Liberalism and progressivism within Islam or simplyIslamic liberalism orIslamic progressivism are a range of interpretation of Islamic understanding and practice, it is a religiouslyleft-leaning view, similar toChristian and otherreligious progressivism.[1] Some Muslims have created a considerable body ofprogressive interpretation of Islamic understanding and practice. Their work is sometimes characterized as progressive[2] (Arabic:الإسلام التقدميal-Islām at-taqaddumī) orliberal Islam.[3] Some scholars, such asOmid Safi, differentiate between "progressive Muslims" (post-colonial, anti-imperialist, and critical of modernity and the West) versus "liberal advocates of Islam" (an older movement embracing modernity).[4] Liberal Islam originally emerged from theIslamic revivalist movement of the 18th–19th centuries.[1] Leftist ideas are considered controversial by some traditional fundamentalist Muslims, who criticize liberal Muslims on the grounds of being tooWestern and/orrationalistic.[1][5]
The methodologies of liberal and progressive Islam rest on the re-interpretation of traditionalIslamic sacred scriptures (theQuran) and other texts (theHadith), a process calledijtihad.[1][6][page needed] This reinterpreting can vary from minor to fundamental, including re-interpretation based on the belief that while the meaning of the Quran is arevelation, its expression in words is the work of theIslamic prophetMuhammad in his particular time and context.
Liberal Muslims see themselves as returning to the principles of the earlyummah and as promoting theethical andpluralistic intent of the Quran.[1][7] The reform movement usesmonotheism (tawhid) as "an organizing principle for human society and the basis of religious knowledge, history,metaphysics, aesthetics, and ethics, as well as social, economic and world order".[8]
Liberal Muslims affirm the promotion of progressive values such asdemocracy,gender equality,human rights,LGBT rights,women's rights,religious pluralism,interfaith marriage,[9][10]freedom of expression,freedom of thought, andfreedom of religion;[1] opposition totheocracy and total rejection ofIslamism andIslamic fundamentalism;[1] and a modern view ofIslamic theology,ethics,sharia,culture, tradition, and other ritualistic practices in Islam.[1] Liberal Muslims claim that the re-interpretation of the Islamic scriptures is important in order to preserve their relevance in the 21st century.[1][11]
Therise of Islam, based on both the transmission of theQuran and the life ofMuhammad, strongly altered the power balances and perceptions of origin of power in the Mediterranean region.Early Islamic philosophy emphasized an inexorable link betweenreligion and science, and the process ofijtihad to findtruth — in effect, all philosophy was "political" as it had real implications for governance. This view was challenged by the "rationalist"Muʿtazilite philosophers, who held a moreHellenistic view, emphasizing reason above revelation, and as such are known to modern scholars as the firstspeculative theologians of Islam; they were supported by a secular aristocracy who sought freedom of action independent of theCaliphate. By the late ancient period, the "traditionalist"Ashʿarīte theology had in general triumphed over rationalists. According to the Ashʿarītes, reason must be subordinate to the Quran and thesunnah.[12]
Ibn Rushd (1126–1198) oftenLatinized as Averroes, was anAndalusianpolymath. Being described as "founding father of secular thought in Western Europe",[13][14] he was known by the nicknamethe Commentator for his precious commentaries on Aristotle's works. His main work wasThe Incoherence of the Incoherence in which he defended philosophy againstal-Ghazali's claims inThe Incoherence of the Philosophers. His other works were theFasl al-Maqal and theKitab al-Kashf.[13][14] Ibn Rushd presented an argument inFasl al-Maqal (Decisive Treatise) providing a justification for the emancipation of science and philosophy from officialAsh'ari theology and that there is no inherent contradiction between philosophy and religion; thusAverroism has been considered a precursor to modern secularism.[15][16][17] Ibn Rushd accepts the principle of women's equality. According to him, they should be educated and allowed to serve in the military; the best among them might be tomorrow's philosophers or rulers.[18][19] The 13th-century philosophical movement inLatin Christian andJewish tradition based on Ibn Rushd's work is calledAverroism. Ibn Rushd became something of a symbolic figure in the debate over the decline and proposed revitalization of Islamic thought and Islamic society in the late 20th century. A notable proponent of such a revival of Averroist thought in Islamic society wasMohammed Abed al-Jabri with hisCritique de la Raison Arabe (1982).[20]
