Konstantinos G. Karamanlis (Greek:Κωνσταντίνος Γ. Καραμανλής,[1]pronounced[konstaˈdinoskaramanˈlis]; 8 March 1907 – 23 April 1998) was a Greek statesman who was the four-timePrime Minister of Greece andtwo-termpresident of theThird Hellenic Republic, serving in the former role from 1955 to 1963 and from 1974 to 1980. A towering figure of Greek politics, his political career spanned portions of seven decades, covering much of the latter half of the 20th century.[2]
Born nearSerres inMacedonia, Karamanlis practiced law until his election to theHellenic Parliament in 1936 as a member of the conservativePeople's Party. Rising through the ranks of Greek politics afterWorld War II, Karamanlis becameMinister of Labour in 1947, and in 1951 he was namedMinister for Public Works inAlexandros Papagos'sGreek Rally administration. He was appointed prime minister by KingPaul of Greece after Papagos's death in 1955. During his first term, he applied a program of rapidindustrialization, heavy investment on infrastructure and improvement on agricultural production, which led to the post-warGreek economic miracle. He also implemented the extension of fullvoting rights to women, which had stood dormant since 1952. In foreign affairs, he pursued an aggressive policy toward Greek membership in theEuropean Economic Community (EEC), and abandoned the government's previous strategic goal forenosis (the unification of Greece andCyprus) in favour of Cypriot independence.
In 1963, Karamanlis resigned following a disagreement with King Paul amidst spiralling political crises in Greece. He spent the next eleven years in self-imposed exile in Paris, while the country fell undermilitary dictatorship after the 1967 coup d'état. After the fall of the junta in 1974, Karamanlis was recalled to Athens to assume interim premiership. This period, known as theMetapolitefsi, saw the country's transition to a pluralist democracy. His new party,New Democracy, won a commanding victory in theNovember 1974 elections, which were followed by aplebiscite that abolished the monarchy and established theThird Hellenic Republic.
In 1980, Karamanlis resigned as prime minister and waselected President of the Republic. In 1981, he oversaw Greece's formal entry into the European Economic Community. He resigned from the presidency in 1985 but was again electedin 1990, and served until his retirement from active politics in 1995. Karamanlis died in 1998 at the age of 91.
Karamanlis was born in the village ofProti, near the city ofSerres,[3][4]Macedonia, which was then part of theOttoman Empire. He became aGreek citizen in 1913, after the region of Macedonia was annexed by Greece in the aftermath of theFirst andSecond Balkan War. His father was Georgios Karamanlis, a teacher who fought during theGreek Struggle for Macedonia, in 1904–1908. After spending his childhood in Macedonia, he went to Athens to attain his degree in law. He practised law in Serres, entered politics with the conservativePeople's Party, and was elected Member of Parliament for the first time in the1936 election at the age of 28. Health problems[citation needed] prevented him from participating in theGreco-Italian War.
During the Axis occupation, he spent his time between Athens and Serres, while in July 1944, he left to the Middle East to join theGreek government in exile.
AfterWorld War II, Karamanlis quickly rose through the ranks of Greek politics. His rise was strongly supported by fellow party-member and close friend Lambros Eftaxias, who served asMinister for Agriculture under the premiership ofKonstantinos Tsaldaris. Karamanlis's first cabinet position wasMinister for Labour in 1947 under the same administration. In 1951, along with most prominent members of the People's Party, Karamanlis joined theGreek Rally ofAlexandros Papagos. When this party won theGreek legislative election on 9 September 1951, Karamanlis becameMinister of Public Works in the Papagos administration. He won the admiration ofthe US Embassy for the efficiency with which he built road infrastructure and administered American aid programs.[5]When Papagos died after a brief illness (October 1955), KingPaul of Greece appointed the 48-year-old Karamanlis as prime minister.[5] The King's appointment took the Greek political world by surprise, as it bypassedStephanos Stephanopoulos andPanagiotis Kanellopoulos, two senior Greek Rally politicians who were widely considered as the heavyweights most likely to succeed Papagos. After becoming prime minister, Karamanlis reorganized the Greek Rally as theNational Radical Union. One of the first bills he promoted as prime minister implemented the extension of fullvoting rights to women, which stood dormant although nominally approved in 1952. Karamanlis won three successive elections (February 1956,May 1958 andOctober 1961).
