for receiving 200 million lire of illegal funding (approximately $100,000 at the time).[15]
A bribe to the PCI was alleged but was not established who had committed the offence. A number of Milanese members of the PDS, mainly of themigliorista wing, were charged with corruption during their time as members of the PCI but wereacquitted. Prosecutor Antonio Di Pietro stated: "Penal responsibility is personal, I cannot bring here a person with the first name Party and last name Communist."[14] The Enimont trial itself was carried out after the Cusani trial, with much less public interest.
In the meantime, the investigation expanded outside the political range. On 2 September 1993, the Milan judge Diego Curtò was arrested. On 21 April 1994, 80 financial regulators and 300 industry personalities were charged with corruption. A few days later, the secretary ofFiat admitted corruption with a letter to a newspaper. Media tycoonSilvio Berlusconi entered politics later that year and won the1994 Italian general election in what many thought was a move to shield his many business concerns from possible scrutiny. This suspicion was reinforced on 11 February 1994, when his brother,Paolo Berlusconi, admitted to corruption crimes.[14] On 29 July 1994, his brother was again arrested and immediately released.[14]
The termlottizzazione, meaning the way a terrain is divided up in minor parts orlotti,[16] came to indicate the procedure of awarding top positions in important state conglomerates, such asIRI,Enel, or Eni to political figures, or at least managers with a clear political orientation. This usually trickled down to lower levels, creating power centres depending on political parties that controlled a significant part of the production system. The available seats were usually awarded so that government parties and opposition parties like the PCI would get a share of power corresponding to their perceived influence in the government.
A 2020 study found that
local politicians withdraw support from incumbents in parties hit by Clean Hands – inducing early government dissolutions in such municipalities ... local politicians from the implicated parties exhibit lower re-running rates and higher rates of party switching in the short term. In the medium term, we find that corruption and voter turnout are lower in competitive municipalities 'treated' with a mayor from the implicated parties during Clean Hands. Moreover, medium-term upward career mobility of local politicians from the implicated parties benefited from party switching.[17]
In 2005, artist Gianni Motti created an artwork in the form of a bar ofsoap, namedMani pulite, based on the scandal. This piece was claimed to have been created out of the fat from aliposuction of Silvio Berlusconi. It was sold at the 36th edition ofArt Basel for €15,000.[18][19] A 2015 television series titled1992 is based on the events ofMani pulite.[20]
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