EgyptianEgyptologist andrenaissance intellectualRifa'a al-Tahtawi (1801−1873) is considered one of the early adapters toIslamic Modernism. Islamic Modernists attempted to integrate Islamic principles with European social theories. In 1831,Rifa'a al-Tahtawi was part of the statewide effort to modernize the Egyptian infrastructure and education. They introduced his Egyptian audience toEnlightenment ideas such assecular authority and political rights and liberty; his ideas regarding how a modern civilized society ought to be and what constituted by extension a civilized or "good Egyptian"; and his ideas on public interest and public good.[21] Tahtawi's work was the first effort in what became an Egyptian renaissance (nahda) that flourished in the years between 1860 and 1940.[22]
In 1826, Al-Tahtawi was sent toParis byMehmet Ali. There, he studied at an educational mission for five years, returning in 1831. Tahtawi was appointed director of the School of Languages. At the school, he worked translating European books into Arabic. Tahtawi was instrumental in translating military manuals, geography, and European history.[23] In total, al-Tahtawi supervised the translation of over 2,000 foreign works into Arabic. He even made favorable comments about French society in some of his books.[24] Tahtawi stressed that the Principles of Islam are compatible with those of European Modernity. In his piece,The Extraction of Gold or an Overview of Paris, Tahtawi discusses the patriotic responsibility of citizenship. He usesRoman civilization as an example of what could become of Islamic civilizations; at one point, all Romans are united under one Caesar but split into East and West. After splitting, the two nations see "all its wars ended in defeat, and it retreated from a perfect existence to nonexistence." Tahtawi understands that if Egypt is unable to remain united, it could fall prey to outside invaders. He stresses the importance of citizens defending the patriotic duty of their country. One way to protect one's country, according to Tahtawi, is to accept the changes that come with a modern society.[25]
Egyptian Islamic jurist and religious scholarMuhammad Abduh (1849—1905), regarded as one of the key founding figures ofIslamic Modernism,[26] broke the rigidity of the Muslim ritual, dogma, and family ties.[27] Abduh argued that Muslims could not simply rely on the interpretations of texts provided by medieval clerics, they needed to use reason to keep up with changing times. He said that in Islam, man was not created to be led by a bridle, man was given intelligence so that he could be guided by knowledge. According to Abduh, a teacher's role was to direct men towards study. He believed that Islam encouraged men to detach from the world of their ancestors and that Islam reproved the slavish imitation of tradition. He said that the two greatest possessions relating to religion that man was graced with were independence of will and independence of thought and opinion. It was with the help of these tools that he could attain happiness. He believed that the growth of Western civilization in Europe was based on these two principles. He thought that Europeans were roused to act after a large number of them were able to exercise their choice and to seek out facts with their minds.[28] In his works, he portrays God as educating humanity from its childhood through its youth and then on to adulthood. According to him, Islam is the only religion whose dogmas can be proven by reasoning. He was againstpolygamy and thought that it was an archaic custom. He believed in a form of Islam that would liberate men from enslavement, provide equal rights for all human beings, abolish the religious scholar's monopoly onexegesis, and abolishracial discrimination and religious compulsion.[29]
Muhammad Abduh claimed in his bookAl-Idtihad fi Al-Nasraniyya wa Al-Islam that no one had exclusive religious authority in the Islamic world. He argued that theCaliph did not represent religious authority, because he was not infallible nor was the Caliph the person to whom the revelation was given; therefore, according to Abduh, the Caliph and other Muslims are equal.[30] ʿAbduh argued that the Caliph should have the respect of theummah but not rule it; the unity of the umma is a moral unity which does not prevent its division intonational states.[31] Mohammad Abduh made great efforts to preach harmony betweenSunnis andShias. Broadly speaking, he preached brotherhood between all schools of thought in Islam.[32] Abduh regularly called for better friendship between religious communities. As Christianity was the second biggest religion inEgypt, he devoted special efforts towards friendship between Muslims and Christians. He had many Christian friends and many a time he stood up to defendCopts.[32]
