The Kinshasa site has been inhabited byTeke and Humbu people for centuries and was known asNshasa before transforming into acommercial hub during the 19th and 20th centuries.[20][21] The city was named Léopoldville byHenry Morton Stanley in honor ofLeopold II of Belgium.[20][22][23] The name was changed to Kinshasa in 1966 duringMobutu Sese Seko'sZairianisation campaign as a tribute toNshasa village.[20] Covering 9,965 square kilometers, Kinshasa stretches along the southern shores of thePool Malebo on theCongo River. It forms an expansive crescent across flat, low-lying terrain at an average altitude of about 300 meters.[20] Kinshasa borders theMai-Ndombe Province,Kwilu Province, andKwango Province to the east; theCongo River delineates its western and northern perimeters, constituting anatural border with theRepublic of the Congo; to the south lies theKongo Central Province. Across the river sitsBrazzaville, the smaller capital of the neighboring Republic of the Congo, forming the world's closest pair of capital cities despite being separated by a four-kilometer-wide unbridged span of the Congo River.[24][25][20][26]
Kinshasa also functions as one of the26 provinces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo; it is administratively divided into24 communes, which are further subdivided into 365 neighborhoods.[27] With an expansive administrative region, over 90 percent of the province's land remains rural, while urban growth predominantly occurs on its western side.[28] Kinshasa is the largest nominallyFrancophone urban area globally, withFrench being the language of government, education, media, public services and high-end commerce, whileLingala is used as alingua franca in the street. The city's inhabitants are popularly known asKinois, with the term "Kinshasans" used in English terminology.[7][29][30][31]
There are several theories about the origin of the nameKinshasa. Paul Raymaekers, ananthropologist andethnologist, suggests that the name derives from the combination of theKikongo and Kihumbu languages.[20] The prefix "Ki(n)" signifies a hill or inhabited area and "Nsasa" or "Nshasa" refers to a bag of salt. According to Raymackers,Kinshasa was a significant trading site where people from the Lower Congo (nowKongo Central Province) andSouth Atlantic Ocean exchanged salt for goods such asiron,slaves andivory brought by those from the Upper Congo (nowTshopo Province).[20] However Hendrik van Moorsel, an anthropologist, historian and researcher, proposes thatBatekefishermen traded fish for cassava with locals along the riverbank, and the place of this exchange was called "Ulio".[20][21] InTeke, "exchange" is "Utsaya", and "place of exchange" is "Intsaya". Thus, the name evolved fromUlio toIntsaya, and later, under the influence of Kikongo, transformed intoKintsaya, eventually becomingKinshasa.[20]Kinshasa, also known asN'shasa, is regarded as the primary "place of exchange" on the southern bank of thePool Malebo, wherebartering occurred even before the commercial boom ofKintambo.[20]
The nameNshasa is believed to originate from the Teke verb "tsaya" (tsaa), meaning "to exchange", and the noun "intsaya" (insaa), referring to any market or place of exchange. It was at this location that Tekebrokers traded ivory and slaves from the Banunu slave traders, often mistaken for theYanzi, for European trade items brought by the Zombo andKongo people.[20] Despite the various theories, the historical name ofKinshasa is known to have beenNshasa, as documented byHenry Morton Stanley during his crossing ofAfrica fromZanzibar toBoma in 1874–1877 when he mentioned visiting "the king of Nshasa" on 14 March 1877.[20][23][22]
View of Léopoldville station and port (1884)Kinshassa village (1912)
Prior to the establishment of Kinshasa, the area was for a time part of theAnziku Kingdom. By about 1698, it had become an essentially independent domain known asNkonkobela.[38]
The city was established as a trading post byHenry Morton Stanley in 1881.[39] It was named Léopoldville in honor of Stanley's employerKing Leopold II of the Belgians. He would then proceed to take control of most of theCongo Basin as theCongo Free State, not as a colony but as his private property. The post flourished as the first navigable port on the Congo River aboveLivingstone Falls, a series of rapids over 300 kilometres (190 miles) below Leopoldville. At first, all goods arriving by sea or being sent by sea had to be carried by porters between Léopoldville andMatadi, the port below the rapids and 150 km (93 mi) from the coast. The completion of theMatadi-Kinshasaportage railway, in 1898, provided an alternative route around the rapids and sparked the rapid development of Léopoldville. In 1914, a pipeline was installed so that crude oil could be transported from Matadi to the upriver steamers in Leopoldville.[40] By 1923, the city was elevated to capital of theBelgian Congo, replacing the town ofBoma in the Congo estuary, pursuant to the Royal Decree of 1 July 1923, countersigned by theMinister of the Colonies, Louis Franc.[20][40] This transition, finalized in 1929, led to the development of a new administrativequartier located betweenKinshasa, then emerging as a major commercial center, and Léopoldville-West, a preexisting settlement. The selected site was namedKalina (nowGombe) and developed as the colonial administrative center.[41] Before this, Léopoldville was designated an "urban district", encompassing exclusively thecommunes ofKintambo and the current Gombe, which burgeoned aroundNgaliema Bay.[20][42][43] Then the communes ofKinshasa,Barumbu, andLingwala emerged. In the 1930s, these communes predominantly housed employees of Chanic, Filtisaf, andUtex Africa.[43]
In 1941, legislative ordinance n°293/AIMO of 25 June 1941, conferred Kinshasa the status of a city and established an Urban Committee (Comité Urbain), with an allocated area of 5,000 hectares and a population of 53,000.[44][43] Concurrently, it became the colony's capital, theCongo-Kasaï Province's capital, and theMoyen Congo district. The city was demarcated into two zones: the urban zone, comprising Léo II, Léo-Ouest, Kalina, Léo-I, or Léo-Est, and Ndolo; and the indigenous zone to the south. The urban populace swelled in 1945 with the cessation offorced labor, facilitating the influx of native Africans from rural regions. Léopoldville then became predominantly inhabited by theBakongo ethnic group.[43]
After gaining its independence on 30 June 1960, followingriots in 1959, theRepublic of the Congoelected its first prime minister,Patrice Lumumba whose perceived pro-Soviet leanings were viewed as a threat by Western interests. This being the height of the Cold War, the U.S. and Belgium did not want to lose control of the strategic wealth of the Congo, in particular its uranium. Less than a year after Lumumba's election, the Belgians and the U.S. bought the support of his Congolese rivals and set in motion the events that culminated in Lumumba's assassination.[45] In 1964,Moïse Tshombe decreed the expulsion of all nationals ofRepublic of the Congo,Burundi andMali, as well as all political refugees fromRwanda.[46][47][48][49] In 1965, with the help of the U.S. and Belgium,Joseph-Désiré Mobutu seized power in the Congo. He initiated a policy of "Authenticity", attempting to renativize the names of people and places in the country. On 2 May 1966, the government announced that the nation's major cities would be restored to their pre-colonial names, effective on 30 June, the sixth anniversary of independence.[50] Léopoldville was renamedKinshasa, fora village named Kinshasa that once stood near the site. Kinshasa grew rapidly under Mobutu, drawing people from across the country who came in search of their fortunes or to escape ethnic strife elsewhere, thus adding to the many ethnicities and languages already found there.[40]
The arrival of the firstlocomotive in Léopoldville, Congo Free State, ca. 1898
Photograph ofKinshasa Central Station, ca. 1905. A small locomotive is seen at the platform alongside a series offreight cars. Several Congolese workers and passengers are present, as well as a European colonial official.
Europeanurban development began in 1881 and was guided byrigid planning principles aimed at preserving an orderly and aesthetically pleasing environment, emphasizing open space and vegetation.[51] A major catalyst for urban expansion was the construction of theMatadi–Léopoldville Railway, initiated in 1890 and completed in 1911. This infrastructure project was emblematic of colonial progress and served as a critical link between the port of Léopoldville and the coastal city ofMatadi.[52] Upon its completion, the station area began to transform, with the erection ofprefabricated residences known as "Danish houses", imported from Belgium. These permanent structures gradually replaced the temporary tents that had accommodated early explorers, soldiers, and mercenaries.[52] As Léopoldville developed into an administrative and military center, agents of the Congo Free State, and, after 1908, those of the Belgian Congo, settled in the area. Europeans often took on multiple roles, functioning as engineers, architects, carpenters, and builders.[52] They were supported by mercenaries and trained African laborers, who were instrumental in the physical construction. By 1902, theKitambo (nowKintambo) area was entirely occupied by European constructions.[52] The urban center expanded as surrounding villages grew, drawn by the prospects of employment and commerce. These settlements would eventually constitute the earliestcités indigènes, designated residential areas for the African population.[52]
A 1942 view of Léopoldville from the balcony of the A.B.C. Hotel. Established in 1914, the A.B.C. Hotel was the city's first hotel complex, constructed by theCompagnie Commerciale et Agricole d'Alimentation du Bas-Congo (ABC), a subsidiary of theCompagnie du Congo pour le Commerce et l'Industrie (CCCI), which also oversaw the construction of theMatadi–Léopoldville Railway. The hotel formed part of a broader colonial initiative to expand infrastructure and hospitality services in the Belgian Congo.[53][54]
At this early stage, the connection between Léopoldville (commonly referred to as "Léo") andKinshasa consisted of an eight-kilometer track that was often impassable during the rainy season. Transportation was rudimentary, with a few bicycles, limited private cars, and even dromedaries in use, as public transit infrastructure was virtually nonexistent.[52] In 1911, George Moulaert, an influential colonial administrator, drafted a comprehensive urban plan for Léopoldville and the greater Kinshasa area. This plan would guide spatial development for the coming decades.[55][52] Ironically,World War I accelerated local economic activity. The Belgian Congo, largely cut off from Europe, experienced a period of relative prosperity. Motorboats and trucks increasingly replaced traditional forms of transport, such as canoes and human porters.[52] By the end of the war in 1918, Léopoldville had emerged as a dynamic urban center, rivaling other Congolese cities and attracting the attention of Belgian architects, who viewed the city as a potential model for colonial urban experimentation. Colonial urbanization remained tightly controlled and reflected the aspirations and limitations of Belgian policy.[52] In 1922, a decree mandated that large companies provide housing for their African workers. While major firms such asHuileries du Congo Belge (HCB) complied by building workers' camps, smaller enterprises often failed to meet these requirements.[56] The existing framework, governed by the decree on "the labor contract between natives and civilized masters", proved insufficient to meet growing housing demands.[56] In response,religious missions extended loans to African residents forself-construction, though they were quickly overwhelmed by demand. A special fund was subsequently established to provideinterest-free loans for the construction of houses using locally available materials.[56]
TheKinshasa Central Market was launched in January 1944 to serve the commercial needs of the African population as urban development and colonial segregation measures grew more pronounced.
