Lebanese Forces القوات اللبنانية al-Quwwāt al-Lubnānīyah | |
|---|---|
 | |
| Abbreviation | LF |
| Secretary-General | Emile Moukarzel |
| President | Samir Geagea |
| Founder | Bachir Gemayel |
| Vice-president | Georges Adwan |
| Founded | 1976 |
| Headquarters | Maarab, Lebanon |
| Newspaper | Almassira |
| Membership | 50,000 |
| Ideology | Lebanese nationalism Christian democracy Liberal conservatism |
| Political position | Right-wing[4] |
| National affiliation | March 14 Alliance (2005–2016) |
| European affiliation | European People's Party (regional partner)[5] |
| International affiliation | International Democrat Union (formerly) |
| Colours | Red,white,green |
| Parliamentary bloc | Strong Republic |
| Parliament | 19 / 128 |
| Council of Ministers | 4 / 24 |
| Party flag | |
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| Website | |
| www | |
| This article is part of a series on |
| Maronite politics |
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TheLebanese Forces (Arabic:القوات اللبنانيةal-Quwwāt al-Libnānīyah) is aLebaneseChristian-basedpolitical party andformer militia during theLebanese Civil War. It currently holds 19 of the 128 seats in Lebanon'sparliament, being the largest party of the country.
The organization was created in 1976 byPierre andBachir Gemayel,Camille Chamoun, and other party leaders during theLebanese Civil War. It was initially an umbrella organization coordinating all the right-wing party militias of theLebanese Front and served as the main resistance force of the front.[6] TheKataeb Regulatory Forces provided the largest share of fighters, and theKataeb Party had the largest share on the council. Despite its original creation from party militias, the Lebanese Forces accepted new recruits without any specific party allegiance.
During the civil war, the Lebanese Forces fought different opponents at different times: thePalestine Liberation Organization, theLebanese National Movement, theLebanese National Resistance Front, theSyrian Army, theDruze-dominatedProgressive Socialist Party in theChouf, and theLebanese Army loyal to GeneralMichel Aoun. After the assassination of its leader, Bachir Gemayel, in 1982, political friction within the Lebanese Front resulted in growing distance between the Kataeb militants and the rest of the Lebanese Forces. In the end, the Lebanese Forces and Kataeb became two separate forces within the Lebanese Front. A few uprisings led to Lebanese Forcescommander-in-chiefSamir Geagea taking over and dissolving the Lebanese Front in the late 1980s.
After the civil war ended, Geagea created theLebanese Forces Party. In 1994, while Lebanon was underSyrian occupation, the party was banned, Geagea imprisoned and the activities of its militants repressed by the Lebanese services in Lebanon. The Lebanese Forces returned as a political force after theCedar Revolution in early 2005, which resulted in a withdrawal of Syrian troops from Lebanon. Soon after, Geagea was subsequently released from prison and continues to lead the party today.[7][8][9]
TheLebanese Front was informally organized in January 1976 under the leadership of Bashir's father,Pierre Gemayel andCamille Chamoun. It began as a simple coordination or joint command between the predominantly ChristianKataeb Party/Kataeb Regulatory Forces (KRF),Tyous Team of Commandos (TTC),Ahrar/Tigers Militia,Al-Tanzim,Marada Brigade andLebanese Renewal Party/Guardians of the Cedars (GoC) parties and their respective military wings. The main reason behind the formation of the Lebanese Front was to strengthen the Christian side against the challenge presented by theLebanese National Movement (LNM), an umbrella alliance of leftist parties/militias allied with thePalestine Liberation Organization (PLO) andRejectionist FrontPalestinian guerrilla factions.
ChristianEast Beirut was ringed by heavily fortified Palestinian camps from which kidnappings and sniping against Lebanese civilians became a daily routine. Christian East Beirut became besieged by the PLO camps, with severe shortages of food and fuel. This unbearable situation was remedied by the Kataeb Regulatory Forces (most notably the BG Squad that was led by Bachir) and their allied Christian militias as they besieged the Palestinian camps embedded in Christian East Beirut one at a time and brought them down. The first was on 18 January 1976 when the heavily fortifiedKarantina camp, located near the strategic Beirut Harbor, was invaded: About 1,000 PLO fighters and civilians were killed.[10] The Palestinian PLO and al-Saiqa forces retaliated by attacking the isolated defenseless Christian town ofDamour about 20 miles south of Beirut on the coast, during the Damour massacre in which an estimated 150 to 500 Christian civilians were killed and 5,000 were sent fleeing north by boat, since all roads were blocked off.[11][12] The Maronites retaliated with the invasion of the largest and strongest Palestinian refugee camp,Tel al-Zaatar that same year.[13] Bachir, with his KRF militia units, also fought against the PLO and LNM militias at the Battle of the Hotels in central Beirut. The most important battle won by thePhalange for the control of the hotel district was the fighting over the possession of the Holiday Inn, due to its important strategic location. Before that battle, the Holiday Inn had been occupied by the PLO.[14]
TheLebanese Forces militia was soon after established with an agreement that the direct military commander would be a Kataeb member and the vice-commander an Ahrar member.