EgyptianQur'anic post-modern thinker, author, academicNasr Hamid Abu Zayd is one of the leading liberal theologians inIslam. He is famous for his project of ahumanistic Qur'anichermeneutics, which "challenged mainstream views" on the Qur'an sparking "controversy and debate".[33] While not denying that the Qur'an was of divine origin, Zayd argued that it was a "cultural product" that had to be read in the context of the language and culture of seventh century Arabs,[34] and could be interpreted in more than one way.[35] He also criticized the use of religion to exert political power.[36] In 1995 an EgyptianSharia court declared him anapostate, this led to threats of death and hisfleeing Egypt several week later.[36] He later "quietly" returned to Egypt where he died.[36] According to scholarNavid Kermani "three key themes" emerge from Abu Zayd's work:
Abu Zayd saw himself as an heir to theMuʿtazila, "particularly their idea of the created Qurʿān and their tendency toward metaphorical interpretation".[38] Abu Zayd strongly opposed the belief in a "single, precise and valid interpretation of the Qur'an handed down by the Prophet for all times".[39] In his view, the Quran made Islamic Arab culture a 'culture of the text` (hadarat al-nass) par excellence, but because the language of the Quran is not self-explanatory, this implied Islamic Arab culture was also a culture of interpretation (hadarat al-ta'wil).[40] Abu Zayd emphasized "intellect" (`aql) in understanding the Quran, as opposed to "a hermeneutical approach which gives priority to the narrated traditions [hadith ]" (naql). As a reflection of this Abu Zayd used the termta'wil (interpretation) for efforts to understand the Quran, while in the Islamic sciences, the literature that explained the Quran was referred to astafsir (commentary, explanation).[41] For Abu Zayd, interpretation goes beyond explanation or commentary, "for without" the Qur'an would not have meaning:
The [Qur'anic] text changed from the very first moment - that is, when the Prophet recited it at the moment of its revelation - from its existence as a divine text (nass ilahi), and became something understandable, a human text (nass insani), because it changed from revelation to interpretation (li-annahu tahawwala min al-tanzil ila al-ta'wil). The Prophet's understanding of the text is one of the first phases of movement resulting from the text's connection with the human intellect.[41][42]
Abu Zayd's critical approach to classical and contemporary Islamic discourse in the fields oftheology,philosophy,law,politics, andhumanism, promoted modern Islamic thought that might enableMuslims to build a bridge between their own tradition and the modern world offreedom of speech, equality (minority rights,women's rights,social justice),human rights,democracy andglobalisation.[43]
Socialist Shi'ism had a significant impact on the first and so far onlyIslamist revolution, the 1979Iranian Revolution by giving a radical political interpretation to the religious themes ofShia Islam. Socialist Shiaism arose from a 1970s movement of young secular-educated leftists in majority-ShiaIran who sought a socialist revolution to overthrow the pro-American authoritarian monarchy of ShahMohammad Reza Shah. Although a socialist revolution never came, the Shah was overthrown by theIslamist revolution, whose leader, the AyatollahRuhollah Khomeini, borrowed many of the socialist Shia ideas and in doing so was able to draw crucial support from students and the Iranian middle class.[44] In attempting to build their revolutionary force the Iranian socialists failed to establish "deep roots" with the Muslim Iranian masses[45] who did not relate to Marxist concepts ofrationalism,materialism, andatheism.[46] Traditional peasant and manual laborer Iranians did however strongly relate to the traditional religious Messianic expectation of the return of theMahdi to cleanse the world of injustice,[47] and to traditional stories of the tragic/heroic struggle of theImam Husayn, one of the most revered figures in Shia Islam, who had been defeated andkilled by the Sunni Umayyad Caliphate atKarbala.
Ali Shariati Mazinani (Persian (1933–1977) was the leading member amongst the Shia socialists. He came from a "strictly religious family" but was a sociologist, not a religious scholar. He had studied in Paris and been influenced by the writings of Marxist-oriented writers such asJean-Paul Sartre,Frantz Fanon, andChe Guevara.[48]
Shariati intertwined the Shia belief in an inevitable elimination of injustice by the Mahdi with socialist revolution against the Iranian ruling class.[47] Socialist Shia preached that Imam Hussein was not just a historical holy figure but the original oppressed one (muzloun), and his killer the "analog" of the modern Iranian people's "oppression by the shah".[47] His killing was not just an "eternal manifestation of the truth but a revolutionary act by a revolutionary hero".[49] Shi'a should respond to his killing not with the traditional lamentation, flagellation,[50] and patient awaiting of the return of the messiah, that the traditional clergy encouraged,[51] but by fighting against the injustice of the state asAli andHussein had.[50]
