TheTarikh al-Sudan records that Mali was still a sizeable state in the 15th century. At that time, theVenetian explorerAlvise Cadamosto andPortuguese traders confirmed that the peoples who settled withinGambia River were still subject to the mansa of Mali.[10] UponLeo Africanus's visit at the beginning of the 16th century, his descriptions of the territorial domains of Mali showed that it was still a kingdom of considerable size. However, from 1507 onwards neighboring states such asDiarra,Great Fulo,Yatenga, and theSonghai Empire chipped away at Mali's borders. In 1542, the Songhai invaded the capital but were unsuccessful in conquering the empire. Mali made a brief comeback in the late 16th century and was poised to take advantage of Songhai's collapse after the 1593Moroccan invasion, but a disastrousdefeat outsideDjenne in 1599 ended those hopes. After that, the empire rapidly disintegrated, being replaced by independent chiefdoms. The Keitas retreated to the town ofKangaba, where they became provincial chiefs.[11]
Terracotta figurine of an equestrian figure, circa 13th-15th century
Much of the recorded information about the Mali Empire comes from 14th centuryTunisian historianIbn Khaldun, 14th centuryMoroccan travellerIbn Battuta and 16th century Andalusian travellerLeo Africanus. The other major source of information comes fromMandinkaoral tradition, as recorded by storytellers known asgriots.[7] Imperial Mali is also known through the account ofShihab al-'Umari, written in about 1340 by a geographer-administrator inMamluk Egypt. His information about the empire came from visiting Malians taking thehajj, or pilgrim's voyage toMecca. He had first-hand information from several sources, and from a second-hand source he learned of the visit ofMansa Musa. The travellerIbn Battuta, who visited Mali in 1352 left the first account of a West African kingdom made directly by an eyewitness; the others are usually second-hand. The third great account is that ofIbn Khaldun, who wrote in the early 15th century. While the accounts are of limited length, they provide a fairly good picture of the empire at its height.
After Ibn Khaldun's death in 1406, there are no further Arab primary sources except forLeo Africanus, who wrote more than a century later.[12] Arab interest in the Mali Empire declined after the Songhai conquered the northern regions of the empire which formed the primary contact between Mali and the Arab world.[12] For the later period of the Mali Empire, the major written primary sources are Portuguese accounts of the coastal provinces of Mali and neighboring societies.[13]
Mali,Mandé,Manden,Mande-Bissa andManding are all various pronunciations of the same word across different languages and dialects.[14] The version recorded by medieval Arab geographers is Mali (Arabic:مالي,romanized: Mālī).Mali is theFula form of the word.[15][14] In theManding languages, the modern descendants of the language spoken at the core of the Mali Empire,Manden orManding is the name of the region corresponding to the heartland of the Mali Empire.[16]
Medieval sources are divided over whether Mali is the name of a town or a region.Ibn Battuta who visited the capital city from 1352 to 1353, called it Mali. The 1375Catalan Atlas portrayed a "city of Melly" (Catalan:ciutat de Melly) in West Africa.[17]Leo Africanus said that the capital city was called Melli.[18] However,Ibn Fadlallah al-Umari givesMali as the name of the capital province andIbn Khaldun refers toMali as a people, with each giving different names for the capital city itself.[19] WhetherMali originated as the name of a town or region, the name was subsequently applied to the entire empire ruled from Mali.[20][18]
Another hypothesis suggests that the name Mali is derived from Mandémali "hippopotamus", an animal that had special significance to the Keitas, and that Mandé means "little manatee". A legend claims that Sunjata transformed into a hippopotamus.[14] However, these hypotheses have been rejected by locals and are inconsistent with the apparent cognate status ofMali andMandé.[21]
The firstMande people entered theManding region during the period of theGhana Empire. The Manden city-state of Ka-ba (present-dayKangaba) served as the capital and name of the province. From at least the beginning of the 11th century, Mandinka kings ruled Manden from Ka-ba in the name of the Ghanas.[22] The ruler was elected from among the heads of the major clans, and at this time had little real power.[23] Wagadou's control over Manden ended in the 12th century.[24] The Kangaba province, free of Soninké influence, splintered into twelve kingdoms with their ownfaama.[4]
In approximately 1140 theSosso Empire, often calledKaniaga, another former vassal of Wagadou, began conquering the lands of its old rulers. In 1203, the Sosso king and sorcererSoumaoro Kanté came to power and reportedly conquered much of Manden.[25]
Sundiata Keita, born during the rise of Kaniaga, was the son of Niani'sfaama, Nare Fa (also known as Maghan Kon Fatta, meaning the handsome prince). Upon his father's death, he was forced into exile along with his mother and two sisters.[26] After many years in exile, Sundiata led the combined armies ofMema, Wagadou and the Mandinka city-states in a revolt against the Kaniaga Kingdom around 1234.[27] The combined forces of northern and southern Manden defeated the Sosso army at theBattle of Kirina in approximately 1235.[28] Maghan Sundiata was declaredmansa over all the 12 kingdoms in an alliance that became the Mali Empire.[4] During his reign, Sundiata's generals continued to expand the empire's frontiers, reaching fromKaabu in the west,Takrur,Oualata andAudaghost in the north, and theSoninke Wangara goldfields in the south.[28][29]