Bachir led his troops in the infamous "Hundred Days War" in Lebanon in 1978, in which the Lebanese Forces successfully resisted the Syrian shelling and attacking of Eastern Beirut for about three months before an Arab-brokered agreement forced the Syrians to end the siege. Syrians took high buildings such as Burj Rizk Achrafieh and Burj El Murr using snipers and heavy weapons against civilians. The soldiers stayed for 90 days. Another major clash took place near the Sodeco area in Achrafieh where the Lebanese Forces fought ferociously and led the Syrian army out of the Rizk Building.[15] At this time, Israel was the primary backer of the Lebanese Front's militia.
In July 1980, following months of intra-Christian clashes between the Tigers, the militia ofDany, and the Phalangists, who by now were under the complete leadership ofBachir Gemayel, the Phalangists launched an operation in an attempt to stop the clashes within the Christian areas, and to unite all the Christian militias under Gemayel's command. This operation resulted ina massacre of tens of Tigers' members at the Marine beach resort inSafra, 25 km north ofBeirut. Camille Chamoun's silence was interpreted as acceptance of Gemayel's controls, because he felt that the Tigers led by his son were getting out of his control.[citation needed]
In 1981 at Zahlé in the Beqaa, the largest Christian town in the East, confronted one of the biggest battles – both military and political – between the Lebanese Forces and the Syrian occupying forces. The Lebanese Forces was able to confront them even though there was a big mismatch in military capabilities and was able to reverse the result of the battle of 1981. This victory was due to the bravery of the inhabitants and 92 Lebanese Forces soldiers (L.F Special Forces: The Maghaweer) sent from Beirut. The Syrian occupying forces used all kind of weapons (heavy artillery, tanks, war planes...) against a peaceful town, and they cut all kind of backup that may come from the Mountain. Regardless of the very bad weather and heavy bombing, convoys were sent in the snow to Zahle. Two Lebanese Forces soldiers died on a hill due to bad weather, they were found later holding each other... till they died. The battle of Zahle gave the Lebanese Cause a new perspective in the International Communities, and the victory was both military and diplomatic. It made the Leadership of President Bashir Gemayel much stronger because of his leadership and important role in this battle. The battle started on 2 April 1981, and finished with a cease fire and Lebanese Police were sent to Zahle. The 92 Lebanese Forces heroes returned to Beirut on 1 July 1981.[16]
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Christian East Beirut was ringed by heavily fortified Palestinian camps from which kidnappings and sniping against Lebanese civilians became a daily routine. Christian East Beirut became besieged by the PLO camps, with severe shortages of food and fuel. This unbearable situation was remedied by theKataeb Regulatory Forces (most notably the BG Squad that was led by Bachir) and their allied Christian militias as they besieged the Palestinian camps embedded in Christian East Beirut one at a time and brought them down. The first was on 18 January 1976 when the heavily fortified Karantina camp, located near the strategic Beirut Harbor, was invaded: About 1,000 PLO fighters and civilians were killed.[10] The Palestinian PLO and al-Saiqa forces retaliated by attacking the isolated defenseless Christian town of Damour about 20 miles south of Beirut on the coast, during theDamour massacre in which 1,000 Christian civilians were killed and 5,000 were sent fleeing north by boat, since all roads were blocked off.[11] The Maronites retaliated with the invasion of the largest and strongest Palestinian refugee camp, Tel al-Zaatar that same year.[13] Bachir, with his KRF militia units, also fought against thePLO andLNM militias at the Battle of the Hotels in central Beirut. The most important battle won by the Phalange for the control of the hotel district was the fighting over the possession of the Holiday Inn, due to its important strategic location. Before that battle, the Holiday Inn had been occupied by thePLO. Eventually the PLO ended up occupying the Holliday Inn once again, while the Kataeb forces retreated to the facing Hilton Hotel in what was known as the "Hotel War".[17]
The Lebanese Forces was soon after established with an agreement that the direct military commander would be aKataeb member and the vice-commander anAhrar member.