Shariati's harsh criticism of the traditional Usuli Shia clergy as standing in the way of the revolutionary potential of the masses,[51] was met with fatwas. Ayatullah Hadi Milani, the influential UsuliMarja' inMashhad during the 1970s, issued a fatwa prohibiting his followers from reading Ali Shariati's books and Islamist literature produced by young clerics. This fatwa was followed by similar ones fromAyatullah Mar'ashi Najafi, Ayatullah Muhammad Rouhani,Ayatullah Hasan Qomi, and others. Ayatullah Khomeini, however, refused to comment.[52]
In addition to socialism, Shariati advocatedwomen's rights, as evidenced in his bookFatima Is Fatima, where he argued thatFatima Zahra the daughter of the Islamic prophetMuhammad is as a role model forMuslim women around the world and a woman who wasfree.[citation needed]
Shariati did not advocate Westernliberal democracy which he saw as involved in imperialist plundering of the developing world and advocated what he called "Commitment Democracy", which would be, according to Shariati, the government ofImamAli.[citation needed] Shariati was influenced by anti-democratic Islamist ideas ofMuslim Brotherhood thinkers in Egypt and tried to meetMuhammad Qutb while visiting Saudi Arabia in 1969.[53]
Iran was a petroleum exporter and had relatively large sums to devote to education, which led to the creation of a relatively large number of post-secondary students. While Iranian peasants, proletariat, and lumpen proletariat did not respond to Socialist Shiaism in large numbers, Shariati was phenomenally popular with students.[54][55] The Islamic Marxist movements, most notably the People's Mujahideen, were strongly influenced by Shariati. Ayatollah Khomeini emphasized Shariati's themes of revolution, anti-imperialism, and the radical message of Muharram; and incorporated into his public declarations such 'Fanonist' terms as the 'mostazafin will inherit the earth', 'the country needs a cultural revolution', and the 'people will dump the exploiters onto the garbage heap of history.'"[54]
Mahmoud Taleghani (1911–1979) was anotherShia leftist and contemporary of Khomeini, but also a cleric and a veteran leader in his own right of the movement against ShahMohammad Reza Pahlavi. A founding member of theFreedom Movement of Iran, he has been described as a representative of the tendency of many "Shia clerics to blendShia withMarxist ideals in order to compete with leftist movements for youthful supporters" during the 1960s and 1970s.[56] He served a total of a dozen years in prison,[57] where he developed connections with leftist political prisoners and the influence of the left on his thinking was reflected in his famous bookIslam and Ownership (Islam va Malekiyat) which argued in support of collective ownership "as if it were an article of faith in Islam."[58]
Taleghani was instrumental in "shaping the groundswell movement" that led to the Iranian Revolution and served as the chair of powerful and secretRevolutionary Council during theIslamic Revolution.[57][59] He clashed with Khomeini in April 1979, warning the leadership against a 'return to despotism.'" After two of his sons were arrested[57] by revolutionary Guards, thousands of his supporters marched in the streets chanting "Taleghani, you are the soul of the revolution! Down with the reactionaries!" Khomeini summoned Taleghani to Qom where he was given a severe criticism, after which the press was called, and Khomeini made a statement pointedly not referring to Taleghani as an Ayatollah. "Mr. Taleghani is with us, and he is sorry for what happened."[60]
Ijtihad (lit. "effort, physical or mental, expended in a particular activity")[61] is an Islamic legal term referring to independent reasoning[62] or the thorough exertion of a jurist's mental faculty in finding a solution to a legal question.[61] It is contrasted withtaqlid (imitation, conformity to legal precedent).[62][63] According to classical Sunni theory,ijtihad requires expertise in the Arabic language, theology, revealed texts, and principles of jurisprudence (usul al-fiqh),[62] and is not employed where authentic and authoritative texts (Qur'an and hadith) are considered unambiguous with regard to the question, or where there is an existing scholarly consensus (ijma).[61] Ijtihad is considered to be a religious duty for those qualified to perform it.[62] An Islamic scholar who is qualified to performijtihad is called amujtahid.[61]
Starting from the 18th century, some Muslim reformers began calling for the abandonment oftaqlid and emphasis onijtihad, which they saw as a return to Islamic origins.[61] Public debates in the Muslim world surroundingijtihad continue to the present day.[61] The advocacy ofijtihad has been particularly associated withIslamic modernists. Among contemporary Muslims in the West, new visions ofijtihad have emerged, emphasizing substantive moral values over traditional juridical methodology.[61]