The transfer of power following Sunjata's death is unclear, but there was evidently a power struggle of some kind involving thegbara or great council anddonson ton or hunter guilds.[30] Some oral traditions agree with Ibn Khaldun in indicating that a son of Sunjata, named Yerelinkon in oral tradition and Wali in Arabic, took power as Sunjata's successor.[31] Two more of Sundiata's sons would reign,[32][33] as well as a grandson,[34] before a former slaveSakura, seized power. He was able to stabilize the political situation in Mali. Under his leadership, Mali conquered new territories and trade with North Africa increased.[35]
After Sakura's death, power returned to the line of Sunjata, withQu taking the throne.[36] He was succeeded by his sonMuhammad, who launchedtwo voyages to explore theAtlantic Ocean.[a] After the loss of the first expedition, Muhammad led the second expedition himself. He left his cousinKanku Musa in charge during his absence. Eventually, due to Muhammad's failure to return, Musa was recognized as mansa in approximately 1312.[39]
The reign of Kankan Musa, better known asMansa Musa, is considered the golden age of Mali.[40] A devout and well-educated Muslim, he took an interest in the scholarly city ofTimbuktu, which he peaceably annexed in 1324, and transformedSankore from an informalmadrasah into an Islamic university. Mansa Musa Keita's crowning achievement was his famous 1324 pilgrimage toMecca. Accounts of how many people and how much gold he spent vary. All of them agree that he took a very large group of people; themansa kept a personal guard of some 500 men,[41] and he gave out so manyalms and bought so many things that the value of gold in Egypt and Arabia depreciated for twelve years.[42] When he passed throughCairo, historianal-Maqrizi noted "the members of his entourage proceeded to buyTurkish andEthiopian slave girls, singing girls and garments, so that the rate of the golddinar fell by sixdirhams." In addition to his famous hajj, Musa built mosques and palaces in Timbuktu andGao, and took control of the valuable salt mine ofTaghazza.
Mansa Musa's sonMaghan I ruled for only a few years before being succeeded (or overthrown) by his uncleSulayman. Sulayman's reign continued Mali's golden age, as attested by the writerIbn Battuta who arrived in Mali in July 1352, and he made a successfulhajj, kept up correspondence with Morocco and Egypt.[43]
Upon Sulayman's death in 1360, the empire was ruled by a string of short-lived, cruel, or incompetent rulers. Thekankoro-sigui held increasing influence as a power behind the throne.[44] During this period theJolof Empire was founded, and soon dominated all of northernSenegambia.[43] In the 1370s a war between Mali imperial forces and Berber Tuareg forces fromTakedda devastated the city ofGao. The area around it became independent of Malian control around this time.[45] Still, by the time of Mansa Musa Keita II's death in 1387, Mali was financially solvent and in control of all of its previous conquests except Gao and Dyolof. Forty years after the reign of Mansa Musa Keita I, the Mali Empire still controlled some 1,100,000 square kilometres (420,000 sq mi) of land.[10]
The late 14th century again saw a series of short reigns, often ending in palace coups. While maintaining a firm grip in the south and west, and even expanding in some areas, imperial control of their northernmost provinces was slipping, as attested by theMossi raids on Macina.[44][4] In 1433–1434, the Empire lost control of Timbuktu to the Tuareg, led by Akil Ag-Amalwal.[46][47] Three years later, Oualata also fell into their hands.[44] The risingSonghai Empire conqueredMema, one of Mali's oldest possessions, in 1465. It then seized Timbuktu from the Tuareg in 1468 underSunni Ali Ber.[44] In 1477, theMossi emperor Naba Nasséré made yet another raid into Macina, this time conquering it and the old province of BaGhana (Wagadou).[48][better source needed]
In an attempt to stem the tide, Mansa Mahmud Keita II opened diplomatic relations withPortugal, receiving the envoys Pêro d'Évora and Gonçalo Enes in 1487.[4] In 1493 he sent another envoy proposing an alliance against the threat ofTenguella, but this came to nothing.[49] Songhai forces under the command ofAskia Muhammad I defeated the Mali general Fati Quali Keita in 1502 and seized the province of Diafunu.[44] In 1514, theDenianke dynasty was established in Tekrour and it was not long before the new kingdom ofGreat Fulo was warring against Mali's remaining provinces.[50]
In 1544 or 1545,[b] a Songhai force led bykanfariDawud, who later succeeded his brotherAskia Ishaq as ruler of the Songhai Empire, sacked the capital of Mali and purportedly used the royal palace as a latrine.[51] However, the Songhai did not maintain their hold on the Malian capital.[52]
Mali's fortunes seem to have improved in the second half of the 16th century. Around 1550, Mali attackedBighu in an effort to regain access to its gold.[53] Songhai authority overBendugu andKala declined by 1571, and Mali may have been able to reassert some authority over them.[52] The breakup of theWolof Empire allowed Mali to reassert authority over some of its former subjects on the north bank of the Gambia, such asWuli, by 1576.[54]
The end of the Mali Empire came in 1599, under the reign ofMansa Mahmud IV. The Songhai Empire had fallen to theSaadi Sultanate of Morocco eight years earlier, and Mahmud sought to take advantage of their defeat by trying to captureJenne.[55] Mahmud sought support from several other rulers, including the governor of Kala, Bukar. Bukar professed his support, but believing Mahmud's situation to be hopeless, secretly went over to the Moroccans. The Malian and Moroccan armiesfought at Jenne on 26 April, the last day of Ramadan, and the Moroccans were victorious thanks to their firearms and Bukar's support, but Mahmud was able to escape.[56] Around 1610, Mahmud Keita IV died. Oral tradition states that he had three sons who fought over Manden's remains. No single Keita ever ruled Manden after Mahmud Keita IV's death, resulting in the end of the Mali Empire.[57]