Bashir led his troops in the infamous "Hundred Days War" in Lebanon in 1978, in which the Lebanese Forces successfully resisted the Syrian shelling and attacking of Eastern Beirut for about three months before an Arab-brokered agreement forced the Syrians to end the siege. Syrians took high buildings such as Burj Rizk Achrafieh and Burj El Murr using snipers and heavy weapons against civilians. The soldiers stayed for 90 days. Another major clash took place near the Sodeco area in Achrafieh where the Lebanese Forces fought ferociously and led the Syrian army out of the Rizk Building. At this time, Israel was the primary backer of the Lebanese Front's militia.
In July 1980, following months of intra-Christian clashes between the Tigers, the militia ofDany, and the Phalangists, who by now were under the complete leadership ofBachir Gemayel, the Phalangists launched an operation in an attempt to stop the clashes within the Christian areas, and to unite all the Christian militias under Gemayel's command. This operation resulted ina massacre of tens of Tigers' members at the Marine beach resort inSafra, 25 km north ofBeirut.Camille Chamoun's silence was interpreted as acceptance of Gemayel's controls.[18]
In 1981 at Zahlé in the Beqaa, the largest Christian town in the East, confronted one of the biggest battles – both military and political – between the Lebanese Forces and the Syrian occupying forces. The Lebanese Forces was able to confront them even though there was a big mismatch in military capabilities and was able to reverse the result of the battle of 1981. This victory was due to the bravery of the inhabitants and 92 Lebanese Forces soldiers (L.F Special Forces: The Maghaweer) sent from Beirut. The Syrian occupying forces used all kind of weapons (heavy artillery, tanks, war planes...) against a peaceful town, and they cut all kind of backup that may come from the Mountain. Regardless of the very bad weather and heavy bombing, convoys were sent in the snow to Zahle. Two Lebanese Forces soldiers died on a hill due to bad weather and were found later holding each other. The battle of Zahle gave the Lebanese Cause a new perspective in the International Communities, and the victory was both military and diplomatic. It made the Leadership of President Bashir Gemayel much stronger because of his leadership and important role in this battle. The battle started on 2 April 1981, and finished with a cease fire and Lebanese Police were sent to Zahle. The 92 Lebanese Forces heroes returned to Beirut on 1 July 1981.[16]
In 1982, Bachir met with Hani Al-Hassan (representative of the PLO) and told him that Israel would enter and wipe them out. Bachir told him to leave Lebanon peacefully before it was too late. Hani left and no reply was given to Bachir.[19]
Israel invaded Lebanon, arguing that a militaryintervention was necessary to root out PLOguerrillas from the southern part of the country. Israeli forces eventually moved towardsBeirut and laid siege to the city, aiming to reshape the Lebanese political landscape and force the PLO out of Lebanon. By 1982, Israel had been the main supplier to the Lebanese Forces, giving them assistance in weapons, clothing, and training.
An official Israeli inquiry intoevents in Beirut estimated that when fully mobilized the Phalange had 5000 fighters of whom 2000 were full-time.[20]
After the PLO had been expelled from the country to Tunisia, in a negotiated agreement, Bachir Gemayel became the youngest man to ever be elected aspresident of Lebanon. He was elected by the parliament in August; most Muslim members of parliament boycotted the vote.
On 3 September 1982, during the meeting, Begin demanded that Bachir sign a peace treaty with Israel as soon as he took office in return of Israel's earlier support of Lebanese Forces and he also told Bachir that the IDF will stay in South Lebanon if the Peace Treaty was not directly signed. Bachir was furious at Begin. The meeting ended in rage and both sides were not happy with each other.