The verse (ayah) 256 ofAl-Baqara is a famous verse in theIslamic scripture, theQuran.[64] The verse includes the phrase that "there is no compulsion in religion".[65] Immediately after making this statement, the Quran offers a rationale for it: Since the revelation has, through explanation, clarification, and repetition, clearly distinguished the path of guidance from the path of misguidance, it is now up to people to choose the one or the other path.[64] This verse comes right after theThrone Verse.[66][67]
The overwhelming majority of Muslim scholars consider that verse to be aMedinan one,[68][69][70] when Muslims lived in their period of political ascendance,[71][72] and to be nonabrogated,[73] includingIbn Taymiyya,[74]Ibn Qayyim,[75]Al-Tabari,[76] Abi ʿUbayd,[77]Al-Jaṣṣās,[78] Makki bin Abi Talib,[79] Al-Nahhas,[80] Ibn Jizziy,[81]Al-Suyuti,[82]Ibn Ashur,[83] Mustafa Zayd,[84]Abdul-Rahman al-Sa'di[85] and many others.[86] According to all the theories of language elaborated by Muslim legal scholars, the Quranic proclamation that 'There is no compulsion in religion. The right path has been distinguished from error' is as absolute and universal a statement as one finds,[87] and so under no condition should an individual be forced to accept a religion or belief against his or her will according to theQuran.[88][89][90][91]A combination ofIslam and feminism has been advocated as "a feminist discourse and practice articulated within an Islamic paradigm" byMargot Badran in 2002.[92] Islamic feminists ground their arguments in Islam and its teachings,[93] seek the full equality of women and men in the personal and public sphere, and can include non-Muslims in the discourse and debate. Islamic feminism is defined byIslamic scholars as being more radical than secular feminism,[94] and as being anchored within thediscourse of Islam with the Quran as its central text.[95]
During recent times, the concept of Islamic feminism has grown further with Islamic groups looking to garner support from many aspects of society. In addition, educated Muslim women are striving to articulate their role in society.[96]Examples of Islamic feminist groups are theRevolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan, founded byMeena Keshwar Kamal,[97] Muslim Women's Quest for Equality from India,[98][99] andSisters in Islam from Malaysia, founded byZainah Anwar andAmina Wadud among other five women.[100][101][102][103]
In 2014, theSelangor Islamic Religious Council (MAIS) issued afatwa declaring that Sisters In Islam, as well as any other organisation promoting religious liberalism and pluralism, deviate from the teachings of Islam. According to the edict, publications that are deemed to promote liberal and pluralistic religious thinking are to be declared unlawful and confiscated, while social media is also to be monitored and restricted.[104] As fatwas are legally binding in Malaysia,[104] SIS is challenging it on constitutional grounds.[105]
While most Conservative Muslims believe thehijab is mandatory, many Progressive Muslims take alternate views.
In a fatwa,Khaled Abou El Fadl states that the Quran requires women only to cover their bosoms. The idea that the Quran mandates a piece of cloth (khimar) to cover either a woman's face or her hair, but not her face, is ahistorical. In addition, he declares that it is an error for Muslim women to continue wearing a hijab if it brings them undue attention or puts her at risk of harm.[106] Sheikh Mustapha Mohamed Rashed atAl-Azhar University similarly defended a thesis that concluded wearing a hijab is not a religious duty, and that the Quran only mandates a piece of cloth to cover breasts.[107]
VerseAn-Nisa 34 of the Quran has traditionally been interpreted as mandating wives' obedience to their husbands and beating as a punishment for disobedience,[108] with the following translations fromMustafa Khattab andSahih International:
Men are the caretakers of women, as men have been provisioned by Allah over women and tasked with supporting them financially. And righteous women are devoutly obedient and, when alone, protective of what Allah has entrusted them with. And if you sense ill-conduct from your women, advise them ˹first˺, ˹if they persist,˺ do not share their beds, ˹but if they still persist,˺ then discipline them ˹gently˺. But if they change their ways, do not be unjust to. Surely Allah is Most High, All-Great.
— Quran 4:34 ("The Clear Quran" translation byMustafa Khattab)
Men are in charge of women by [right of] what Allāh has given one over the other and what they spend [for maintenance] from their wealth. So righteous women are devoutly obedient, guarding in [the husband's] absence what Allāh would have them guard. But those [wives] from whom you fear arrogance - [first] advise them; [then if they persist], forsake them in bed; and [finally], strike them [lightly]. But if they obey you [once more], seek no means against them. Indeed, Allāh is ever Exalted and Grand.