Colonial authorities enforced a racially segregated urban model. African residents were confined to separate indigenous quarters, known ascités indigènes, such as Léo I and Léo II.[51] These zones were delineated by colonial authorities who allocated land in rudimentary grids. Lacking modern infrastructure like sewers, these neighborhoods only had basic sanitation facilities, typically simplepit latrines made from a hole dug or drilled into the ground.[51] During the 1920s, the urban growth brought the indigenousquarters into proximity with European residential areas, particularly near the Matadi–Kinshasa Railway and theBoulevard Albert 1er (nowBoulevard du 30 Juin).[51] This spatial convergence led to heightened concerns among European settlers regarding public health and urban hygiene, leading the Léopoldville Urban Committee in 1933 to implement a buffer known as the "neutral zone".[57][51] Although an 800-meter-wide zone was recommended, the implemented buffer measured only 250 to 300 meters due to logistical constraints and exemptions granted to some Europeans residing in the area.[57][51] This zone, referred to asParc De Bock, now theKinshasa Botanical Garden, was created by District Commissioner Fernand De Bock and agronomist Roeck.[51] The zone also housed theKinshasa Zoological Garden and served both as arecreational area for European residents and as a sanitary barrier between the European and indigenous quarters.Vegetable gardens, maintained by unemployed volunteers, were cultivated within the park.[51] Located immediately south of the neutral zone, the indigenous area included notable facilities such asNdolo Airport, amarket, the botanical and zoological gardens,Kinshasa General Hospital, a wireless telegraph station (TSF), agolf course, a cemetery, and Camp Léopold II (now CampKokolo).[57][58][59]
African housing and post-World War II urban development
Belgian colonial authorities, motivated by apaternalistic ideology associated with the so-called "civilizing mission", initiated efforts to provide formal housing for the African population, particularly for those employed in urban areas. In the aftermath of theSecond World War, a large-scale residential project was launched inDendale, present-dayKasa-Vubu commune, on 407 hectares of land.[57] The development was overseen by theService de la Population Noire under the direction of Dendale, from whom the area took its name. This "Nouvelle Cité" was among the firstplanned residential zones for Congolese workers. By 1947, just two years after its inception, the area housed over 8,000 residents, including future PresidentJoseph Kasa-Vubu.
To further address housing needs for the African population, theOffice des Cités Africaines (OCA) was tasked with urban development. Beginning in 1949, under a ten-year plan, OCA spearheaded projects involvingurban design, infrastructure, community facilities, and housing construction.[51] Over 40,000 homes were built by 1959, following a controlled, segregationist approach. Planning responsibilities were initially led by urban planner Georges Ricquier and later taken over by Maurice Heymans in 1953.[51] The new city plan preserved European dominance over the historical center (La Gombe), limiting expansion to adjacent zones and promoting industrial development inLimete.[51]
Post-1950surban expansion arose due to the "sprawl ofquartiers, the high demand for housing among the population, and the increasing distance between riverside employment zones andcités indigènes". Communes like Kasa-Vubu andNgiri-Ngiri featured structured housing with proper streets, sanitation systems,twin houses, andsingle-level row buildings. Some housing areas were self-built but still regulated, with residents adhering to official layouts and construction guidelines based on their resources.[51] Between 1954 and 1960, OCA developedMatete,Bandalungwa, andLemba, alongside thesatellite city ofNdjili. These included prearranged roads,drainage systems, sewer networks, and paved primary access routes.[51]
For the first time, two-story houses and collective apartment buildings appeared, particularly in Bandalungwa, Matete, and Lemba.Kalamu followed with the expansion of Camp Kaouka and the 20 May neighborhood beyond the Funa River.[51] Further east, across the Yolo River, residential development continued in Limete and its accompanying industrial zone.[51]
In 1991 the city had tofend off rioting soldiers, who were protesting the government's failure to pay them. Subsequently a rebel uprising began, which in 1997 finally brought down the regime of Mobutu.[40]
The eruption of theFirst Congo War (1996–1997), closely tied to the aftermath of the 1994Rwandan genocide, significantly intensified instability in Kinshasa and across the broader region. Following the genocide, theRwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), underPaul Kagame, launched military operations into eastern Zaire, not only targetingHutu insurgents but also committing large-scale violence against Hutu civilians.[60][61][62]UNHCR consultantRobert Gersony estimated that between 5,000 and 10,000 people were killed monthly in mid-1994 alone. The influx of over two million Rwandan Hutu refugees into eastern Zaire further exacerbated security and humanitarian tensions, particularly in provinces such asSouth Kivu.[60][63][64] President Mobutu's regime proved incapable of managing the crisis, thus facilitating the conditions for war.[65] By 1996, foreign-backed militias, including theRwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), theUgandan People's Defence Force (UPDF), and Burundi'sForces Armées Burundaises (FAB), began supporting CongoleseTutsi groups such as theBanyamulenge.[65] Belgian legal and political scholarFilip Reyntjens describes the First Congo War as the convergence of two overlapping goals: the genuine resistance of Congolese Tutsi, who feared retaliation, and the strategic use of this resistance by the Rwandan government to justify the RPA's military involvement in Zaire.[66]
The fall of Kinshasa in May 1997 to the Rwandan- and Ugandan-backedAlliance des Forces Démocratiques pour la Libération du Congo (AFDL), led byLaurent-Désiré Kabila, marked the beginning of serious human rights abuses in the capital.[67] In the days following the city's capture, AFDL and RPA forces carried outextrajudicial killings, acts oftorture,rape, and targeted former regime officials as well as members of the eliteSpecial Presidential Division (DSP).[67] On 17 May, Mobutu was overthrown in an AFDL-led coup.[68] Between 18 and 22 May 1997, volunteer teams from theCongolese Red Cross collected between 228 and 318 bodies in Kinshasa and its outskirts and evacuated wounded civilians to local medical facilities. Reports from theUnited Nations Special Rapporteur and theUnited Nations Mapping Team indicate that the security situation deteriorated further between May and June 1997.[67] During this period, AFDL and RPA units, often with the participation of civilians, carried outpublic executions, frequently incinerating the bodies in neighborhoods such asMasina,Matete, and Kingabwa (Limete commune). At the GLM (Groupe Litho Moboti) building, detainees, many of them former members of theZairean Armed Forces (Forces Armées Zaïroises; FAZ) or political opponents, were routinely executed and their bodies discarded in theCongo River, a practice halted only after intervention by human rights advocates alerted by local fishermen.[67] In September 1997, the security crisis in Kinshasa was compounded by cross-border shelling fromBrazzaville. Armed factions involved in a separate conflict in Brazzaville launched artillery fire into Kinshasa between 29 September and 1 October, killing at least 21 civilians. In retaliation, FAC and RPA forces shelled Brazzaville for two consecutive days.[67]
Systematic torture, detention conditions, and crackdowns on political opposition
Security forces also engaged in systemic torture and abuse. In June and July 1997, detainees inmilitary prisons at Kokolo andTshatshi camps suffered ill-treatment that led to numerous deaths from torture, disease, and medical neglect.[67] Reports from late 1997 indicate that at least 24 wounded former members of theRwandan Armed Forces (Forces Armées Rwandaises, ex-FAR) soldiers disappeared after being transferred from hospitals to military camps, where they were subjected to threats and degrading treatment.[67] The militarization of Kinshasa's public life continued under the new regime. Units of theCongolese Air Force (Force Aérienne Congolaise, FAC) and the RPA, particularly the youngchild soldiers known asKadogo, imposed harsh disciplinary measures on civilians, including public floggings and whippings with thechicotte, a "leather-thonged whipping device". These punishments often resulted in severe internal injuries and deaths due to internal bleeding.[67]
Beginning in June 1997, the new authorities ordered ex-FAZ to undergo political re-education atKitona military base inBas-Congo (nowKongo Central). In their absence, soldiers from the newly formed FAC and the RPA occupied military camps in Kinshasa, including CETA and Tshatshi, where they raped large numbers of women and girls, many of whom were family members of ex-FAZ soldiers. Victims were often subjected to sexual slavery and forced domestic labor.[67] At Kokolo military camp, similar atrocities occurred, includinggang rapes and the random abduction and assault of women in nearby neighborhoods. At a location known as "Camp Américain", particularly brutal crimes were reported, including the case of a girl who was gang-raped, tortured, and had hot wax poured over her genitals.[67] Violence against women extended beyond military compounds. Numerous reports from the period indicate that FAC and RPA soldiers carried out systematic sexual violence across Kinshasa, including against sex workers and women detained arbitrarily.[67]
Political repression under Kabila's new government intensified after the prohibition of political party activity. Opposition activists and their families were frequently subjected to harassment,arbitrary arrest, and torture. Women related to political figures were especially vulnerable to sexual violence during state crackdowns.[67] Activists from major opposition parties such as theParti Lumumbiste Unifié (PALU),Union pour la Démocratie et le Progrès Social (UDPS), and theFront pour la Survie de la Démocratie au Congo (FSDC) were frequent targets. In July 1997, FAC and RPA soldiers killed between one and four PALU members during a protest crackdown and injured several others.[67] The residence of PALU leaderAntoine Gizenga was ransacked, resulting in the death of an activist and the severe beating of six more. Documented cases of torture and rape continued into 1998. Notably, on 10 December 1997, two sisters of the FSDC president were gang-raped by FAC and RPA personnel.[67] The FSDC leader himself, a former Mobutu loyalist, was arrested in February 1998 and subjected to torture while detained in both the central prison and the Mikonga military training facility.[67]
Visit of PresidentLaurent-Désiré Kabila toJoão de Deus Pinheiro, the European Commissioner for Relations with Parliament, Culture, and Audiovisual, to discuss the armed conflict raging in the country, November 1998.