Presentation of the Genealogical tree presented by ProfessorXavier Fauvelle which illustrate the most efficient succession tree of the Imperial Keita Dynasty[citation needed]
As founded by Mari Djata, it was composed of the "three freely allied states" of Mali, Mema and Wagadou plus theTwelve Doors of Mali.[26]
The Twelve Doors of Mali were a coalition of conquered or allied territories, mostly within Manden, with sworn allegiance to Sundiata and his descendants. Upon stabbing their spears into the ground before Sundiata's throne, each of the twelve kings relinquished their kingdom to the Keita dynasty.[26] In return for their submission, they became "farbas", a combination of the Mandinka words "farin" and "ba" (great farin).[58] Farin was a general term for northern commander at the time. These farbas would rule their old kingdoms in the name of themansa with most of the authority they held prior to joining the empire.
The Mansa held ultimate, unquestioned authority. Audiences with the monarch were governed by strict protocol.[59] Conquered areas were ruled directly by the state through afarin (also calledfarin-ba orfarba), essentially a military governor, chosen by the Mansa. Duties of thefarin included managing the garrison, collecting taxes and customs duties, and controlling the local administration of justice. He could also take power away from the native administration if required and raise an army in the area for defence or putting down rebellions.[60] This system tended to promote assimilation into the empire.[59]
Themansa's second in command was a general, thought to have been chief of the armed forces. Thesantigui was the chief of the treasury and managed the royal granaries and valuable goods such as gold and gems. Thegriot played a very important role in the royal court. He was the tutor of princes and master of ceremonies, and served as an advisor to the king.
Themansa often liked to play the role "father of his people", dispensing justice himself in solemn sessions, and he listened personally to a subject's grievances against afarin. The post offarin was very prestigious, and his descendants could inherit it with themansa's approval. Themansa could also replace afarin swiftly.[61]: 152, 160
Most of the empire consisted of autonomous kingdoms of communities who recognized the Mansa's ultimate authority and paid tribute.[59] At the local level (village, town and city),kun-tiguis (heads of family) elected adougou-tigui (village-master) from a bloodline descended from that locality's founder.[62] The county level administrators calledkafo-tigui were appointed by the governor of the province.[44] Only at the state or province level was there any real interference from the central authority. Provinces picked their own governors via their own custom (election, inheritance, etc.) and, regardless of their title in the province, were recognised asdyamani-tigui (province-master) by themansa.[44]Dyamani-tiguis had to be approved by themansa and were subject to his oversight. If themansa didn't believe thedyamani-tigui was capable or trustworthy, afarba might be installed to oversee the province or administer it outright.
Conquered territories that had proven quiescent could receive this level of autonomy rather than remain under direct rule, but territories that were crucial to trade or subject to revolt could and did lose this privilege as well and have afarin installed to rule over them.[60]
"The territory of Jenne is fertile and populated; many markets are held every day of the week. It is said there are 7077 villages [heavily disputed] situated very close to each other. The following will give an idea how close they are. If the Sultan, for example, wishes to summon an inhabitant of a village near Lake Debo, the messenger sent goes to one of the gates of the ram-parts and from there shouts the message he is to transmit. From village to village, people repeat the words and the message arrives almost immediately at its destination and the man in question goes to the meeting place"[61]: 156
TheGbara or Great Assembly would serve as the Mandinka deliberative body and council of state until the collapse of the empire in 1645. Its first meeting, at the famousKouroukan Fouga (Division of the World), had 29 clan delegates presided over by abelen-tigui (master of ceremony). The Kouroukan Fouga put in place social and economic reforms including prohibitions on the maltreatment of prisoners and slaves, installing documents between clans which clearly stated who could say what about whom. Also, Sundiata divided the lands amongst the people assuring everyone had a place in the empire and fixed exchange rates for common products.[63]
The final incarnation of the Gbara, according to the surviving traditions of northernGuinea, held 32 positions occupied by 28 clans.[64] It functioned as the ruler's cabinet, with different dignitaries given different portfolios (war, justice, economy, foreign relations, religion, etc.), and all major social groups of Mande society were represented.[59]
The Mali Empire covered a larger area for a longer period of time than any other West African state before or since. What made this possible was the decentralised nature of administration throughout the state. According toBurkinabé writerJoseph Ki-Zerbo, the farther a person travelled from the capital, the more decentralised themansa's power became.[67] Nevertheless, themansa managed to keep tax money and nominal control over the area without agitating his subjects into revolt. The Malian state balanced centralization and decentralization by dividing the empire into a series of provinces and vassal states that had been either conquered or annexed, respectively. These were administered in different ways.