Begin was reportedly angry at Bachir for his public denial of Israel's support. Bachir refused the immediate peace arguing that time is needed to reach consensus with Lebanese Muslims and the Arab nations. Bachir was quoted telling David Kimche, the director general of the Israeli Foreign Ministry, few days earlier, "Please tell your people to be patient. I am committed to make peace with Israel, and I shall do it. But I need time – nine months, maximum one year. I need to mend my fences with the Arab countries, especially with Saudi Arabia, so that Lebanon can once again play its central role in the economy of the Middle East."[21][22]
In an attempt to fix the relations between Bachir and Begin, Ariel Sharon met secretly with Bachir in Bikfaya. In this meeting, they both agreed that, after 48 hours, the IDF will cooperate with the Lebanese Army to force the Syrian Army out of Lebanon. After that is done, the IDF would peacefully leave the Lebanese territory. Concerning the Peace Negotiation, Sharon agreed to give Bachir time to fix the internal conflicts before signing the negotiation. The next day, Begin's office issued a statement saying that the issues agreed upon between Bachir and Sharon were accepted.[23]
Nine days before he was to take office, on 14 September 1982, Bachir was killed along with 25 others in a bomb explosion in the Kataeb headquarters inAchrafieh. The attack was carried out byHabib Shartouni, a member of theSyrian Social Nationalist Party (SSNP), believed by many to have acted on instructions of the Syrian government ofPresidentHafez al-Assad.[24] The next day, Israel moved to occupy the city, allowing Phalangist members underElie Hobeika's command to enter the centrally locatedSabra and the Shatila refugee camp; amassacre followed, in which Phalangists killed between 762 and 3,500 (number is disputed) civilians, mostlyPalestinians andLebanese Shiites, causing great international uproar.
After the Israeli invasion, theIDF troops settled in theChouf andAley from party militias, the Lebanese Forces returned to the villages which had been occupied by the PSP for seven years. However, soon after, clashes broke out between the Lebanese Forces and theDruze militias who had now taken over the districts. The main Druze militiamen came from theProgressive Socialist Party, led byWalid Jumblatt, in alliance with theSyrian Army and Palestinian militants. For months, the two fought what would later be known as the "Mountain War", resulting in a large PSP victory.At the same time, the Lebanese Forces troops also fought battles against the Palestinian and Druze militias and the Syrian troop east of the southern city ofSidon. The outcome was also a Progressive Socialist Party victory and a contiguous Druze Chouf district with access to Lebanese sea ports.Later in 1984, the PSP won decisive battles against the Lebanese Army in the Chahar region in the Aley District.The PSP then attacked further intoSouk El Gharb, a village held by theLebanese Army's8th Mechanised Infantry Brigade commanded by then ColonelMichel Aoun. The attackers were fiercely pushed back as the American helped Aoun by bombing the PSP from their navy.
After the death of Bachir, his brotherAmine Gemayel replaced him as president, and his cousin,Fadi Frem as commander of the Lebanese Forces. The two had a frosty relationship, and in 1984, pressure from Amine led to Frem's replacement byFouad Abou Nader.
On 12 March 1985, Samir Geagea, Elie Hobeika andKarim Pakradouni rebelled against Abou Nader's command, ostensibly to take the Lebanese Forces back to its original path. The relationship between Geagea and Hobeika soon broke down, however, and Hobeika began secret negotiations with the Syrians. On 28 December 1985, he signed theTripartite Accord, against the wishes of Geagea and most of the other leading Christian figures. Claiming that the Tripartite Accord gave Syria unlimited power in Lebanon, Geagea mobilized factions inside the Lebanese Forces and on 15 January 1986, attacked Hobeika's headquarters inKarantina. Hobeika surrendered and fled, first toParis and subsequently toDamascus,Syria. He then moved toZahlé with tens of his fighters where he prepared for an attack against East Beirut. On 27 September 1986, Hobeika's forces tried to take over theAchrafieh neighborhood of Beirut but the Lebanese Forces of Geagea's command held them back.
In May 1985, during the period of Hobeika's leadership, the Lebanese Forces closed their office inJerusalem. The office was headed by Pierre Yazbeck.[25]
This failed attempt by Hobeika was the last episode of internal struggles in East Beirut during Amine Gemayel's mandate. As a result, the Lebanese Forces led by Geagea were the only major force on ground. During two years of frail peace, Geagea launched a drive to re-equip and reorganize the Lebanese Forces. He also instituted asocial welfare program in areas controlled by Geagea's party. The Lebanese Forces also cut its relations with Israel and emphasized relations with theArab states, mainlyIraq but alsoSaudi Arabia,Jordan, andEgypt.