The eruption of theSecond Congo War in August 1998 plunged Kinshasa into a period of acute insecurity and military confrontation. The conflict was precipitated by a dramatic breakdown in relations between President Laurent-Désiré Kabila and his former allies in Rwanda and Uganda. Kabila accused these states of undermining Congolese sovereignty and harboring ambitions to orchestrate acoup d'état.[69][70] Allegations also surfaced that theUnited States had provided indirect support to Rwanda during this period, including claims ofmilitary training by the Rwanda Interagency Assessment Team (RIAT), ostensibly to secure access to the DRC's vast mineral wealth.[71][72] American individuals and institutions, such as Roger Winter of theU.S. Committee for Refugees and Immigrants, were further implicated in allegedly abetting insurgent activities.[71] In response to these tensions, President Kabila dismissed Rwandan GeneralJames Kabarebe from his position asChief of Staff and demanded the withdrawal of all Rwandan military personnel from Congolese territory.[69][70] This move provoked a swift counteroffensive, as Rwanda and Uganda backed the formation of a new rebel group, theRassemblement Congolais pour la Démocratie (RCD), which launched its rebellion from the city of Goma on 2 August 1998.[73] The insurrection was spearheaded by mutinous units within the Congolese armed forces in coordination with Rwandan, Ugandan, and Burundian troops. Within weeks, RCD forces had captured large swathes of territory in the eastern and northern parts of the country, including regions ofNorth andSouth Kivu,Orientale Province, NorthKatanga, andÉquateur Province.[73] Their advance toward Kinshasa and the western province of Bas-Congo was halted by military intervention fromAngola andZimbabwe, both of which deployed troops in support of Kabila's government.[73]
This escalation led to the effective partition of the DRC. Kabila's administration, reinforced by military contingents from Angola, Zimbabwe,Namibia,Chad, andSudan, retained authority over the western and central regions. Conversely, the eastern part of the country fell under the control of the RCD's military wing, theArmée Nationale Congolaise (ANC), which was supported by Rwandan, Ugandan, and Burundian forces.[73] In response, Kabila aligned with a range of non-state actors and militias, notably theMayi-Mayi as well as Rwandan and Burundian Hutu rebel groups including theForces pour la Défense de la Démocratie (FDD) and theArmée de Libération du Rwanda (ALiR), the latter composed in part of former members of the Rwandan Armed Forces and theInterahamwe militia. Uganda, while occupying substantial portions of Orientale Province, simultaneously sponsored the establishment of theMouvement pour la Libération du Congo (MLC), under the leadership ofJean-Pierre Bemba, to administer the Ugandan-controlled regions of Équateur.[73] Diverging strategic interests between Uganda and Rwanda eventually led to a split within the RCD itself, giving rise to two rival factions: the Rwanda-aligned RCD–Goma and the Uganda-supported RCD–ML.[73] Despite their military superiority, these rebel coalitions faced persistent challenges in exerting full administrative and security control over rural areas, where they were met with sustained resistance from local militias, interethnic hostility, and community mistrust.[74]
By late August 1998, Kinshasa became the theater of direct armed confrontation. Forces of the ANC, RPA, and UPDF clashed with troops from FAC and theZimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF) for control of the capital. The ZDF employed heavy artillery to bombard densely populated neighborhoods, includingKimbanseke,Masina,Ndjili, and the village of Kingatoko, located near the border of Bas-Congo Province.[75] These attacks resulted in the deaths of approximately 50 civilians and left 282 wounded, who were admitted to medical facilities across the capital during the night of 27 to 28 August. The shelling campaign led to mass displacement, as residents fled to safer parts of the city.[75] The ZDF's indiscriminate use of heavy weapons failed to differentiate between military and civilian targets, striking hospitals, religious buildings, and other non-combatant infrastructure. In some instances, Congolese military authorities exacerbated civilian casualties by ordering residents to remain in their homes, thereby preventing rebel fighters from taking shelter in abandoned buildings and leaving civilians exposed to sustained bombardment.[75]
During the same period, humanitarian workers became direct victims of violence. On 28 August 1998, inMont-Ngafula, FAC soldiers brutally killed two Red Cross volunteers, one by crushing his skull, as they attempted to rescue victims in the Mitendi and Mbenseke areas.[75] The incident left several others severely wounded. Rebel forces further escalated the crisis by targeting strategic infrastructure. On 13 August 1998, troops from the ANC, RPA, and UPDF seized theIngahydroelectric power station in Bas-Congo Province, halting itsturbines for three weeks.[75] This act deprived Kinshasa and parts of Bas-Congo of electricity and water, critically affecting essential services such as hospitals. As a result, mortality rates, particularly among children, increased markedly in medical facilities.[75]
Systematic human rights violations, authoritarian repression, and crackdowns on Cabindan separatists
From the onset of the conflict, Congolese security forces were implicated in widespread human rights abuses, including extrajudicial executions, torture, rape, andarbitrary detentions. Political opponents and ordinary civilians alike were subject to these violations with near-total impunity.[75] Between August 1998 and January 2001, approximately 50 incident reports were submitted to theUnited Nations Commission on Human Rights and its mechanisms, including theWorking Groups on arbitrary detention and enforced disappearances, and the Special Rapporteurs on torture and extrajudicial killings.[75]
Particularly severe abuses were inflicted on members of opposition political parties such as the UDPS and PALU. Victims were often detained in notorious facilities such as thePolice d'intervention rapide (PIR), theDirection des renseignements généraux et services spéciaux (DRGS, also known as Kin Mazière), the IPKIN (ex-Circo), and the Kokolo military camp. These sites became centers for torture, sexual violence, and in some cases, extrajudicial execution.[75] A significant crackdown occurred on 28 October 2000, when President Kabila's security services arrested at least 93 individuals, including 60 soldiers and 33 civilians from North Kivu, South Kivu, andManiema, on accusations of plotting acoup d'état involving Anselme Masasu Nindaga, a founding member of the AFDL.[75] While some detainees weresummarily executed or tortured to death, others were held for over three years and released only after a government-issued general amnesty.[75]
As part of its military alliance with Angola, the Kinshasa government also acted against members of theFront for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda (FLEC), a separatist movement advocating independence for the Angolan province of Cabinda.[75] Between 1998 and 1999, the DRC's security forces shuttered FLEC offices in Kinshasa and arrested numerous Cabindan militants. Many of those detained were reportedly tortured; others were forcibly transferred to Angola or remain missing to this day.[75]
Joseph Kabila's rise to power and the shift in the conflict
Following theassassination of President Laurent-Désiré Kabila on 16 January 2001, the Democratic Republic of the Congo entered a new phase in the protracted national crisis. His son and successor, Joseph Kabila, was swiftly installed as president and sought to redirect the country's trajectory through diplomacy and political dialogue. Central to his early agenda was the de-escalation of armed conflict and the promotion of national reconciliation, particularly through the organization of the Inter-Congolese Dialogue (ICD).[76] This initiative aimed to convene representatives from the government, rebel movements, political opposition, and civil society in a comprehensive peace process.[76] In March 2001, theUnited Nations Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUC) deployed personnel to key conflict zones to oversee compliance with theLusaka Ceasefire Agreement. However, despite these peacebuilding measures, violence persisted, especially in the eastern provinces of North and South Kivu. The region remained mired in conflict involving various armed factions, including the Mayi-Mayi militias, the FDD, the ALiR, and the ANC.[76]
The formal opening of the Inter-Congolese Dialogue took place on 25 February 2002 inSun City,South Africa. A preliminary power-sharing accord was reached on 19 April 2002 between President Joseph Kabila and Jean-Pierre Bemba. While the agreement marked progress, it was met with resistance from RCD-Goma and influential opposition parties, notably the UDPS.[76] A significant diplomatic breakthrough occurred on 30 July 2002, when the governments of Rwanda and the DRC signed a peace agreement in Pretoria. Under its terms, Rwanda agreed to withdraw its troops from Congolese territory in return for the disarmament and repatriation of Hutu militias, including theDemocratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR).[76] A parallel agreement was signed with Uganda inLuanda on 6 September 2002, outlining a withdrawal plan for Ugandan forces and aiming to restore stability in the war-tornIturi Province.[76] By the end of that year, the disengagement of foreign military forces had begun, with troops from Rwanda, Uganda, Zimbabwe, Angola, and Namibia initiating their withdrawal. The culmination of these efforts was the signing of the Global and All-Inclusive Agreement inPretoria on 17 December 2002. The accord laid the foundation for a transitionalpower-sharing government and the integration of former belligerents into a unified national army.[76] Despite its ambitions, the peace process remained vulnerable to setbacks. On 1 April 2003, delegates at the Inter-Congolese Dialogue ratified the agreement in Sun City, accompanied by a memorandum detailing transitional governance structures and the integration of armed groups.[76] On 30 June 2003, transitional institutions were formally inaugurated, marking a tentative step toward political stabilization.[76]
Nevertheless, President Joseph Kabila, who remained in power until 2019, faced persistent opposition in Kinshasa. His controversial victory in the2006 presidential election triggered widespread unrest in the capital, prompting the deployment ofEuropean Union forces to support the MONUC in maintaining order.[77][78] Further unrest emerged in 2016 when theIndependent National Electoral Commission announced a two-year delay in holding new presidential elections. The decision ignited mass demonstrations in September and December of that year, characterized by street barricades, violent clashes, and a significant civilian death toll. Schools and businesses across Kinshasa were shuttered amid the turmoil.[78][79]
Kinshasa is strategically situated on the southern bank of the expansiveMalebo Pool, spanning 9,965 square kilometers, configured in a grand crescent shape atop a low-lying, flat terrain with an average elevation hovering around 300 meters.[80][81] Positioned between latitudes 4° and 5° and longitudinal coordinates 15° to 16°32 east, Kinshasa is flanked by the provinces ofMai-Ndombe,Kwilu, andKwango to the east, while theCongo River delineates its western and northern boundaries, naturally demarcating the border with theRepublic of the Congo. To the south, it is demarcated by theKongo Central Province.[82]
The Congo River is the second longest river in Africa after theNile and has the continent's greatestdischarge. As awaterway it provides a means of transport for much of theCongo Basin; it is navigable for river barges between Kinshasa andKisangani; many of its tributaries are also navigable. The river is an important source ofhydroelectric power, and downstream from Kinshasa it has the potential to generate power equivalent to the usage of roughly half of Africa's population.[83]