The Mali Empire reached its largest area under the Abubakrids, the lineage of Mansa Musa. Al-Umari, who wrote down a description of Mali based on information given to him by Abu Sa’id 'Otman ed Dukkali (who had lived 35 years in the capital), reported the realm as being square and an eight-month journey from its coast at Tura (at the mouth of the Senegal River) to Muli. Umari also describes the empire as being south ofMarrakesh and almost entirely inhabited except for few places. Mali's domain also extended into the desert. He describes it as being north of Mali but under its domination implying some sort of vassalage for the Antasar, Yantar'ras, Medussa andLemtuna Berber tribes, with garrisons kept atOualata,Timbuktu,Koumbi, andGao, and responsibility of governing the Sahara given to the military commander (sura farin).[68][61]: 154
The empire's total area included nearly all the land between theSahara Desert and coastal forests. It spanned the modern-day countries of Senegal, southernMauritania, Mali, northernBurkina Faso, westernNiger,the Gambia,Guinea-Bissau, Guinea, theIvory Coast and northern Ghana. By 1350, the empire covered approximately 478,819 square miles (1,240,140 km2).[69]
Al-ʿUmari reported that Mali had fourteen provinces.[70] His list does not necessarily accurately reflect the actual organization of the Mali Empire,[71] and the identification of the listed provinces is controversial. Several of the names are spelled in a variety of ways in different manuscripts. Al-ʿUmari's list, which is quoted with slight differences by al-Qalqashandi, is as follows:
Ghana (Ghāna): Corresponds to the formerGhana Empire.
Tirafka (Tirafkā):[c] Probably the same as Tiraqqa, a town on the Niger between Timbuktu and Gao mentioned by several other sources.[73] Alternatively, may beTiringa, between Kayes and Nioro, or the same astrnqh, which may beFuta Toro.
Takrur (Takrūr): On 3rd cataract of the Senegal River, north ofJolof. By the 14th century, the term Takrur had become commonly misused by Arab writers.
Sanghana (Sanghāna): A region surrounding the mouth of the Senegal river. The name of the river may be derived from the name Sanghana.[74]
bānbʿw (Arabic:بانبعو) orbānbġw (Arabic:بانبغو): Possibly theBambuk region, between the Senegal and Faleme rivers, which was a major source of gold, but identification is uncertain.[75]
Zagha (Zāghā):Dia. Ruled by a sultan who was a vassal of the Mansa of Mali.[77]
Kabura (Kāburā): Along the Niger upstream of Zagha.[78] Like Zagha, ruled by a sultan who was a vassal of the Mansa of Mali. Identified withDiafarabé by Delafosse and Kaara (south of the Niger, oppositeKokry) by Bazin.[79] Also spelled Kabara or Kabira; not to be confused withKabara, Timbuktu's port on the Niger.
Bawaghuri (Bawāghūrī):[e] Possibly Zagra (Zāgharī), ten days' travel south ofWalata.[80]
Mali (Mālī): The capital province, for which the empire gets its name. Al-'Umari reports that the capital itself, located in the province of Mali, was calledbyty.[f]
Gomez instead suggests that these tribes would have inhabited territory in the vicinity of Mema, Ghana, and Diafunu.[82]
Ibn Khaldun reports that all the desert area known as the land of the veiled men was subject to Mali,[83] and that Malian authority was adjacent toOuargla.[84]
The identity of the capital city of the Mali Empire is a matter of dispute among historians. Scholars have located the capital in Niani, or somewhere on the Niger, or proposed that it changed several times, that there was no true capital, or even that it lay as far afield as the upperGambia River in modern-daySenegal.[85] Seemingly contradictory reports written by Arab visitors, a lack of definitive archaeological evidence, and the diversity of oral traditions all contribute to this uncertainty.[86] A particular challenge lies in interpreting early Arabic manuscripts, in which, without vowel markings and diacritics, foreign names can be read in numerous different ways (e.g. Biti, Buti, Yiti, Tati).[85]Ibn Battuta andLeo Africanus both call the capital "Mali."[87]
Early European writers such asMaurice Delafosse believed thatNiani, a city on what is now the border between Guinea and Mali, was the capital for most of the empire's history, and this notion has taken hold in the popular imagination.[88]Djibril Tamsir Niane, a Guinean historian, has been a forceful advocate of this position in recent decades. The identification of Niani as imperial capital is rooted in an (possibly erroneous) interpretation of the Arab traveler al Umari's work, as well as some oral histories. Extensive archaeological digs have shown that the area was an important trade and manufacturing center in the 15th century, but no firm evidence of royal residence has come to light.[89]
Niani's reputation as an imperial capital may derive from its importance in the late imperial period, when the Songhai Empire to the northeast pushed Mali back to the Manding heartland. Several 21st century historians have firmly rejected Niani as a capital candidate based on a lack of archaeological evidence of significant trade activity, clearly described by Arab visitors, particularly during the 14th century, Mali's golden age.[85] In fact, there is a conspicuous absence of archaeological samples of any kind from Niani dated to the late 13th through early 15th centuries, suggesting that Niani may have been uninhabited during the heyday of the Mali Empire.[85]