Two rival governments contended for recognition following Amine Gemayel's departure from the Presidency in September 1988, one a mainly Christian government and the other a government of Muslims and Lebanese Leftists. The Lebanese Forces initially supported the military Christian government led by GeneralMichel Aoun, the commander of the Lebanese Army. However, clashes erupted between the Lebanese Forces and theLebanese Army under the control of Michel Aoun on 14 February 1989. These clashes were stopped, and after a meeting inBkerké, the Lebanese Forces handed the national ports which it controlled to Aoun's government under pressure from the Lebanese National army.[26][27][28]
The Lebanese Forces initially supported Aoun's "Liberation War" against the Syrian army, but then agreed to theTaif Agreement, which was signed by the Lebanese deputies on 24 October 1989 in Saudi Arabia and demanded an immediateceasefire. Aoun's main objection to the Taif Agreement was its vagueness as to Syrian withdrawal from the country. He rejected it vowing that he "would not sign over the country". Fierce fighting in East Beirut broke out between the Lebanese Forces and the Lebanese Army under Michel Aoun after the Lebanese Army, under orders of Michel Aoun, began stopping and arresting members of the Lebanese Forces.[29][30] These events led to the "Elimination War" on 31 January 1990. The war continued until the defeat and exile of Aoun to France in August 1990. During the war, the Lebanese Forces made major strides and victories including the capture of many of the army's encampments, barracks, and units.[31]
After Aoun surrendered on 13 October 1990 to the rival Syrian-backed President Hrawi, Geagea was offered ministerial posts in the new government. He refused several times, because he was opposed to Syrian interference in Lebanese affairs, and his relationship with the new government deteriorated. The Lebanese Forces and theNational Liberal Party boycotted the1992 general election demanding that Syria withdraw first and elections postponed until people displaced by the civil war had time to return to their homes.[32] On 23 March 1994, the Lebanese government headed byRafic Hariri ordered the dissolution of the Lebanese Forces, MinistersSleiman Frangieh,Michel Samaha,Nicholas Fattoush andMikhael Daher voted against the dissolution of LF.[33][34]
On 19 March, the offices of the Lebanese Forces (LF) were raided and six people arrested, including Fouad Malik, LF secretary general, and three members of the LF intelligence apparatus, including a woman. Also detained were a man and a woman from theGuardians of the Cedars.[35] On 21 April 1994, Geagea was arrested on charges of setting abomb in the church inZouk which killed eleven people, of instigating acts of violence, and of committingassassinations during the Lebanese Civil War. Although he was acquitted of the first charge, Geagea was subsequently arrested and sentenced to life imprisonment on several different counts, including the assassination of formerPrime MinisterRashid Karami in 1987. He was incarcerated in solitary confinement, with his access to the outside world severely restricted.Amnesty International criticized the conduct of the trials and demanded Geagea's release, and Geagea's supporters argued that the Syrian-controlled Lebanese government had used the alleged crimes as a pretext for jailing Geagea and banning an anti-Syrian party.Many members of the Lebanese Forces were arrested and brutally tortured in the period of 1993–1994. At least one died in Syrian custody and many others were severely injured.[36]
In 1998, a group of ex-military persons in the Lebanese Forces, was alleged to have conducted military operation against the Syrian military intelligence in Lebanon. The group was mainly formed of elites Lebanese Forces called SADEM,[37] On 19 June 1998, a failed operation revealed the identity of some persons of this group, one of which was a Lebanese Army Captain, Camille Yared.[38] Some other names published in the newspapers then were:[39]
The Lebanese Forces was an active participant in theCedar Revolution of 2005, when popular protests and international pressure following the assassination of former Prime MinisterRafik al-Hariri combined to force Syria out of Lebanon. In the subsequentparliamentary election held in May and June, the Lebanese Forces formed part of theRafik Hariri Martyr List, which also included theFuture Movement,Popular Socialist Party, the reformedPhalange party, and other anti-Syrian political groups, as well as a brief tactical alliance withAmal andHezbollah. The tactical alliance with Hizbollah and Amal would soon end; these majority parties and movements would subsequently form the anti-SyrianMarch 14 Alliance, which stood opposed to theMarch 8 Coalition backed by Hizbullah, Amal and theFree Patriotic Movement led by General Michel Aoun who had returned to Lebanon. The Lebanese Forces were able to win 6 out of the 8 MPs that were nominated throughout the various regions of the country. Nevertheless, the elections proved to be very significant because for the first time, supporters of the party were freely able to participate in the election process.