Topographically, Kinshasa has amarshy,alluvial plain, with altitudes ranging from 275 to 300 meters, along with hilly terrain that elevates from 310 to 370 meters.[84][82][85] The city has four principal features: the Malebo Pool, a vast expanse of water with islands and islets; the Kinshasa Plain, which is a highlyurbanizable space, but susceptible to drainage issues; the Terrace, which is a series of low ridges overlooking the plain; and the Hills Area, which is characterized by deep valleys andcirque-shaped formations.[82]
The Malebo Pool spans over 35 kilometers in length and 25 kilometers in width and is encircled byNgaliema commune to the west andMaluku to the east, traversing throughGombe,Barumbu,Limete,Masina, andNsele communes.[82] The Kinshasa Plain has a banana-like shape and is surrounded by eastward-oriented hills. Comprising mainlysandy alluvial deposits, this plain covers an area of about 20,000 hectares and hosts some of the city's most densely populated and urbanized communes,[82][86] such as Limete,Kalamu,Bandalungwa,Ngiri-Ngiri,Kinshasa, Barumbu, andLingwala. Despite its urban potential, the plain is highly vulnerable to seasonalflooding andwaterlogging due to inadequatedrainage infrastructure, with recurrent inundation occurring during therainy season.[86]
Sunset along the banks of the Congo River in Kinshasa
The Terrace is mainly situated in the city's western expanse, betweenN'djili andMont-Ngafula. It comprises stony blocks of softsandstone andsilica-covered yellowclay, topped with brownsilt, and ranges from 10 to 25 meters in height. It retains vestiges of an ancient surface.[82] The Hills Area commences several kilometers from the Malebo Pool and is characterized by deep valleys and cirque-shaped formations. These hills reach heights surpassing 700 meters and exhibit gentle, rounded contours sculpted by local rivers.[82] While their eastern counterparts may reflect remnants of theBatéké Plateau, their origins in the west and south remain enigmatic.[82] This region forms a natural amphitheater shaped by rivererosion processes, which have been exacerbated by anthropogenic activities, often resulting in significantenvironmental degradation.[86] Communes located within or adjacent to these hilly areas include Mont-Ngafula,Bumbu,Selembao,Kisenso, and Ngaliema. In addition,Makala andNgaba, although partially located within the plains, gradually ascend into the adjacent highlands.[86]
Kinshasa's hydrographic landscape is defined by an intricate and predominantlydendritic network of rivers and valleys that converge toward the Pool Malebo on the Congo River. This fluvial system, which predominantly flows from the southern and southwestern highlands toward the north and northeast, is shaped by the region's topographical gradient and its underlying lithological structure.[87] The city's current hydrological dynamics are the cumulative result of long-termtectonic shifts,sedimentary processes, andclimatic variability that have defined the development ofriver systems overgeological time scales.[87]
The hydrographic system is composed of two main categories of rivers:allochthonous (originating outside the city) and autochthonous (local or internal to the city). The allochthonous rivers, which include theN'djili, N'sele, and the Pool Malebo, form the city's eastern and northern boundaries.[87] These rivers have their sources far beyond the city's southern hills and generally flow in a south-to-north direction. The N'djili River, in particular, is prone to recurrentseasonalflooding in its lower reaches, frequently disrupting critical infrastructure.[87] In contrast, the autochthonous rivers, such as the Funa,Lukunga, Bombo, Mai-Ndombe, and Mbale, are generated from localized watersheds scattered throughout the urban area.[87][82][88][89] These rivers often carve deeply incised valleys, especially in the elevated southern regions. The Funa River is commonly but inaccurately referred to as theKalamu, a misnomer derived from theTeke-Humbu term for "watercourse".[87]
The current hydrographic network overlays an ancient system, likely dating back to theTertiary period, which originally drained from south to north but was subsequently modified by tectonic deformation following the lateCretaceouspeneplanation. These geodynamic changes reoriented some rivers east-west in the eastern parts of theCongo Basin and west-east in the west.[87] Traces of this paleonetwork persist in the form of broad, flat-bottomed valleys known asdambos ordembos, which emerged during theHolocene epoch. Characterized by diffuse channels and lacking pronouncedriverbeds, these depressions often remainwaterlogged throughout the year due to the persistentupwelling of thegroundwatertable.[87] In recent centuries, however, increased hydrological stress, marked by heightened peakrunoff, has induced the incision of more distinct channels within these formerlymarshy landscapes.[87] This hydrological transformation is evidenced by a marked rise in surface runoff and a reduction ininfiltration retention, resulting in flashier hydrographs, more frequent flood events, and acceleratederosional processes.[87] Recent studies estimate Kinshasa's runoff coefficient has increased to approximately 13%, a stark contrast to the near-zero levels before urban expansion andland-use change.[87]
Closely connected to the surface drainage network are the city's groundwater systems, particularly the perchedaquifers found in its permeablesandstone substratum.[87] These aquifers, often extending beyond the limits of their corresponding surfacecatchments, are sustained by deeppercolation facilitated by the sandy and porous characteristics of the regional soils.[87] During thedry season, rivers are primarily fed by these underground aquifers, which are recharged during therainy season. Early seasonal rains are absorbed into the soil and do not contribute to surface runoff until the retention threshold is surpassed, at which point excess water seeps downward to replenish groundwater reserves.[87] The region's highsoil permeability also facilitates the formation of erosion cirques, particularly on steep slopes where groundwater undercutting and concentrated surface runoff progressively destabilize hillsides, often culminating inlandslides.[87] These geomorphic hazards have become increasingly pronounced in Kinshasa's rapidly urbanizing fringe zones, where informal settlement expansion,deforestation, and inadequateland-use planning intensify environmental vulnerability.[87]
The soils of Kinshasa predominantly belong to the Arenoferrasol classification,[90][91] characterized by fine-textured sands withclay content typically below 20%, loworganic matter, and saturated absorbent complexes.[82] These soils exhibit a strongacidity and are chemically deficient.[87] Despite their limited nutrient availability, they experience regular rainfall for approximately eight to nine months annually, resulting in significant leaching and intensehydrolysis of soilminerals. This extended exposure to precipitation adversely affectssoil fertility and agricultural potential.[87]
Geologically, Kinshasa rests on aPrecambrian basement complex, composed predominantly of finely stratified redsandstone often containingfeldspar minerals.[82] These geological formations are prominently visible at the base of the rapids near Mount Ngaliema and to the south of the N'djili River, where they display considerable resistance to erosion.[82]
The region's diverse geological substrata have a notable impact on localsoil composition.Schisto-limestone formations, along with olderlithologies associated with the West-Congolian Orogeny, give rise to yellow, clay-rich soils that are largely sterile, exhibiting low permeability directly correlated with theirsand content.[87] Conversely, schist-sandstone and clay-limestone substrates produce yellow to light brown clayey sands. Although these soils demonstrate slightly improved permeability, they still possess low fertility and minimal agricultural utility.[87] Fertile soils are primarily located withinalluvial andcolluvial deposits, where sediment accumulation enhances nutrient content and moisture retention.[87]
In elevated terrains and along the slopes of deeply incised valleys, hydric erosion actively reshapes the schist-sandstone relief and ancientmassifs. In these areas, soils are predominantly grayish sandy or clay-sandy in texture.[87] In lower-lying regions, a distinctive local material known asLemba sand is prevalent, although certain pockets of clay-sandy soils yield improved crop outcomes.[87]
Kinshasa's vegetation consists of galleryforests,savannas, and semi-aquatic toaquatic plant communities, particularly within the valleys surrounding the Pool Malebo.[82] The hilly zones of the region were originally dominated by grassland species, notablyLoudetia demeusei andSchizachyrium semiberbe, which are characteristic tufted hemicryptophytes.[87] However, the natural vegetation has undergone substantial transformation due toanthropogenic influences, most notablyurban sprawl. As the city expanded, inhabitants introduced a range offruit-bearing trees andornamental plants, often cultivated as living hedges.[87]
The gallery forests, typically aligned along principal watercourses and occupying humid valleys associated with the Guineo-Congolese ombrophile-type, have experienced progressive degradation.[82] These once-continuous forest belts have been reduced to fragmented pre-forest fallows, consisting ofsecondary growths of varying maturity and structure.[82] Historical vegetation mapping reveals that Kinshasa'sforest cover declined significantly over the latter half of the 20th century: from 46% in 1960 to 36% in 1982, and plummeting further to just 15% by 1987.[87] In parallel, the coverage of forest–savanna mosaics and terrestrialgrassland formations expanded, rising from 48% in 1960 to 56% in 1982, and reaching 64% by 1987.[87] In contrast, areas dominated by aquatic andswamp vegetation remained relatively stable throughout this period.[87]
Kinshasa is a city of sharp contrasts, with affluent residential and commercial areas and three universities alongside sprawling slums.[92] The older and wealthier part of the city (ville basse) is located on a flat area ofalluvial sand and clay near the river, while many newer areas are found on theeroding red soil of surrounding hills.[2][77] Older parts of the city were laid out on a geometric pattern, withde facto racial segregation becomingde jure in 1929 as the European and African neighborhoods grew closer together.City plans of the 1920s–1950s featured acordon sanitaire or buffer between the white and black neighborhoods, which included the central market as well as parks and gardens for Europeans.[93]
Urban planning in post-independence Kinshasa has been limited. TheMission Française d'Urbanisme drew up some plans in the 1960s which envisioned a greater role forautomobile transportation but did not predict the city's significant population growth. Thus much of theurban structure has developed without guidance from a master plan. According toUN-Habitat, the city is expanding by eight square kilometers per year. It describes many of the new neighborhoods asslums, built in unsafe conditions with inadequate infrastructure.[94] Nevertheless, spontaneously developed areas have in many cases extended thegrid street plan of the original city.[92]
Kinshasa is both a city (ville in French) and a province, one of the 26provinces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Nevertheless, it has city subdivisions and is divided into 24communes (municipalities), which in turn are divided into 369 quarters and 21 embedded groupings.[95]Maluku, the rural commune to the east of the urban area, accounts for 79% of the 9,965 km2 (3,848 sq mi) total land area of the city-province,[28] with a population of 200,000–300,000.[92] The communes are grouped into four districts which are not in themselves administrative divisions.
Under theKöppen climate classification, Kinshasa has atropical wet and dry climate (Aw). Its lengthy rainy season spans from October through May, with a relatively short dry season, between June and September. Kinshasa lies south of theequator, so its dry season begins around its winter solstice, which is in June. This is in contrast to African cities further north featuring this climate where the dry season typically begins around December. Kinshasa's dry season is slightly cooler than its wet season, though temperatures remain relatively constant throughout the year.