Various sources cite several other cities as capitals of the Mali Empire, some in competition with the Niani hypothesis and others addressing different time periods. A city called Dieriba or Dioliba is sometimes mentioned as the capital or main urban center of the province of Mande in the years before Sundiata, that was later abandoned.[90]
Many oral histories point to a town called Dakajalan as the original home of the Keita clan and Sundiata's childhood home and base of operations during the war against the Soso. It may have been located close to modernKangaba. Mande bards in the region speak of the Dakajalan site, containing Sundiata's grave, as sacrosanct.[91] Kangaba became the last refuge of the Keita royal family after the collapse of the Mali Empire, and so has for centuries been associated with Sundiata in the cultural imagination of Mande peoples. If Dakajalan was, in fact, situated near Kangaba, this may also have contributed to their conflation, beginning with Delafosse's speculation that the latter may have begun as a suburb of the former.[92]
According to Jules Vidal and Levtzion, citing oral histories from Kangaba and Keyla, another onetime capital was Manikoro or Mali-Kura, founded after the destruction of Niani.[93]
Parallel to this debate, many scholars have argued that the Mali Empire may not have had a permanent "capital" in the sense that the word is used today, and historically was used in the Mediterranean world. Rather, authority would rest with the mansa and his court, wherever he went. Therefore, Arabic visitors may have assigned the "capital" label merely to whatever major city the mansa was based out of at the time of their visit.[94] It has been suggested that the name given in the Arabic sources for the capital of Mali is derived the Manding word "bambi", meaning "dais", and as such refers to the "seat of government" in general rather than being the name of a specific city.[95] Such impermanent capitals are a historically widespread phenomenon, having occurred in other parts of Africa such asEthiopia, as well as outside Africa, such as in theHoly Roman Empire.[96]
Two possible reconstructions of Malian imperial banners
The Mansas of Mali used several symbols to demonstrate their power and influence. A red banner struck with a golden disc, referred to as the 'Mali djondjon' or the 'Sun Banner' of Sundiata, appears in oral histories of his coronation.[97] Written sources have Mansa Musa using a similar banner, 'with yellow symbols (shi’ār) on a red background', during his visit to Cairo, as well as a parasol.[98]
Ibn Battuta records the Mansa using golden and silver lances as imperial regalia. Other royal items included a ruler's cap, slippers, arrows, and bow. The material of which they were made indicated the rank of the holder: gold was the highest, and reserved for the Mansa, followed in descending order by silver, brass, iron, and wood. The rulers ofKaabu held a silver lance, for example, while the king ofGuinala, one of their subordinates, held a bow and arrows of iron.[99]
The majority of the population were farmers, with this being the base of the economy, and food was abundant. Whilst cattle-rearing was a speciality of theFulani, peoples of the Niger were raising sheep, goats, and cattle by the 14th century. TheBozo,Somono, andSorko people specialised in fishing.[61]: 164–165
Iron was abundant and smiths manufactured farming tools and weapons. Shoemaker clans resided in the south. In the north weaving flourished, owing to cotton fields in regions such asCasamance, and theSoninke andTakrur peoples specially dyed their cloths indigo.Siaki (goldsmiths) were honoured.[61]: 165–170
Trade was a significant factor to the rise and success of Mali. Its height coincided with the period whenTimbuktu came under the Mansa's control. The empire taxed every ounce of gold, copper and salt that entered its borders, withkola nuts also bearing importance. By the 14th century, apax mandinka reigned in West Africa, allowing trade to flourish.[100]
There was no standard currency throughout the realm, but several forms were used. TheSahelian andSaharan towns of the Mali Empire were staging posts in the long-distancecaravan trade and trading centres for various West African products. AtTaghaza, for example, salt was exchanged; atTakedda, copper. Ibn Battuta observed the use of slaves in both towns. During most of his journey, Ibn Battuta travelled with a retinue that included slaves, most of whom carried goods for trade. On the return from Takedda toMorocco, his caravan transported 600 female slaves, suggesting thatslavery was a substantial part of the commercial activity of the empire.[101]
Mali's wealth in gold did not primarily come from direct rule of gold-producing regions, but rather from tribute and trade with the regions where gold was found.[102] Gold nuggets were the exclusive property of themansa and were illegal to trade within his borders. All gold was immediately handed over to the imperial treasury in return for an equal value of gold dust. Gold dust had been weighed and bagged for use at least since the time of the Ghana Empire. Mali borrowed the practice to stem inflation, since it was so prominent in the region. The most common measure for gold within the realm was themithqal (4.5 grams of gold).[33] This term was used interchangeably withdinar, though it is unclear if coined currency was used in the empire. Gold dust was used all over the empire, but was not valued equally in all regions.