— Quran 4:34 (Sahih International translation)
However, Progressive Muslims have given many alternative interpretations and translations of the verse[109] (such as a deterrent from anger-based domestic violence).[110][111]
Riffat Hassan, has taken the view thatqawwamun in the verse is not talking about men being superior to women, but rather is referring to men's role as breadwinners.Nushuz is interpreted as not referring to domestic disobedience but to a mass rebellion of all women against their role as child-bearers.Asma Barlas has taken a similar view thatqawwamun means moral guidance or caring,nushuz means disharmony, and thatwa-dribuhunna has multiple meanings, such as "to set an example" or "to separate", and that "to beat" is "the worst one!" of all possible interpretations.[109]
Amina Wadud has stated thatqawwamun refers to men's financial support of women whilenushuz refers to disharmony in the relationship. She interpretswa-dribuhunna, the word often translated as "strike" or "beat", as being used in a non-literal sense.[109][112]
Laleh Bakhtiar, in her Quran translation,The Sublime Quran, translatedwa-dribuhunna as "to go away from" or "to leave", claiming the verse recommends husbands to leave their wives if there are irreconcilable disagreements and differences. She cites prophetic biographies claimingMuhammad never beat his wives and talking about his respect for women, and other Quran verses like 2:231.[109][113][114][115]
Laury Silvers, based on the methodology of medieval Islamic thinkerIbn Arabi, believes that "God may intend all meanings, but it does not follow that he 'approves' of all meanings." Using this, she believes that the Quran has to be ambiguous, as if it weren't, there would be no room for human responsibility. Using this, she claims that Allah did intend for all meanings ofwa-dribuhunna, including beating, and that true human morality comes from the freedom to choose the best of these interpretations. It is claimed Muhammad never beat his wives, and that his "conflicted response" to this revelation shows that God revealed it out of necessity (to restrain existing violence against women) rather than out of approval, and that it remains best to refrain from violence entirely.[112][116]
Khaled Abou El Fadl claimsnushuz is better understood as "a grave and known sin" and in 4:34, this is a lewd act or sexual sin that can be proven by evidence and verified by a judge. According to his interpretation, 4:34 is about how a judge would punish a woman for a sexual crime, rather than about wifely disobedience.Fatema Mernissi cites Quran 33:35 as evidence for gender equality within Islam and several hadith to claim that while beating was permissible, the best Muslims would never beat their wives.[112]
Edip Yüksel in his Quran translation,The Quran: A Reformist Translation, interpretsqawwamun as "supporters" rather than as "guardians" or "in charge of", citing other Quran verses using the word. Furthermore, he believesnushuz is not referring to disobedience, but instead an extramarital affair or marital disloyalty, citing Quran 4:128. Finally, he claimsidribuhunna does not mean beating, but rather means separation, saying beating would not make sense with Quran 30:21 stating that marriage is tranquil.[117]
Moderate Islamic political thought contends that the nurturing of the Muslim identity and the propagation of values such as democracy and human rights are not mutually exclusive, but rather should be promoted together.[118] Most liberal Muslims believe that Islam promotes the notion of absolute equality of all humanity, and that it is one of its central concepts. Therefore, a breach ofhuman rights has become a source of great concern to most liberal Muslims.[119]
Liberal Muslims differ with their culturally conservative counterparts in that they believe that all humanity is represented under the umbrella of human rights. Many Muslim majority countries have signed international human rights treaties, although the impact of these largely remains to be seen in local legal systems. Muslim liberals often reject traditional interpretations of Islamic law, which allowMa malakat aymanukum andslavery. They say that slavery opposed Islamic principles which they believe to be based on justice and equality and some say that verses relating to slavery or "Ma malakat aymanukum" now cannot be applied due to the fact that the world has changed, while others say that those verses are misinterpreted and twisted to legitimize slavery.[120][121] In the 20th century, South Asian scholarsGhulam Ahmed Pervez andAmir Ali argued that the expressionma malakat aymanukum should be properly read in the past tense. When some called for a reinstatement of slavery inPakistan upon its independence from theBritish colonial rule, Pervez argued that the past tense of this expression means that the Quran had imposed "an unqualified ban" on slavery.[122] Liberal Muslims have argued againstdeath penalty for apostasy based on the Quranic verse that "There shall be no compulsion in religion".[123]
In January 2013, theMuslim Alliance for Sexual and Gender Diversity (MASGD) was launched.[124] The organization was formed by members of the Queer Muslim Working Group, with the support of the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force.[clarification needed] Several initial MASGD members previously had been involved with theAl-Fatiha Foundation, includingFaisal Alam and ImamDaayiee Abdullah.[125]
The Safra Project for women is based in the UK. It supports and works on issues relating to prejudice against LGBTQ Muslim women. It was founded in October 2001 by Muslim LBT women. The Safra Project's "ethos is one of inclusiveness and diversity".[126] In Australia, Nur Wahrsage has been an advocate for LGBTI Muslims and founded Marhaba, a support group forqueer Muslims inMelbourne, Australia. In May 2016, Wahrsage revealed that he is homosexual in an interview onSBS2’sThe Feed, being the first openly gayImam in Australia.[127]
In Canada, Salaam was founded as the first gay Muslim organization in Canada and the second in the world. Salaam was founded in 1993 byEl-Farouk Khaki, who organized the Salaam / Al-Fateha International Conference in 2003.[128] In May 2009, the Toronto Unity Mosque / el-Tawhid Juma Circle (ETJC) was founded by Laury Silvers, aUniversity of Toronto religious studies scholar, alongside Muslim gay-rights activists El-Farouk Khaki and Troy Jackson. Unity Mosque / ETJC is agender-equal, LGBT+ affirming.[129][130][131][132]
In November 2012, a prayer room was set up inParis by gay Islamic scholar and founder of the group Homosexual Muslims of France,Ludovic-Mohamed Zahed. It was described by the press as the first gay-friendly mosque in Europe. The reaction from the rest of the Muslim community in France has been mixed, and the opening has been condemned by theGrand Mosque of Paris.[133] Examples of Muslim LGBT media works are the 2006Channel 4's documentaryGay Muslims,[134] the film production company Unity Productions Foundation,[135] the 2007 and 2015 documentary filmsA Jihad for Love andA Sinner in Mecca, both produced byParvez Sharma,[136][137][138] and the Jordanian LGBT publicationMy.Kali.[139][140]
Quranic verses about the Story of Lut have traditionally been interpreted as condemning homosexuality, with the following translations ofAl-A'raf 81 from Mustafa Khattab and Sahih International:
You lust after men instead of women! You are certainly transgressors.