Climate data for Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of the Congo
Parc Présidentiel, situated along theCongo River, is a park in Kinshasa. The park offersponds,pools, andfountains, while theThéâtre de Verdure serve as venues for cultural performances. The park's mini zoo has a diverse array of animals.
Since the early 20th century, Kinshasa has experienced substantial demographic growth, influenced by urban migration, natural population increase, and various political crises. In 1889, the population of Kinshasa was recorded at a mere 5,000.[105] By 1910, this figure had doubled to 10,000, and by 1930, it escalated to 39,530, driven by an annual increase of approximately 4,700 residents.[106] Between 1935 and 1945, the annual growth rate increased from 1.1% to 1.5%, largely attributable to economic revitalization efforts associated withWorld War II, which necessitated significant labor forces to support wartime industries mandated by the colonial administration.[106] During the 1940s, the city's population surged from 50,000 to over 200,000.[107] By 1960, coinciding withCongo's independence, Kinshasa expanded to cover 5,500 hectares and approximately 400,000 residents were recorded.[108] Following independence, the city experienced heightenedrural-to-urban migration, population displacement due to armed conflicts, and a natural annual population increase of 3.8%.[108] The national census of 1984 recorded 2.6 million residents,[109] while estimates for 2005 varied between 5.3 million and 7.3 million.[92] By 2015, the population approached 12 million, placing Kinshasa among the world's largest metropolises.[106]
According toUnited Nations Human Settlements Programme, the city receives an average of 390,000 new migrants annually, many fleeing conflict or economic hardship.[111] Projections anticipate that Kinshasa's metropolitan population will reach 35 million by 2050, 58 million by 2075, and 83 million by 2100, making it one of the largest projected urban areas on the planet.[112]
Other groups closely linked to Kinshasa's early history include theYaka, Banunu, andBayanzi, primarily from Kongo Central. These populations were active in river-based trade and had longstanding ties to Pool Malebo before colonization.[114]
Internal and international migration, and urbanization
The city's rapid urbanization has been driven largely byinternal migration. Beginning during the colonial era and intensifying after independence in 1960, waves of Congolese from various provinces moved to Kinshasa in search of economic opportunity, political stability, and access to education and services.[115] This demographic surge was channeled through two principal corridors: a river route from northern and central Congo and a road route throughBandundu and Kongo Central. The migration intensified during times of national crisis, especially during political upheavals in the 1990s and protracted conflicts in eastern DRC, which transformed Kinshasa into a refuge for displaced populations from across the country.[115]
A woman dressed in a traditional African dress with a bright pink headscarf beside her young daughter wearing a maroonhijab and a patterned skirt in Kinshasa.
Beyond domestic migrations, Kinshasa has historically exerted a centripetal pull on transnational populations from across the African continent and beyond. TheLari, from the Republic of the Congo, settled on fertile vacant lands and introduced new agricultural practices, including vegetable gardening.[115] Equally salient was the arrival of theCoastmen, orNdingari, a term forWest African migrants from present-dayNigeria,Ghana,Mali,Senegal,Benin,Guinea, andTogo. Predominantly Muslim, they were active in commerce, public works, and artisanal trades.[115] They also influenced the city's cultural makeup by introducingwax-printed textiles and socio-familial practices includingpolygamy.[115] Among the most demographically and culturally prominent expatriate communities are the Zombo, originally fromMaquela do Zombo in Angola'sUíge Province. As the most populous foreign African demographic in Kinshasa, the Zombo initially migrated as traders and laborers.[115] From the 1950s onward, they were extensively conscripted to work at the port ofCITAS (Compagnie Industrielle et de Transport au Stanley Pool), where their primary responsibilities included the handling and conveyance of colonial commodities such as palm derivatives, copal resin, cotton, and ivory.[115]
The Zombo became known for their physical endurance and work ethic, making them ideal laborers in the eyes of colonial authorities. Outside the workplace, they introduced door-to-door commerce in indigenous neighborhoods, selling rice, doughnuts, and beans, a practice that evolved into mobile street vending using handmade carts (pousse-pousse).[115] Their numbers escalated markedly during World War II, spurred by both economic incentives in the Belgian Congo and repressive governance in Angola underAntónio de Oliveira Salazar. The authoritarian policies of theEstado Novo regime, particularly the brutal enforcement tactics of thePIDE (Portuguese secret police), pushed many Angolans to seek refuge in Kinshasa.[115] Belgian colonial authorities, constrained by porous borders and entrenched kinship networks among theBakongo across both nations, were largely ineffectual in stemming this migratory tide.[115]
In contrast to other diasporic groups, the Zombo exhibited a pronounced tendency toward permanent settlement and integration. Avoiding repatriation, they raised successive generations in Kinshasa, where they assimilated both culturally and linguistically.[115] Youths often enlisted in theForce Publique, while their elders gained renown for frugality, temperance, and entrepreneurial self-sufficiency.[115] Over time, many transitioned into artisanal vocations and small-scale manufacturing, introducing innovations such as handcrafted women's footwear fashioned from repurposed automobile tires.[115]
The official language is French (See:Kinshasa French vocabulary). Kinshasa is the largest officiallyFrancophone city in the world, though many residents struggle to speak it.[116][117][118] AlthoughLingala is widely used as a spokennational language, French is the language of street signs, posters, newspapers, government documents, schools; it dominates plays, television, and the press, and it is used in vertical relationships among people of different social classes. People of the same class, however, speak the Congolese languages (Kikongo,Lingala,Tshiluba orSwahili) among themselves.[119] Kinshasa hosted the 14thFrancophonie Summit in October 2012.[120]
Founded on 1 August 1881, as Léopold II's Station, Kinshasa has maintained a distinct administrative status over time, eventually becoming the administrative center for theStanley Pool District, Haute-N'sele, and Panzi-Kasaï.[121] ARoyal Decree promulgated on 11 April 1914 instituted a territorial reform in theBelgian Congo, reaffirming Kinshasa's dual role as the colonial capital and the central administrative seat for the districts ofBas-Congo,Kwango,Kasaï,Sankuru, and Léopoldville.[121] In 1941, Legislative Ordinance No. 293/AIMO of 25 June granted Kinshasa official city status and established an Urban Committee. Following Congolese independence, the colonial charter was replaced by the Fundamental Law of 19 May 1960, which designated Kinshasa as a neutral city and the political seat of national institutions.[121] This legal evolution culminated in Ordinance No. 68/024 of 20 January 1968, which granted Kinshasa the same politico-administrative status comparable to that of the provinces, thus expanding itscommunal subdivisions from 11 to 24. The advent of the Third Republic, as codified in the 2006 Constitution, officially institutionalized Kinshasa as a fully-fledged province.[121]
Pursuant to Article 2 of Law No. 08/012 of 31 July 2008, a province is defined as a political and administrative component of the national territory endowed with legal personality and managerial autonomy over its human, economic, financial, and technical resources.[122][121] Kinshasa exercises its constitutional mandates through two principal organs: theProvincial Assembly and the Provincial Government.[121]
According to Article 7 of the same law, theProvincial Assembly serves as the city'slegislative body. Its core prerogatives include enacting laws (by way of edicts), electing the provincial governor and vice-governor, and overseeing the provincial government.[122][121] Comprising 48 deputies elected byuniversal suffrage, the Assembly is administratively structured with a Bureau composed of aPresident,Vice-President,Questeur,Rapporteur, and Deputy Rapporteur.[121] The Assembly's legislative authority and procedural framework are outlined in Articles 11, 12, and 13 of Organic Law No. 08/016 from 7 October 2008, which governs decentralized territorial entities.[122][121]
The provincial executive branch is constituted by theGovernor, the Vice-Governor, and a cabinet of provincial ministers. The operation of the Kinshasa provincial government, like those of other provinces, is based on the provisions of Law No. 08/012 of 7 October 2008.[122][121] Ministerial portfolios are regulated byArrêté No. SC/0121/BGV/2007 of 30 July 2007, which specifies the jurisdiction of each provincial ministry. The Provincial Director, serving as the Governor's principal administrative advisor, oversees the coordination of fifty departmental directorates and inspectorates.[121] These entities function as provincial extensions of national ministries, entrusted with the territorial execution of state policies and regulatory directives.[121]
Since 2008, the Kinshasa provincial government has established several technical public services, collectively known as "urban régies" to improve administrative effectiveness and city management.[123][121] These services operate under the jurisdiction of the Governor of Kinshasa.[123][121] The principal entities include:
The 24 communes are recognized as administrative subdivisions of the city, each further divided into smaller entities known asquartiers (neighborhoods). As decentralized territorial entities (entités territoriales décentralisées, ETD), the communes are endowed with legal personality and administrative autonomy.[126] Each commune operates through two main governing bodies: theConseil Communal (Communal Council) and theCollège Exécutif Communal (Communal Executive College).[126]
TheConseil Communal serves as the commune'sdeliberative body. Its members, known asConseillers Communaux, are elected by directuniversal suffrage. The council deliberates on all matters of communal interest, including those of an economic, social, cultural, or technical nature. It also elects theBourgmestre (Mayor) andDeputy Mayor throughindirect suffrage and oversees the implementation of the executive's program of action.[126]
TheCollège Exécutif Communal is responsible for the management of the commune and the implementation of decisions made by the Communal Council. It comprises theBourgmestre, DeputyBourgmestre, and two communalaldermen (échevins communaux), all appointed based on merit, credibility, and community representation. This executive body coordinates all tasks of communal interest and is led by the Bourgmestre, assisted by the Deputy.[126]
Neighborhoods (quartiers) function as subunits of the communes. As of 2015, the 24 communes of Kinshasa are divided into approximately 310 neighborhoods. Thesequartiers vary in structure depending on whether they fall within formally planned urban zones or more informally developed areas.[126] Popularsemi-urban neighborhoods often exceed the size of planned residential districts and represent the core of the city's urban makeup. Each neighborhood is administered through a simplified structure that includes thechef de quartier (neighborhood chief), thechef de quartier adjoint (deputy), thesecrétaire du quartier (secretary), thechargé de la population (population officer), and two to three agentsrecenseurs (enumerators).[126] These officials are appointed by the Governor of Kinshasa and assigned to their respective territories.[126] In highly populated semi-urban neighborhoods, administrative overload is common due to insufficient infrastructure for public health, urban roads, potable water, and electricity, resources that remain concentrated in lower-density, affluent residential areas.[126]
In addition to state institutions, international andnon-governmental organizations exert significant influence on local development and governance.[130] The Belgian development agency,Enabel, has been a key actor since 2016 through its sponsorship of the Programme d'Appui aux Initiatives de Développement Communautaire (PAIDECO), a €6 million initiative aimed at stimulating economic development in the region. The initial implementation took place inKimbanseke, a densely populated hill commune with an estimated population of nearly one million.[131] In a strategic effort to address urban overcrowding and stimulate regional development, the provincial government established theComité Stratégique pour la Supervision du Projet d'Extension de la Ville de Kinshasa (CSSPEVK) in October 2023. The committee, under the leadership of a provincial coordinator, was tasked with overseeing the "Kinshasa Kia Mona" urban expansion project in the Maluku district.[132][133][134]
Street scenes in Kinshasa, Zaire, captured in 1973, by Dutch photographer Rob Mieremet.