By the beginning of the 14th century, Mali was the source of almost half theOld World's gold exported from mines inBambuk,Boure andGalam.[44] Gold mines in Boure, which is located in present-day Guinea, were discovered sometime near the end of the 12th century.[103]
Tuaregs were and still are an integral part of the salt trade across the Sahara.
Salt, another critical trade good, was as valuable, if not more valuable, than gold insub-Saharan Africa. It was cut into pieces and spent on goods with close to equal buying power throughout the empire.[104] While it was as good as gold in the north, it was even better in the south, as it was rare there.[citation needed] Every year merchants entered Mali via Oualata with camel loads of salt to sell in the capital. Ibn Battuta had written that inTaghaza, one of Mali's most important salt mines, there were no trees, only sand and the salt mines. Nobody lived in the area except the Musafa servants who dug the salt and lived on dates imported fromSijilmasa and theDar'a valley, camel meat andmillet imported from theSudan. The buildings were constructed from slabs of salt and roofed with camel skins. The salt was dug from the ground and cut into thick slabs, two of which were loaded onto each camel where they would be taken south across the desert to Oualata and sold. The value of the salt was chiefly determined by the transport costs. According to Ibn Battuta one camel load of salt sold at Walata for 8–10mithqals of gold, but in Mali proper it was worth 20–30ducats and sometimes even 40.[104][105]
Copper was also a valued commodity in imperial Mali. According to Ibn Battuta,[106][107] copper was mined fromTakedda in the north and traded by the bar in the south for gold. Contemporary sources claim 60 copper bars traded for 100 dinars of gold.[4] TheAkan would trade gold for two thirds its weight in copper. Copper was also traded toBenin,Ife andNri.[61]: 170
The number and frequency of conquests in the late 13th century and throughout the 14th century indicate the Kolonkanmansas inherited and/or developed a capable military. Sundjata is credited with at least the initial organisation of the Manding military. However, it went through radical changes before reaching the legendary proportions proclaimed by its subjects. As a result of steady tax revenue and stable government beginning in the last quarter of the 13th century, the Mali Empire was able to project its power throughout its own extensive domain and beyond. It had a well-organised army with an elite corps of horsemen and many foot soldiers in each battalion. An army was required to guard the borders to protect its flourishing trade. Evidence of cavalry in terracotta figures suggest the empire's prosperous economy as horses are not indigenous to Africa.[108]
Terracotta archer figure from Mali (13th to 15th centuries)
The Mali Empire maintained a semi-professional, full-time army in order to defend its borders. The entire nation was mobilised, with each clan obligated to provide a quota of fighting-age men.[4] These men had to be of thehoron (freemen)caste and appear with their own arms. Historians who lived during the height and decline of the Mali Empire consistently record its standing army peaking at 100,000, with 10,000 of that number being made up of cavalry.[4][109] With the help of the river clans, this army could be deployed throughout the realm on short notice.[110][111] Numerous sources attest that the inland waterways of West Africa saw extensive use of war canoes and vessels used for war transport where permitted by the environment. Most West African canoes were of single-log construction, carved and dug out from one massive tree trunk.[112]
The army of the Mali Empire during the 14th century was divided into northern and southern commands led by the Farim-Soura and Sankar-Zouma, respectively.[4] Both of these men were part of Mali's warrior elite known as theton-ta-jon-ta-ni-woro ("sixteen carriers of quivers"). Each representative orton-tigi ("quiver-master") provided counsel to themansa at the Gbara, but only these twoton-tigi held such wide-ranging power.
Theton-tigi belonged to an elite force of cavalry commanders called thefarari ("brave men"). Each individualfarariya ("brave") had a number of infantry officers beneath them calledkèlè-koun ordùùkùnàsi. Akèlè-koun led free troops into battle alongside afarima ("brave man") during campaign. Adùùkùnàsi performed the same function except with slave troops calledsofa ("guardian of the horse") and under the command of afarimba ("great brave man"). Thefarimba operated from a garrison with an almost entirely slave force, while afarima functioned on field with virtually all freemen.