Following the party's new political gains, Samir Geagea was freed on 18 July 2005, after parliament decided to amend all the charges he formerly faced. Since Geagea's release from prison, the Lebanese Forces have been rebuilding much of their former image. Some of these works include reorganizing its members and their families, reopening political facilities, and reestablishing their main presence among the Christians ofLebanon. In addition to rebuilding their image, the Lebanese Forces have also been attempting to reclaim former privately funded facilities, which were seized by the Syrian backed government. Currently, the Lebanese Forces have also been striving to reclaim their rights to theLebanese Broadcasting Corporation, which was initiated by the party in the mid-1980s.
Since the emancipation of the party's main leader,Samir Geagea, the party has gained new popularity among the Christian population throughout all ofLebanon. In addition, the Lebanese Forces have also been able to attain a great deal of popularity amongst the younger generation, as evidenced by the annual student elections in Lebanese colleges. The Lebanese Forces, along with their other 14 March allies, made additional gains in the elections geared towards the professional bodies of engineers, doctors, lawyers, and even teachers.[citation needed]
The Lebanese Forces held8 out of the 128 seats of theLebanese Parliament afterthe general elections of 2009, and were represented in theSiniora government, formed in July 2005, by the minister of tourismJoseph Sarkis, and then in the secondSiniora government, formed in July 2008, by the minister of justiceIbrahim Najjar and the minister of environmentAntoine Karam. They are a Christian party within the14 March Bloc, an anti-Syrian movement.
The Lebanese Forces and its main political representatives strive to re-establish the many Christian rights, which were significantly lessened during Syria's occupation of Lebanon, specifically from 1990 to 2005. Some of the Lebanese Force's other main objectives include formulating a just electoral law, which would enable the Christian population to be represented fairly in local and parliamentary elections. The party has also stressed the idea of reaffirming the powers formerly endowed to the Lebanese president before being lessened in theTaef Agreement.
After the2020 Beirut explosion, on 6 August 2020 the Lebanese Forces Party's executive chairmanSamir Geagea was the first politician to visitBeirut[41] and launched from there a relief committee, Ground-0, under the leadership of the former ministerDr. May Chidiac to support in rebuilding Beirut. In December 2020, the committee achieved repairing 709 houses, assisted 5300 individuals and 2300 families, distributed 14000 food rations, made 2540 medical consultations, and provided 2030 individuals with medicine. In addition, the committee distributed more than 150 scholarships for Beirut schools' students.[42] Ground-0 Relief Committee launched a petition for an international investigation.[43] The petition was signed by the relatives of the victims and the missing, by the injured as well as by those whose homes, businesses or establishments have been damaged. The document was sent to theUN Secretary General,Antonio Guterres, through his special coordinator for Lebanon,Ján Kubiš, in order to take the necessary steps to appoint an international commission of inquiry.[44]
The Lebanese Forces Party MPs called for an international investigation into the causes of the double explosion at the port of Beirut on 4 August 2020. They asked theSecretary-General of the United Nations,António Guterres, on 22 February 2021 for the creation of an international commission to be established under theUnited Nations, which would be responsible for carrying out the investigations. The Members of ParliamentGeorges Okais,Imad Wakim,Eddy Abillammaa andFady Saad, presented a petition to this effect to the United Nations Special Coordinator in Lebanon, Najat Rochdi.[45]
In October 2021, Samir Geagea, the leader of the Lebanese Forces party, was embroiled in controversy followingviolent clashes in Beirut on October 14. These clashes erupted during a protest organized by Hezbollah and its ally, the Amal Movement, against JudgeTarek Bitar, who was investigating the 2020 Beirut port explosion. The protest turned deadly when unidentified gunmen fired on the demonstrators, leading to armed confrontations that resulted in at least seven deaths and over 30 injuries. Geagea was summoned by military intelligence to testify about the events, as both Hezbollah and the Amal Movement accused his party of instigating the violence.[46] Geagea denied these allegations, asserting that his supporters acted in self-defense against an attack by Hezbollah loyalists who had vandalized property in the area. On the day he was scheduled to appear, Geagea did not show up, and his supporters protested the summons, blocking roads in support.