Historically, Kinshasa experienced a period of robust economic growth driven predominantly by a flourishing industrial sector. During its economic peak, often nostalgically referred to aslabelle époque, the city's industrial activities spanned diverse domains includingfood processing,textiles,metallurgy, andassembly-line production.[135] These industries produced goods fordomestic consumption and international export. It was during this era that Kinshasa earned the affectionate monikersKin la belle,Kin-Kiese, andKin la joie.[135] By the 1970s, Kinshasa had become a critical economic hub in Zaire, employing approximately 25% of the country's salaried workforce and accounting for nearly half (50%) of the national wage bill. Surveys conducted between 1974 and 1977 indicated that 33.7% of Kinshasa's working population held positions as executives or skilled laborers, with respective shares of 6.5% and 27.2%.[135] In terms of industrial concentration, Kinshasa in 1977 accounted for 49.9% of the country'smanufactured industries.[86] It ranked second insecondary sector activity with 18%, followingKatanga, which held 67.3%. In thetertiary sector, Kinshasa ranked first with 27.3%, followed by Katanga at 22%. The city also hosted 22.8% of allregistered businesses nationwide, compared to 18% in Katanga.[86] By 1980, an estimated 412,000 people were in stable employment, supporting an average household of six. However, by the 1990s, inflation and economic deterioration significantly diminishedpurchasing power.[135] Studies revealed that by 1988, only 20% of workers could meet basicliving costs on their wages, and by 1990, Kinshasa had become more expensive to live in than other interior cities of the country.[135] In 1977, wages could cover 62% of basic needs and 51% of family needs; these figures declined steeply in the subsequent decades.[135]
Modern buildings on the outskirts of Kinshasa, ca. 1980–1993
The 1990s marked a particularly devastating decade for Kinshasa's economy, beginning with waves of looting in 1991 and 1992. These events inflicted severe damage on the city's economic infrastructure. In the aftermath of these upheavals, an estimated 300,000 executives and skilled workers lost their jobs, with no prospect of compensation.[135] According to the Agence Nationale des Entrepreneurs du Zaïre (ANEZA), Kinshasa lost approximately 100,000 jobs during this period. Subsequent years ofpolitical instability and warfare further paralyzed the city's already weakened economic sectors.[135] Since then, industrial activity in Kinshasa has largely stagnated or been dismantled altogether. The city's rapidly expanding population, combined with a shortage of economic reintegration mechanisms forunemployed graduates from technical and tertiary institutions, has worsened the unemployment crisis.[135] The dismantling of the industrial sector has been significant, with much of the wage-earning population absorbed into theinformal sector. This informal economy has now become the city's primary employment source, engaging nearly 70% of Kinshasa's total labor force.[135]
In 2022, Kinshasa's GDP exceeded initial expectations by expanding 8.5%, as reported by theInternational Monetary Fund (IMF). Themining industry in the DRC has been instrumental in maintaining a positive economic outlook, even amidst theCOVID-19 pandemic.Raw material exports, particularlycobalt andcopper, have experienced historically high prices, resulting in substantial investment in the industry. Parenthetically, production has increased, and Covid-related restrictions have eased, leading to sustained economic growth.[136][137]
Despite facing external challenges, including the repercussions of theRusso-Ukrainian War, the DRC has shownfiscal stability. In 2022, tax performance exceeded projections, showcasing improved revenue generation. However, increased expenditures related to security concerns and internal arrears resulted in a deterioration of the overall budget balance. Nevertheless, the DRC's debt risk remains moderate, with public debt at 24.7% of GDP. The approval of the third review of the IMF program reflects the satisfactory performance of the country's reform efforts.[138][137]
Companies, foreign exchange reserves, international support
Employees and families from the US Embassy in Kinshasa
Big manufacturing companies such as Marsavco S.A., All Pack Industries and Angel Cosmetics are located in the center of town (Gombe) in Kinshasa.
There are many other industries, such asTrust Merchant Bank, located in the heart of the city. Food processing is a major industry, and construction and other service industries also play a significant role in the economy.[139]
Although home to only 13% of the DRC's population, Kinshasa accounts for 85% of theCongolese economy as measured by gross domestic product.[94] A 2004 investigation found 70% of inhabitants employed informally, 17% in the public sector, 9% in the formal private sector, and 3% other, of a total 976,000 workers. Most new jobs are classified as informal.[92] By the end of 2022, Kinshasa'sforeign exchange reserves had seen a significant improvement, soaring past $4.5 billion. The DRC benefits from support and partnerships with several global organizations and financial institutions, including the IMF,World Bank,African Development Bank,European Union,China andFrance.[138]
ThePeople's Republic of China has been heavilyinvolved in the Congo since the 1970s, when they financed the construction of thePalais du Peuple and backed the government against rebels in theShaba war. In 2007–2008 China and Congo signed an agreement for an $8.5 billion loan for infrastructure development.[140]Chinese entrepreneurs are gaining an increasing share of local marketplaces in Kinshasa, displacing in the process formerly successful Congolese, West African, Indian, and Lebanese merchants.[141]
Mean household spending in 2005 was the equivalent of US$2,150, amounting to $1 per day per person. The median household spending was $1,555, 66 cents per person per day. Among the poor, more than half of this spending goes to food, especially bread and cereal.[92]
Kinshasa is home to several education institutes, covering a wide range of disciplines, includingcivil engineering,nursing, andjournalism. The city is also home to three large universities and an arts school:
The education system in DRC is plagued by low coverage, low quality and poor educational infrastructure, especially in rural areas. According to USAID (2018), 3.5 million children of primary school age are out of school, and 44% of those who do attend school started only after age six. Various statistical estimates by UNESCO, (2013) regarding secondary and tertiary education also reveal the difficulties facing the country. In DRC it is difficult to get a reliable estimate on the actual proportion of the population who can read and write, however, according to data from UIS (2016), the literacy rate of the population of 15 years and older in the country, is estimated to 77.04%. This rate is 88.5% for men and 66.5% for women. There is also a shortage of reading material, and certainly no culture of reading for pleasure.[145]
Kinshasa has a flourishing music scene which, since the 1960s, has operated under the patronage of the city's elite.[77] TheOrchestre Symphonique Kimbanguiste, formed in 1994, began using improved musical instruments and has since grown in means and reputation.[148]
A pop culture ideal type in Kinshasa is themikiliste, a fashionable person with money who has traveled to Europe. Adrien Mombele, a.k.a. Stervos Niarcos, and musicianPapa Wemba were early exemplars of the mikiliste style.[77]La Sape, a linked cultural trend also described asdandyism, involves wearing flamboyant clothing.[149]
Many Kinois have a negative view of the city, expressing nostalgia for the rural way of life, and a stronger association with the Congolese nation than with Kinshasa.[150]
Kinshasa serves as the nation's principal media hub, hosting the largest concentration of media outlets in the country. The primary languages used in media production are French and Lingala, with other indigenous languages seldom appearing.[153] Press freedom remains limited, with journalism subject to strict control and censorship. The 2023Press Freedom Index rated the Democratic Republic of the Congo at 48.55%.[154] State-run channels generally provide minimal political content, and restrictive regulations limitinvestigative journalism. In the early 2000s, especially during the political transition, Kinshasa's media scene grew rapidly. By 2004, the city had 23 radio stations and 26 TV stations, with the number of television broadcasters increasing dramatically to 63 by 2007.[153]
These outlets are primarily commercial, religious, or community-based and are often affiliated, formally or informally, with political figures or parties. For instance, Numerica TV is owned by Kibambi Shintwa and Kabeya Pindi Pasi, both of whom were candidates in the 2006 parliamentary elections. Mirador TV is owned by Michel Ladi Luya, a former Member of Parliament and newspaper publisher.[153][155] Digital Congo TV was co-founded byCroatian businessman Nicolas Vazonne andJaynet Kabila, twin sister of then-President Joseph Kabila.[153] Africa TV is associated withAzarias Ruberwa, a former vice president and2006 presidential candidate, andEugène Serufuli Ngayabaseka, the then-governor ofNorth Kivu. CCTV (Canal Congo Télévision) and Canal Kin are linked toJean-Pierre Bemba.[153] While many of these channels deny formal political affiliations, their ownership structures suggest otherwise.[153] Not all stations are politically aligned. Neutral and independent outlets such asAntenne A and Congoweb TV contribute to a more balanced media environment.RTNC1 remains the primary public broadcaster with nationwide reach, while other widely viewed stations includeRTGA (Radio Télévision Groupe L'Avenir), Digital Congo TV, Mirador TV, Congoweb TV, and Antenne A.[153]
Several prominent national radio and television stations are headquartered in Kinshasa. TheRTNC operates multiple channels, RTNC1, RTNC2, RTNC3, and RTNC4, providing news, cultural programming, and public service broadcasts. TheUN-supportedRadio Okapi, jointly managed withMONUSCO, is also based in the city and is widely regarded for its balanced reporting.[155][156] Other notable broadcasters include Top Congo FM, RTGA, Radio Télévision Message de Vie (RTMV), Raga FM, and Digital Congo FM. In addition to these, Kinshasa hosts a wide array of specialized and religious broadcasters, such as Radio Télévision Armée de l'Éternel (RTAE), Radio Télévision Sentinelle (RTS), Canal Chemin de Vérité et Vie (CVV), Radio Télévision Catholique Elikya (RTCE), Radio Parole de l'Éternel (RPE), and Radio Télé Assemblée Chrétienne (RTACK).[155][157][158][159] Community-based stations include Radio Shaloom Racha, Radio 7, Tam Tam Africain, Jo Dacosta FM, Afri Radio, and Mirador FM. International broadcasters such as theBBC (on 92.6 FM),Radio France Internationale (RFI), Africa Radio,China Radio International, andEuronews are also present and broadcast according to the editorial policies of their parent organizations.[155][153]
The print and digital media sector is equally diverse, with the capital being home to the state-owned news agencyAgence Congolaise de Presse (ACP) and a range of newspapers and online platforms. Among the most prominent publications areL'Avenir, L'Observateur,Le Potentiel,Le Phare,Le Soft,La Conscience, andLeCongolais.[160]
TheCentral Bank of the Congo has its headquarters on Boulevard Colonel Tshatshi, across the street from the Mausoleum of Laurent Kabila and the presidential palace.