The army of the Mali Empire used of a wide variety of weapons depending largely on where the troops originated. Onlysofa were equipped by the state, using bows and poisoned arrows. Free warriors from the north (Mandekalu or otherwise) were usually equipped with large reed or animal hide shields and a stabbing spear that was called atamba. Free warriors from the south came armed with bows and poisonous arrows. The bow figured prominently in Mandinka warfare and was a symbol of military force throughout the culture. Bowmen formed a large portion of the field army as well as the garrison. Three bowmen supporting one spearman was the ratio in Kaabu and the Gambia by the mid-16th century. Equipped with two quivers and a knife fastened to the back of their arm, Mandinka bowmen used barbed, iron-tipped arrows that were usually poisoned. They also usedflaming arrows for siege warfare. While spears and bows were the mainstay of the infantry, swords and lances of local or foreign manufacture were the choice weapons of the cavalry. Ibn Battuta comments on festival demonstrations of swordplay before themansa by his retainers including the royal interpreter.[113] Another common weapon of Mandekalu warriors was the poison javelin used in skirmishes. Imperial Mali's horsemen also used ironhelmet andmail armour for defence[114] as well as shields similar to those of the infantry.
Djibril Tamsir Niane has advanced the claim that, based on some griot accounts, the Keita dynasty claims descent from a man called "Lawalo", whom Niane claim was one of the sons ofBilal, the faithfulmuezzin ofIslam's prophetMuhammad.[26] The original epos, however, tends to portray Sundiata as a powerful sorcerer and hunter, rather than a devout Muslim.[115] Griots and Niane also claim that his descendants founded and led thedonso-ton, the powerful hunter's brotherhood of Mande that was thoroughly steeped in local animist ritual.[116] This ambiguity and dualistic belief system was a fundamental feature of the Mali Empire, as it was for many other Sahel states up until the 19th century.[117] Religious life in the Mali Empire was divided between animist and Islamic belief systems, but the boundary was blurry and porous, if it existed at all.[118][117] The northern parts of the empire on the edge of theSahara desert tended to be more Islamicized, whiletraditional African religion dominated in the south.[119] The ruling family's traditions reflect this, cultivating an image as both longstanding Muslims and powerful "sorcerers" on the model of theKòmò society.[116][120]
Fage notes that, Islam was present in Mande by at least the 10th century.[115] If one is to believeAl-Bakri, a king of Malal was converted to Islam when amarabout produced a miraculous shower of rain that ended a drought, and the ruler's descendants and his nobles kept Islam, although the common people were not converted.[121]Ibn Khaldun named the first Muslim king Barmandana.[122] These conversion stories do not necessarily mean that early Mande was an Islamic state, however. Al-Bakri's story, if true, presumably applied only to one of the local rulers of the balkanized region, and any claims to longstanding Muslim status could be a later invention to give increased prestige to the royal family.[123][124]
Some historians posit thatSundiata Keita, founder of the Empire, followed the tenets ofTraditional African religion just like his subjects.[125][118] Others claim that he may have been nominally or superficially Muslim.[117] During his reign, Mansa Musa bestowed rewards on amarabout named Mudrik b. Fakkûs in gratitude for his ancestor who had supposedly converted Musa's ancestor 'Sarik Djata', probably Sundiata.[126][127] But the deeply pagan themes permeating theEpic of Sundiata reflect his times, and his practice of Islam was probably syncretic at best, if he practiced at all.[128] The emperor had to serve as both a pious sultan for his Muslim subjects and as themalimansa, protected by the spirits, for his pagan subjects.[129] Religiously mixed public ceremonies atMansa Suleyman's court as recorded byibn Battuta reflect this.[130] Thehajj pilgrimage, undertaken by mansasWali,Sakura, andMusa, mirrored thedali-ma-sigi, a hunter's spiritual quest to forge an alliance with the secret powers of the wild bush.[32] Mansa Musa is generally considered the archetypal Muslim Mansa: besides his famous pilgrimage, he also built numerous mosques and madrasas, and encouraged the practice of Islam at his court.[131] But in oral tradition he is lauded as the king who brought importantboliw (sacred objects) from Mecca for use in theKòmò rituals.[132]
The Mali Empire had a massive effect on the development of West Africa societies even well after its peak. Its expansion spread Mande culture and theMande languages from the mouth of theGambia River to what is nowBurkina Faso and, particularly throughDyula traders, from the Niger loop to the trading centers on the south coast. All across this region, political institutions with Malian structures and terminology survived to the colonial period and beyond.[59]
Remains of theDjinguereber Mosque inTimbuktu. The original mosque was built in the 14th century and reconstructed over the following centuries[136][137]
Imperial Malian architecture was characterised bySudano-Sahelian architecture. This style is distinguished by the use ofmudbricks and anadobe plaster, with large wooden-log support beams that jut out from the wall face for large buildings such asmosques or palaces.