Former LF coordinator in Bint Jbeil,Elias Hasrouni, was found in an apparent crash sight on 6 August 2023, but an autopsy later revealed that he was killed and many believed the murder was politically motivated.[47] Samir Geagea declared Hasrouni's death an assassination, pointing the finger at the Iran-backedHezbollah as the crime occurred deep within areas controlled by them.[48] PoliticianSamy Gemayel also hinted that Hezbollah might have been behind the killing.[49] The residents ofAin Ebel, one of the few Christian villages in Hezbollah-controlled Bint Jbeil, are largely supportive of Hezbollah's largest political rival, the Lebanese Forces, and the murder of Hasrouni deepened sectarian tensions.[50][51] In April 2024 Lebanese Forces coordinator in theByblos District,Pascal Suleiman was kidnapped by armed assailants while traveling in the area of Byblos. Party supporters blocked roads in the area in protest of the kidnapped and many politicians called for investigations and harsh punishments for the assailants. The party called for people to close their shops in the area in condemnation of the kidnapping.[52] Lebanese intelligence arrested multiple Syrians to reveal Suleiman’s whereabouts.[53] The next day he was reported dead by the Lebanese Army and that his body was taken to Syria by Syrian gangs.[54] The party blamed Hezbollah for his killing and said that it was a political murder until proven otherwise.
The Lebanese Forces presented 18 direct members along with many other allies in every electoral district, with the exceptionSouth III, during the elections with a large anti-Hezbollah sentiment. The Lebanese Forces saw some withdrawal of candidates specifically in Shia dominated areas which was blamed at Hezbollah and theAmal Movement for placing pressure on ShiaMarch 14 candidates.[55] LF formed an electoral alliance with Qassem Daoud (brother of Amal Martyr Daoud Daoud) in Tyre/Zahrani-East Saida (South II).[56] Lebanese Forces secured 19 seats, making the LF the largest Christian-based party in parliament and theStrong republic the largest bloc in parliament with an additional 3 fromAshraf Rifi's Bloc andCamille Dory Chamoun of theNational Liberal Party.[57][58]
The LF has always been a staunch critic of the Assad regimes's involvement in Lebanese politics. In December 2024, thefall of Assad’s Baathist regime in Syria was a subject of celebration among the LF’s supporters. Samir Geagea said in an interview: "No matter how the situation in Syria will be after Assad, it’s impossible that it will be worse than Assad."[59]
In February 2025, Prime MinisterNawaf Salam announced his government, which consists of 24 ministers. The Lebanese Forces has four ministers: Foreign MinisterYoussef Rajji; Energy MinisterJoe Saddi; Telecommunications Minister Charles Al-Hajj and Industry MinisterJoe Issa Al-Khoury. Kamal Chehadeh, Minister of Displaced Affairs and State Minister for Information Technology and Artificial Intelligence, is also close to the LF.[60]
After securing the most seats in parliament after the 2022 elections,Samir Geagea emphasized his pledge not to vote for 30-year incumbentspeakerNabih Berri, citing corruption in theBloc he leads.[61][62]
| Name | Election Area | Religion |
|---|---|---|
| Ghassan Hasbani | Beirut I | Greek Orthodox |
| Jihad Pakradouni | Beirut I | Armenian Orthodox |
| Elias Khoury | North II –Tripoli | Maronite |
| Fadi Karam | North III –Koura | Greek Orthodox |
| Sethrida Geagea | North III-Bsharri | Maronite |
| Ghayath Yazbeck | North III –Batroun | Maronite |
| Ziad Hawat | Mount Lebanon I –Jbeil | Maronite |
| Chawki Daccache | Mount Lebanon I –Kesserwan | Maronite |
| Melhem Riachi | Mount Lebanon II –Metn | Greek Catholic |
| Razi El Hage | Mount Lebanon II –Metn | Maronite |
| Pierre Bou Assi | Mount Lebanon III –Baabda | Maronite |
| Camille Chamoun | Mount Lebanon III –Baabda | Maronite |
| Nazih Matta | Mount Lebanon 4 –Aley | Greek Orthodox |
| Georges Adwan | Mount Lebanon 4 –Chouf | Maronite |
| Ghada Ayoub | South I –Jezzine | Greek Catholic |
| Saiid Sleiman Asmar | South I –Jezzine | Maronite |
| Elias Estephan | Bekaa I –Zahle | Greek Orthodox |
| Georges Okais | Bekaa I –Zahle | Greek Catholic |
| Antoine Habchi | Bekaa III –Baalbek-Hermel | Maronite |
| Date | MP | Name | Detail |
|---|---|---|---|
| 02-06-2012 | Elie Keyrouz | abolish death penalty in Lebanon | The death penalty should be eliminated in all instances within Lebanese legislation, particularly in the Penal Code and the Military Penal Code. Instead, it should be substituted with the punishment of life imprisonment with hard labor or life imprisonment, depending on the nature and circumstances of the committed crime.[63] |
| 29-07-2016 | Elie Keyrouz | abolish Lebanese rape-marriage law Article 522 | Introducing a law to abolish Article 522 of the Lebanese Penal Code, which allows the perpetrator of crimes of assault on honor to escape prosecution if he marries the victim.[64] |
| 02-08-2023 | Melhem Riachi, Georges Okeis | Legalize optional civil marriage in Lebanon | The couple is free to choose any municipality for their marriage ceremony, as long as the municipality has at least 15 members. Their marriage will be legally recognized and governed by the court within the same jurisdiction. Non-Lebanese have the right to contract a civil marriage on Lebanese territory in accordance with this law.[65] |
Lebanese Forces internal elections to elect the party President, Vice President and members of the Executive Committee take place every 6 years since 2023.