Notable features of the city include the Gecamines Commercial Building (formerly SOZACOM) andHotel Memling;L'ONATRA, the building of the Ministry of Transport; the central market; theLimete Tower.
The city's infrastructure forrunning water and electricity is generally in bad shape.[161] Theelectrical network is in disrepair to the extent that prolonged and periodicblackouts are normal, and exposedlines sometimes electrify pools of rainwater.[77][92]
Regideso, the national public company with primary responsibility for water supply in the Congo, serves Kinshasa only incompletely, and without uniform quality. Other areas are served by decentralizedAssociations des Usagers des Réseau d'Eau Potable (ASUREPs).[109] Gombe uses water at a high rate (306 liters per day per inhabitant) compared to other communes (from 71 L/d/i in Kintambo down to 2 L/d/i in Kimbanseke).[92]
The city is estimated to produce 6,300 m3 of trash and 1,300 m3 of industrial waste per day, with little to no capacity for disposal.[92]
The housing market has seen rising prices andrents since the 1980s. Houses and apartments in the central area are expensive, with houses selling for a million dollars and apartments going for $5000 per month. High prices have spread outward from the central area as owners and renters move out of the most expensive part of the city.Gated communities and shopping malls, built with foreign capital and technical expertise, began to appear in 2006.Urban renewal projects have led in some cases to violent conflict and displacement.[77][162] The high prices leave incoming refugees with few options for settlement besides illegalshantytowns such as Pakadjuma.[111]
In 2005, 55% of households had televisions and 43% had mobile phones. 11% had refrigerators and 5% had cars.[92]
The city-province has 5000 km of roadways, 10% of which are paved. TheBoulevard du 30 Juin (Boulevard of 30 June) links the main areas of the central district of the city. Other roads also converge on Gombe. The east–west road network linking the more distant neighborhoods is weak and thus transit through much of the city is difficult.[92] The quality of roads has improved somewhat, developed in part with loans from China, since 2000.[77]
The public bus company for Kinshasa, created in 2003, is Transco (Transport au Congo).[163]
Several companies operate registered taxis and taxi-buses, identifiable by their yellow color. In addition, an Uber-style, mobile phone, app-based, taxi hailing service was introduced in 2023.[164]
The city has two airports:N'djili Airport (FIH) is the main airport with connections to other African countries as well as to Istanbul, Brussels, Paris and some other destinations.N'Dolo Airport, located close to downtown, is used for domestic flights only with small turboprop aircraft. Several international airlines serve Ndjili Airport includingKenya Airways,South African Airways,Ethiopian Airlines,Brussels Airlines,Air France andTurkish Airlines. An average of ten international flights depart each day from N'djili Airport.[165] A small number of airlines provide domestic service from Kinshasa, for exampleCongo Airways andCAA. Both offer scheduled flights from Kinshasa to a limited number of cities inside DR Congo.[166]
A memorial atKinshasa train station remembering those who died during the construction of the railroad
TheMatadi–Kinshasa Railway[167] connects Kinshasa withMatadi, Congo's Atlantic port. The line reopened in September 2015 after around a decade without regular service. There is an intermittent service, with a poor safety record.
According to theSociété Commerciale des Transports et des Ports (SCTP), the Matadi-Kinshasa Railway (CFMK) has the highest transport of goods in import, 8 746 tonnes in January, 11,318 tonnes in February 10,032 tonnes in March, 7,244 tonnes in April, 5,024 tonnes in March and 7,745 tonnes in June. The monthly tonnage of exported goods reached only 1,000 tonnes in the month of March 2018. In January some 284 tonnes of goods were exported from the ports of Boma and Matadi, via the railway, and 711 tonnes in February, then 1,058 tonnes in March, 684 tonnes in April, 818 tonnes in May and 853 tonnes in June.
The monthly statistics for passenger traffic are as follows: 2,294 persons in January, 1,836 in February 2065 in March, 2,660 in April, 1,952 in May and 2,660 in June.
The line connecting the port of Matadi to Kinshasa is 366 km long. Its distance has been since 3111 of 3112 feet or 42 inches (lane capped 1,067 meter): This railway belongs, in fact, to theNational Railway Company of the Congo (Société nationale des chemins de fer du Congo; SNCC). It is only exploited by the SCTP, formerly ONATRA, according to an agreement signed by the two companies.
This line lost large shares of the market, following its lamentable state, insecurity on the rails (some trains are attacked), and the rehabilitation of the road along the rails in 2000. According to Congolese sources, an agreement with a Chinese construction company was signed in 2006, according to which this Chinese company will finance the renovation of the track, the rolling stock, the communication channels for the signaling, and the electrical power source. The ex-ONATRA has, in fact, opted for an aggressive commercial policy to revive the rails.
On 30 June 2018 the SCTP received two locomotives and 50 wagons from the African firm ARSS (African-Rolling Stock Solution).
In 2017, some 2.2 million tonnes of cement were produced by the two new start-up companies, PPC Barnet and Kongo Cement Factory (CIMKO). The SCTP did indeed transport part of this production to Kinshasa but the exact quantity was not communicated by the railway department of the company, the former DG Kimbembe Mazunga had communicated an agreed protocol of agreements with the cement manufacturers of Kongo-Central for the transport of their productions.
Kinshasa is the majorriver port of the Congo. The port, called 'Le Beach Ngobila' extends for about 7 km (4 mi) along the river, comprising scores ofquays andjetties with hundreds of boats and barges tied up. Ferries cross the river toBrazzaville, a distance of about 4 km (2 mi). River transport also connects to dozens of ports upstream, such asKisangani andBangui.
There are road andrail links toMatadi, thesea port in the Congo estuary 150 km (93 mi) from the Atlantic Ocean.
There are no rail links from Kinshasa further inland, and road connections to much of the rest of the country are few and in poor condition, although there has been a road built to the city of Kikwit (around 500 km away) that has been in operation since 2015 or so. It was recently extended to the small city of Tshikapa.
Since theSecond Congo War, the city has been striving to recover from disorder, with many youth gangs living and operating from Kinshasa's poorer areas.[168] The U.S. State Department in 2010 informed travelers that Kinshasa and other major Congolese cities are generally safe for daytime travel, but to beware of robbers, especially in traffic jams and in areas near hotels and stores.[169]
Some sources say that Kinshasa is extremely dangerous, with one source giving a homicide rate of 112 per 100,000 people per year.[170] Another source cites a homicide rate of 12.3 per 100,000.[171] By some accounts, crime in Kinshasa is not so rampant, due to relatively good relations among residents and perhaps to the severity with which even petty crime is punished.[77]
While the military and National Police operate their own jails in Kinshasa, the main detention facility under the jurisdiction of the local courts is the Kinshasa Penitentiary and Re-education center in Makala. This prison houses much more than its nominal capacity of 1,000 inmates. In 2024, the population of Makala Prison was reported at 15,000.[172]The Congolese military intelligence organization, Détection Militaire des Activités Anti-Patrie (DEMIAP) operates the Ouagadougou prison inKintambo commune with notorious cruelty.[171][173]
In the 2010s, street children or "Shegués", often orphaned, are subject to abuse by the police and military.[174] Of the estimated 20,000 children living on Kinshasa's streets, almost a quarter are beggars, some are street vendors and about a third have some kind of employment.[175] Some have fled from physically abusive families, notably step-parents, others were expelled from their families as they were believed to be witches,[176] and have become outcasts.[177][178][179]
Street children are mainly boys,[180] but the percentage of girls is increasing according to UNICEF. Ndako ya Biso provides support for street children, including overnight accommodation for girls.[181] There are also second generation street children.[182]
These children have been the object of considerable outside study.[183]
Kinshasa has been represented in various films, most notably in the filmWhen We Were Kings (1996). This documentary chronicles the historicRumble in the Jungle boxing match betweenMuhammad Ali andGeorge Foreman, held in Kinshasa in 1974. The film showcases the electrifying atmosphere of the city during the momentous event.[187][188][189]
Kinshasa's social complexities are explored inFélicité (2017), directed byAlain Gomis. The film explores themes of pliability, community, and the power of music in the face of adversity. The film portrayed the essence of Kinshasa, depicting its vivacious music scene and the struggles faced by its inhabitants with sensitivity and authenticity.[191]
In 2019,The Widow (TV series) was released on Amazon Prime and the UK's ITV network. The mini-series tells the story of a woman searching for her husband in Kinshasa, after believing he'd been killed in a plane crash.[192]
The city itself has been repeatedly immortalized in song. Tabu Ley Rochereau's 1971 track "Kinshasa" and Franco's 1980 composition "Kinshasa mboka ya makambo" ("Kinshasa, city of problems") reflect both pride and criticism, capturing the spirit and struggles of urban life.[199] Cameroonian jazz saxophonistManu Dibango echoed these themes in his nostalgic 1960s track "Twist à Léo", depicting the city's youth dancing to global rhythms during the twilight of the colonial era.[199] In the aftermath of the 1990s conflicts, Kinshasa's music scene underwent a period of transformation. While many musicians shifted towardChristian gospel, others sought to reconnect with indigenous roots. The "tradi-modern" movement, spearheaded by acts such as Swédé Swédé and supported by Belgian producerVincent Kenis, captured global attention with its raw, electrified sound.[199] This led to the acclaimedCongotronics album series, which introduced international audiences to groups likeKonono Nº1,Kasai Allstars,Staff Benda Bilili, andMbongwana Star, who performed using handmade instruments and rudimentary amplification.[199]