The dating of the originalGreat Mosque of Djenné, the most prominent example of this style today, is uncertain but thought to date as early as 1200 to as late as 1330.[138] The current structure, built under French colonial rule by the traditional Djenne masons, dates from 1907 and recreates some of the original's design and on the original plan.[138] The earliest document mentioning the old Djenne mosque is Abd al-Sadi'sTarikh al-Sudan, which gives the early history, presumably from the oral tradition as it existed in the mid seventeenth century. Thetarikh states that a Sultan Kunburu became a Muslim and had his palace pulled down and the site turned into a mosque; he then built another palace for himself near the mosque on the east side.[138][139]
The Sudano-Sahelian influence was particularly widely incorporated during the rule of Mansa Musa I, who constructed many architectural projects, including the Great Mosque of Gao and Royal Palace in Timbuktu, which was built with the assistance of Ishaak al-Tuedjin, an architect brought by Musa from his pilgrimage to Mecca.[140]
^There is some ambiguity over the identity of the mansa responsible for the voyages. The voyage is often incorrectly attributed to a Mansa Abu Bakr II, but no such mansa ever reigned.[37] The account of the voyage does not mention the mansa by name, only indicating that it was Musa's immediate predecessor. According to Ibn Khaldun, Musa's immediate predecessor was Muhammad.[38]
^Included in al-Qalqashandi's quotation of al-'Umari, but not in any manuscript of al-'Umari's text itself, which only list thirteen provinces despite saying there are fourteen.
^abKi-Zerbo, Joseph:UNESCO General History of Africa, Vol. IV, Abridged Edition: Africa from the Twelfth to the Sixteenth Century, p. 57. University of California Press, 1997.
^De Moraes Farias, Paulo Fernando (2007). "AU-DELÀ DE L'OPPOSITION COLONIALE ENTRE AUTHENTICITÉ AFRICAINE ET IDENTITÉ MUSULMANE L'œuvre de Waa Kamisòkò, barde moderne et critique du Mali". In Villasante Cervello, Mariella; de Beauvais, Christophe (eds.).Colonisations et héritages actuels au Sahara et au Sahel, Vol II (in French). Paris: Harmattan. p. 271.ISBN978-2-296-04025-0. Retrieved12 June 2024.
^Delafosse 1912a, pp. 121–122 "On a voulou trouver à ce mot une étymologie totémique et on a traduitMali par «hippopotame» etMandé par «petit lamentin» : ces deux étymologies sont rejetées par les indigènes du pays, c'est-à-dire les Malinké, qui déclarent queMandé ouMali est simpliment le nom de leur patrie et qu'ils n'en connaissent pas la signification (1) et qui, au surplus, n'ont aucun totem de peuple, pas plus le lamentin que l'hippopotame: un de leurs clans seulement a pourtana ou «tabou» l'hippopotame et il n'en porte pas le nom (clan des Keïta)." "(1) Si d'ailleurs la formemali peut signifier «hippopotame» dans certains dialectes, ce sens ne peut en aucune façon s'appliquer à la forme mandé; part contre, si l'on peut traduiremandé,mané,mani, etc. par «petit lamentin», il serait bien difficile de donner la même traduction aux formesmali, "mallé", etc.; on pourrait encore proposer l'étymologie de «fils de maître», mais elle serait également fort douteuse."
^Heusch, Luc de: "The Symbolic Mechanisms of Sacred Kingship: Rediscovering Frazer".The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 1997.
^O'Sullivan, John M. (1980), "Slavery in the Malinke Kingdom of Kabadougou (Ivory Coast)",International Journal of African Historical Studies,13 (4):633–650,doi:10.2307/218199,JSTOR218199
^Levtsiyon, Neḥemyah; Spaulding, Jay; Levtsiyon, Neḥemyah, eds. (2003).Medieval West Africa: views from Arab scholars and merchants. Princeton, NJ: Wiener. p. 98.ISBN978-1-55876-304-3.
^Levtzion, Nehemia; Spaulding, Jay, eds. (2003).Medieval West Africa: views from Arab scholars and merchants. Princeton, N.J: Markus Wiener Publishers. p. 94.ISBN978-1-55876-304-3.
^Robin Law (1976). "Horses, Firearms, and Political Power in Pre-Colonial West Africa, Past and Present".Past and Present (1):112–132.doi:10.1093/past/72.1.112.
^abBadru, Pade,The Spread of Islam in West Africa: colonization, globalization, and the emergence of fundamentalism, pp. 100-102, Edwin Mellen Press, 2006,ISBN0-7734-5535-3
^al-Bakri inNehemiah Levtzion and J. F. P. Hopkins, eds and trans,Corpus of Early Arabic Sources for West African History (New York and London: Cambridge University Press, 1981, reprint ed. Princeton, NJ,: Marcus Wiener, 2000), p. 82–83.
^ibn Khaldun in Levtzion and Hopkins, eds, and transl.Corpus, p. 333.
^Conrad DC. Islam in the Oral Traditions of Mali: Bilali and Surakata. The Journal of African History. 1985;26(1):33-49. doi:10.1017/S0021853700023070
^Charles Monteil ‘Le Site de Goundiourou’, Bulletin du Comité d'études historiques et scientifiques de l'Afrique occidentale française, Larose (Paris), 1928,http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb34381764h
^Hunwick 1999, p. 18. "When the sultan became a Muslim. he had his palace pulled down and the site turned into a mosque dedicated to God Most High. This is the present congregational mosque. He built another palace for himself and his household near the mosque on the east side."
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