— Quran 7:81 ("The Clear Quran" translation byMustafa Khattab)
Indeed, you approach men with desire, instead of women. Rather, you are a transgressing people.
— Quran 7:81 (Sahih International translation)
The definition and application ofsecularism, especially the place of religion in society, vary among Muslim countries as it does among non-Muslim countries.[141] As the concept of secularism varies among secularists in the Muslim world, reactions of Muslim intellectuals to the pressure ofsecularization also varies. On the one hand, secularism is condemned by some Muslim intellectuals who do not feel that religious influence should be removed from the public sphere.[142] On the other hand, secularism is claimed by others to be compatible with Islam. For example, the quest for secularism has inspired some Muslim scholars who argue that secular government is the best way to observesharia; "enforcing [sharia] through coercive power of the state negates its religious nature, because Muslims would be observing the law of the state and not freely performing their religious obligation as Muslims" says Abdullahi Ahmed An-Na'im, a professor of law at Emory University and author ofIslam and the secular state: negotiating the future of Shariʻa.[143] Moreover, some scholars[which?] argue that secular states have existed in the Muslim world since the Middle Ages.[144]
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The place of equality versus hierarchy in Islam is sometimes disputed, with Progressive Islam coming down on the side of equity and equality.
Progressive Islam emphasizes what is sometimes called the "decidedly egalitarian spirit" (Judith Miller) of Islam,[145] and how it is "in principle egalitarian, recognizing no superiority of one believer over another by birth or descent, race or nationality, or social status" (Bernard Lewis).[146]
At the same time, Muslims known asSayyids (those accepted as descendants of the Islamic prophetMuhammad) traditionally have special privileges in Islam, notably of tax exemptions and a share inKhums.[147] A number of scholars (quoted in a number of fatwa sites) have also encouraged discrimination in regards to intermarriage between persons of Arab and non-Arab lineages (Darul Ifta Birmingham (Hanafi fiqh) quoting Raddul Muhtar,[a] and Islamic Virtues website quoting theShafi’i manualReliance of the Traveller ...)[b] Quraishi and non-Quraishi,[c] and Sayyid and non-Sayyid,[d] as can be found in a number of fatwa sites.
This is notably in direct contrast to the Prophet Muhammad's last sermon, "...All mankind is from Adam and Eve, an Arab has no superiority over a non-Arab nor a non-Arab has any superiority over an Arab; also a white has no superiority over a black nor a black has any superiority over white except by piety and good action."[152]
Over the course of the 19th and 20th centuries, in accordance with their increasingly modern societies and outlooks, liberal Muslims have tended to reinterpret many aspects of the application of their religion in their life in an attempt to reconnect. This is particularly true of Muslims who now find themselves living in non-Muslim countries.[153]
Islamic modernism, also sometimes referred to asmodernist Salafism,[154][155][156] is a movement that has been described as "the first Muslim ideological response"[e] attempting to reconcile Islamic faith with modern Western values such asnationalism,democracy,civil rights,rationality,equality, andprogress.[158] It featured a "critical reexamination of the classical conceptions and methods of jurisprudence" and a new approach to Islamic theology and Quranic exegesis (Tafsir).[157]
It was the first of several Islamic movements – includingsecularism,Islamism andSalafism – that emerged in the middle of the 19th century in reaction to the rapid changes of the time, especially the perceived onslaught ofWestern Civilization andcolonialism on the Muslim world.[158] Founders includeMuhammad Abduh (1849–1905), aSheikh ofAl-Azhar University for a brief period before his death in 1905,Jamal ad-Din al-Afghani (1838–1897), andSir Syed Ahmed Khan (1817–1898).