Contemporary projects have continued to build on this momentum. In 2011, the DRC Music collective, curated byDamon Albarn, recorded the collaborative albumKinshasa One Two in just five days, bringing together over fifty Congolese musicians and international producers to celebrate the city's eclectic musical creativity.[199] Among the featured artists wasJupiter Bokondji, whose band Okwess International has championedbofenia rock, a genre drawing from Congo's immense ethnic and musical diversity. His albums, such asHotel Univers andKin Sonic, incorporate Congolese rhythms, Westernrock influences, and multilingual lyrics.[199][200][201] The city has also become a site for international artistic exchange. Since 2009, theRoyal Flemish Theatre inBrussels has organized the Connexion Kin arts festival in theLimete commune, fostering collaborations between Kinshasa artists and European counterparts.[199] A notable product of this initiative was the acclaimed 2014 performanceCoup Fatal, which combined Congolese guitar with classicalopera,jazz, and contemporary choreography, earning praise at theAvignon Festival and in Brussels.[199]
Rapper and singerBaloji, born inLubumbashi and raised in Belgium, returned to Kinshasa to record his 2011 albumKinshasa Succursale. Blending Congolese rumba,hip-hop,funk, andexperimental sounds, Baloji's work reflects a diasporic reconnection with Kinshasa's musical traditions while infusing them with modern, global sensibilities.[199]
Kinshasa'sstreet art scene has gained recognition globally, with talented artists using their creations to express social and political messages.Murals andgraffiti, adorned withcolorful imagery, can be found throughout the city.[202][203][204]
A traditional sapeur dressed in an outfit made from pearls in kinshasa, February 2015
TheLa Sape subculture, characterized by extravagant and dapper fashion choices, has become an emblem ofstyle,self-expression, andidentity for thesapeurs of Kinshasa. It has gainedinternational recognition through the lens of well-known photographers such asDaniele Tamagni. Tamagni's bookGentlemen of Bacongo (2009) showcases the impeccable style and distinct personalities of Kinshasa'ssapeurs, accentuating their taste in tailored suits, bold hues, and eye-catching accessories.[205][206] The city serves as the epicenter of La Sape, with various neighborhoods, communes and districts hosting events likele concours orla fête where sapeurs can display their style. La Sape has also inspired popular music and cultural expressions in Kinshasa, with sapeurs often featured in Congolese music videos as symbols of refinement and sophistication. Musicians such asPapa Wemba have embraced La Sape as an essential part of their artistic identity.[205][207][208]
WWE wrestlerShinsuke Nakamura uses a running knee strike, called theKinshasa, as his finisher, a reference to the eponymous city. The move was previously named asBomaye (which translated to "kill him") during his time inNew Japan Pro Wrestling but was renamed in 2016 when he was signed with the WWE for trademark reasons.[209] BothBomaye andKinshasa are homages to Nakamura's mentor,Antonio Inoki, who receivedBomaye as a nickname fromMuhammad Ali when Inoki and Ali fought in 1976, with Ali first hearingBomaye in Kinshasa during theRumble In The Jungle.[209]
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^abBoya, Loso Kiteti (2010).D.R. Congo. Bloomington, Indiana: Xlibris Corporation. p. 175.ISBN9781450082495.Archived from the original on 16 October 2023. Retrieved19 September 2023.
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^Daouda Gary-Tounkara,1964 : le Mali réinsère ses ressortissants expulsés, In: Plein droit 2016/1 (n° 108), GISTI, 2016, p. 35-38
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^"Kinshasa, hier et aujourd'hui…" [Kinshasa, yesterday and today…].E-Journal Kinshasa (in French). Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of the Congo. 4 August 2020. Retrieved10 July 2025.
^abcdefghijklmnoKinyamba, S. Shomba; Nsenda, F. Mukoka; Nonga, D. Olela; Kaminar, T.M.; Mbalanda, W. . (2015)."Monographie de la ville de Kinshasa"(PDF) (in French). Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of the Congo: Institut Congolais de Recherche en Développement et Etudes Stratégiques (ICREDES). pp. 9–12.Archived(PDF) from the original on 27 March 2023. Retrieved2 May 2024.
^Monographie de la province du Maniema (in French). Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of the Congo: République démocratique du Congo, Ministères de l'agriculture et de l'élevage. 1998. p. 9.Archived from the original on 25 May 2024. Retrieved2 May 2024.
^African Soils: Volumes 16-18. Paris, France: Commission Scientifique, technique et de la recherche de l'Organisation de l'unité Africaine. 1971. p. 169.Archived from the original on 25 May 2024. Retrieved20 May 2024.
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^abInnocent Chirisa, Abraham Rajab Matamanda, & Liaison Mukarwi, "Desired and Achieved Urbanisation in Africa: In Search of Appropriate Tooling for a Sustainable Transformation"; in Umar Benna & Indo Benna, eds.,Urbanization and Its Impact on Socio-Economic Growth in Developing Regions; IGI Global, 2017,ISBN9781522526605; pp.101–102.
^abcKinyamba, S. Shomba; Nsenda, F. Mukoka; Nonga, D. Olela; Kaminar, T.M.; Mbalanda, W. . (2015)."Monographie de la ville de Kinshasa"(PDF) (in French). Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of the Congo: Institut Congolais de Recherche en Développement et Etudes Stratégiques (ICREDES). p. 37.Archived(PDF) from the original on 27 March 2023. Retrieved4 August 2023.
^abcKinyamba, S. Shomba; Nsenda, F. Mukoka; Nonga, D. Olela; Kaminar, T.M.; Mbalanda, W. . (2015)."Monographie de la ville de Kinshasa"(PDF) (in French). Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of the Congo: Institut Congolais de Recherche en Développement et Etudes Stratégiques (ICREDES). pp. 40–41.Archived(PDF) from the original on 27 March 2023. Retrieved4 August 2023.
^abcKinyamba, S. Shomba; Nsenda, F. Mukoka; Nonga, D. Olela; Kaminar, T.M.; Mbalanda, W. . (2015)."Monographie de la ville de Kinshasa"(PDF) (in French). Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of the Congo: Institut Congolais de Recherche en Développement et Etudes Stratégiques (ICREDES). pp. 31–33.Archived(PDF) from the original on 27 March 2023. Retrieved4 August 2023.
^Kinyamba, S. Shomba; Nsenda, F. Mukoka; Nonga, D. Olela; Kaminar, T.M.; Mbalanda, W. . (2015)."Monographie de la ville de Kinshasa"(PDF) (in French). Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of the Congo: Institut Congolais de Recherche en Développement et Etudes Stratégiques (ICREDES). p. 33.Archived(PDF) from the original on 27 March 2023. Retrieved4 August 2023.
^abcdefghijklmKinyamba, S. Shomba; Nsenda, F. Mukoka; Nonga, D. Olela; Kaminar, T.M.; Mbalanda, W. . (2015)."Monographie de la ville de Kinshasa"(PDF) (in French). Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of the Congo: Institut Congolais de Recherche en Développement et Etudes Stratégiques (ICREDES). pp. 33–35.Archived(PDF) from the original on 27 March 2023. Retrieved4 August 2023.
^Nadeau, Jean-Benoit (2006).The Story of French. St. Martin's Press. p. 301; 483.ISBN9780312341831.
^Trefon, Theodore (2004).Reinventing Order in the Congo: How People Respond to State Failure in Kinshasa. London and New York: Zed Books. p. 7.ISBN9781842774915.Archived from the original on 30 December 2023. Retrieved31 May 2009.A third factor is simply a demographic one. At least one in ten Congolese live in Kinshasa. With its population exceeding eleven million, it is the second-largest city in sub-Saharan Africa (after Lagos). It is also the second-largest French-speaking city in the world, according to Paris (even though only a small percentage of Kinois speak French correctly),
^Manning, Patrick (1998).Francophone sub-Saharan Africa: Democracy and Dependence, 1985–1995. London and New York: Cambridge University Press. p. 189.ISBN9780521645195. Retrieved31 May 2009.[permanent dead link]While the culture is dominated by the Francophonie, a complex multilingualism is present in Kinshasa. Many in the francophonie of the 1980s labelled Zaïre as the second-largest francophone country, and Kinshasa as the second-largest francophone city. Yet Zaïre seemed unlikely to escape a complex multilingualism. Lingala was the language of music, of presidential addresses, of daily life in government and in Kinshasa. But if Lingala was the spoken language of Kinshasa, it made little progress as a written language. French was the written language of the city, as seen in street signs, posters, newspapers and in government documents. French dominated plays and television as well as the press; French was the language of the national anthem and even for the doctrine of authenticity. Zairian researchers found French to be used in vertical relationships among people of uneven rank; people of equal rank, no matter how high, tended to speak Zairian languages among themselves. Given these limits, French might have lost its place to another of the leading languages of Zaïre – Lingala, Tshiluba, orSwahili – except that teaching of these languages also suffered from limitations on its growth.
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^abcdefghijkKinyamba, S. Shomba; Nsenda, F. Mukoka; Nonga, D. Olela; Kaminar, T.M.; Mbalanda, W. . (2015)."Monographie de la ville de Kinshasa"(PDF) (in French). Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of the Congo: Institut Congolais de Recherche en Développement et Etudes Stratégiques (ICREDES). pp. 48–50.Archived(PDF) from the original on 27 March 2023. Retrieved4 August 2023.
^abcdefghijKinyamba, S. Shomba; Nsenda, F. Mukoka; Nonga, D. Olela; Kaminar, T.M.; Mbalanda, W. . (2015)."Monographie de la ville de Kinshasa"(PDF) (in French). Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of the Congo: Institut Congolais de Recherche en Développement et Etudes Stratégiques (ICREDES). pp. 50–52.Archived(PDF) from the original on 27 March 2023. Retrieved4 August 2023.
^Emizet Francois Kisangani, Scott F. Bobb, "China, People's Republic of, Relations with";Historical Dictionary of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Lanham, Maryland: Scarecrow Press, 2010; pp.74Archived 1 April 2023 at theWayback Machine–75.
^Bill Freund, "City and Nation in an African Context: National Identity in Kinshasa";Journal of Urban History 38(5), 2012;doi:10.1177/0096144212449141.
^J. Gordon Melton, Martin Baumann,Religions of the World: A Comprehensive Encyclopedia of Beliefs and Practices, ABC-CLIO, USA, 2010, p. 777
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^[2] BBC News - 'Hell behind bars' - life in DR Congo's most notorious jail
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