Members of the Executive Committee are divided as follow:
The first internal elections took place on October 29, 2023.[66] 31,000 were eligible to vote but only 18,321 voted (58.9%).[67]
| Position | Candidate | Result |
|---|---|---|
| President | Samir Geagea | won by acclamation |
| Vice President | Georges Adwan | won by acclamation |
| Area | Candidate | Result |
|---|---|---|
| Beirut | Daniel Sbiro | 12,511 |
| Beirut | Riad Akel | 5,199 |
| Mount Lebanon | Edy Abi Lamaa | 12,483 |
| Mount Lebanon | Georges Aoun | 3,927 |
| Mount Lebanon | Rachid Khalil | 1,843 |
| Mount Lebanon | Charly Kossaify | 1,684 |
| Mount Lebanon | Toni Karam | 9,856 |
| Mount Lebanon | Adel Haber | 588 |
| Mount Lebanon | Fady Zarifeh | 8,678 |
| Mount Lebanon | Maya Zaghrini | 8,904 |
| Mount Lebanon | Michel Abou Gebrayel | 455 |
| North Lebanon | Antoine Zahra | 17,209 |
| North Lebanon | Yvonne El Hachem | 2,146 |
| North Lebanon | Elie Keyrouz | 13,288 |
| North Lebanon | Fadi Boulos | 3,005 |
| North Lebanon | Wehbe Katicha | 10,485 |
| North Lebanon | Youssef Hitti | 3,485 |
| Bekaa | Bachir Matar | won by acclamation |
| Bekaa | Michel Tannoury | won by acclamation |
| South Lebanon | Assaad Saiid | 9,928 |
| South Lebanon | Elias Abi Tayeh | 5,857 |
| South Lebanon | Bassam Nachef | 1,811 |
| Diaspora | Antoine Baroud | 3,652 |
| Diaspora | Pierre El Hage | 963 |
| Diaspora | Joseph Jbeily | 12,889 |
| Name | Cabinet | Position |
|---|---|---|
| Joseph Sarkis | 2005–2008 | Tourism |
| Antoine Karam | 2008–2009 | Environment |
| Ibrahim Najjar | 2008–2009 | Justice |
| Ibrahim Najjar | 2009–2011 | Justice |
| Salim Wardeh | 2009–2011 | Culture |
| Ghassan Hasbani | 2016–2019 | Deputy PM andHealth minister |
| Melhem Riachi | 2016–2019 | Information |
| Pierre Bou Assi | 2016–2019 | Social Affairs |
| Ghassan Hasbani | 2019–2020 | Deputy PM |
| Richard Kouyoumjian | 2019–2020 | Social Affairs |
| May Chidiac | 2019–2020 | Culture |
| Camille Abousleiman | 2019–2020 | Labor |
| Youssef Raggi | 2025–present | Foreign Affairs |
| Joe Saddi | 2025–present | Energy And Water |
| Kamal Chehade | 2025–present | Displaced and IT & AI |
| Joe Issa Al-Khoury | 2025–present | Industry |
| Election year | # of overall votes | % of overall vote | # of overall seats won | +/– |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2005 | (#6) | 4.68% | 6 / 128 | New |
| 2009 | (#6) | 8 / 128 |  2 | |
| 2018 | 168,960 (#4) | 9.61% | 15 / 128 | 7 |
| 2022 | 210,324 (#1) | 11.63% | 19 / 128 | 4 |
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)| Ministers (24) |
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