The early Islamic Modernists (al-Afghani and Muhammad Abdu) used the term "salafiyya"[159] to refer to their attempt at renovation of Islamic thought,[160] and this "salafiyya movement" is often known in the West as "Islamic modernism," although it is very different from what is currently called theSalafi movement, which generally signifies "ideologies such aswahhabism".[f] Since its inception, Modernism has suffered fromco-option of its original reformism by both secularist rulers and by "the officialulama" whose "task it is to legitimise" rulers' actions in religious terms.[161] Modernism differs fromsecularism in that it insists on the importance ofreligious faith in public life, and fromSalafism orIslamism in that it embraces contemporary European institutions, social processes, andvalues.[158]
Quranists reject thehadith and follow the Quran only. The extent to which Quranists reject the authenticity of theSunnah varies,[162] but the more established groups have thoroughly criticised the authenticity of the hadith and refused it for many reasons, the most prevalent being the Quranist claim that hadith is not mentioned in the Quran as a source ofIslamic theology and practice, was not recorded in written form until more than two centuries after the death of the Muhammad, and contain perceived internal errors and contradictions.[162][163] Quranists believe Muhammad himself was a Quranist and the founder of Quranism, and that his followers distorted the faith and split intoschisms and factions such asSunni,Shia, andKhawarij.
Some Muslims (Saeed Nasheed,Abdul Karim Soroush, Sayyed Ahmad Al-Qabbanji, Hassan Radwan) have argued for taking "the bold step of challenging the very idea that the Qur’an and Sunna are infallible", and asserting that instead the Qur'an is "divinely inspired but ... human-authored".[164] Saeed Nasheed writes:
"The Qur’an is not the speech of God, just as the loaf of bread is not the work of the farmer. God produced the raw material, which was inspiration, just as the farmer produces the raw material, which is wheat. But it is the baker who turns the wheat or flour into bread according to his own unique way, artistic expertise, and creative ability. Thus it is the Prophet who was responsible for interpreting the inspiration and turning it into actual phrases and words according to his own unique view."[165][164]
By acknowledging this, Hassan Radwan argues, Muslims will be freed to use their reason to "take what is useful and helpful from religion and ignore what is not."[164][166]
Muslims for Progressive Values (MPV) is a Progressive Muslim grassroots human rights organization founded byAni Zonneveld and Pamela K. Taylor in 2007.[167][168] In December 2013, theUnited Nations recognized MPV as an officialnon-government organization (NGO) association member.[169] It has supported women's rights, LGBTQ rights, and interfaith marriage.[170][171]
For its progressive beliefs, the organization was expelled from theIslamic Society of North America Convention bazaar with it being accused of "promoting ignorance of Islam among Muslims at the event" and "claiming haram was good and virtuous".[172]
This organization was initiated byMuhammad Iqbal, and later spearheaded byGhulam Ahmed Pervez. Ghulam Ahmed Pervez did not reject all hadiths; however, he only accepted hadiths which "are in accordance with the Quran or do not stain the character of the Prophet or hiscompanions."[179] The organization, which does not belong to any political party or to any religious group or sect, publishes and distributes books, pamphlets, and recordings of Pervez's teachings.[179]
The Jurists have stated that among Arabs, a non-Quraishi male is not a match (Kuf) for a Quraishi woman, nor can any person of non-Arab descent be a match for a woman of Arab descent. For example, the Sayyids, whether Siddique or Farooque, Uthmaani or Alawi, or belonging to some other branch, can never be matched by any person not sharing their lineage, no matter his profession and family status. The Sayyids are suitable matches for one another, since they share descent from the Quraishi tribe. Thus, marriages between themselves are correct and permitted without any condition, as appearing in Durrul Mukhtar:
"And Kafaah in lineage. Thus, the Quraysh are suitable matches for one another as are the (other) Arabs suitable matches for one another."
The ruling relevant to non-Arabs is as follows: ‘An Ajmi (non-Arab) cannot be a match for a woman of Arab descent, no matter that he be an Aalim (religious scholar) or even a Sultan (ruling authority).[148]
By the ninth and tenth centuries...
لَا إِكْرَاهَ فِي الدِّينِ
: ٢٥٦ في سورة البقرة."
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