Greek National Income per decade for 1900–2000. During Karamanlis tenure, the national income increased significantly. Source: TheBank of Greece andNational Statistical Service, various open source bulletins and reports.[6]
In 1959 he announced a five-year plan (1959-64) for theGreek economy, emphasizing improvement of agricultural and industrial production, heavy investment on infrastructure and the promotion of tourism, setting the bases of the post-WWIIGreek economic miracle, though implementation was disrupted by the1967 Coup d'état and the 7 years of dictatorship that followed.
Karamanlis withAveroff and Turkish PMMenderes (centre) during conversations in Zurich
On the international front, Karamanlis abandoned the government's previous strategic goal forenosis (the unification ofGreece andCyprus) in favour of independence for Cyprus. In 1958, his government engaged in negotiations with the United Kingdom andTurkey, which culminated in theZurich Agreement as a basis for a deal on the independence of Cyprus. In February 1959 the plan was ratified in London by the Cypriot leaderMakarios III.
Max Merten wasKriegsverwaltungsrat (military administration counselor) of theNazi German occupation forces inThessaloniki. He was convicted in Greece and sentenced to a 25-year term as awar criminal in 1959. On 3 November of that year, Merten benefited from an amnesty forwar criminals, and was set free and extradited to theFederal Republic of Germany, after political and economic pressure from West Germany (which, at the time, hosted thousands of GreekGastarbeiter).[7] Merten's arrest also enragedQueen Frederica, a woman with German ties,[8] who wondered whether "this is the way misterdistrict attorney understands the development of German and Greek relations".[9]
In Germany, Merten was eventually acquitted from all charges due to "lack of evidence." On 28 September 1960 German newspapers Hamburger Echo andDer Spiegel published excerpts of Merten's deposition to the German authorities where Merten claimed that Karamanlis, the thenMinister for the Interior, Takos Makris and his wife, Doxoula (whom he described as Karamanlis's niece) along with then Deputy Minister of DefenseGeorgios Themelis were informers in Thessaloniki during the Nazi occupation of Greece. Merten alleged that Karamanlis and Makris were rewarded for their services with a business in Thessaloniki which belonged to a Greek Jew sent to theAuschwitz concentration camp. He also alleged that he had pressured Karamanlis and Makris to grant amnesty and release him from prison.
Karamanlis rejected the claims as unsubstantiated and absurd, and accused Merten of attempting to extort money from him prior to making the statements. The West German government (Third Adenauer cabinet) also decried the accusations ascalumniatory and libelous. Karamanlis accused the opposition party of instigating a smear campaign against him. Although Karamanlis never pressed charges against Merten, charges were pressed in Greece againstDer Spiegel by Takos and Doxoula Makris and Themelis, and the magazine was found guilty of slander in 1963. Merten did not appear to testify during the Greek court proceedings. The Merten Affair remained at the centre of political discussions until early 1961.
Merten's accusations against Karamanlis were never corroborated in a court of law. Historian Giannis Katris, an ardent critic of Karamanlis, argued in 1971 that Karamanlis should have resigned the premiership and pressed charges against Merten as a private individual in German courts, in order to fully clear his name. Nonetheless, Katris rejects the accusations as "unsubstantiated" and "obviously fallacious".[9]
Konstantinos Karamanlis, his cabinet with Deputy Prime MinisterPanagiotis Kanellopoulos (front left) and German Vice-ChancellorLudwig Erhard with a German/European delegation during a visit by Erhard to sign the protocols of Greece's Treaty of Association with theEuropean Economic Community (EEC) in 1961.Paul-Henri Spaak is second from the right (front row).
Karamanlis as early as 1958 pursued an aggressive policy toward Greek membership in the EEC. He considered Greece's entry into the EEC a personal dream because he saw it as the fulfillment of what he called "Greece's European Destiny".[10] He personally lobbied European leaders, such as Germany'sKonrad Adenauer and France'sCharles de Gaulle followed by two years of intense negotiations withBrussels.[11][12] His intense lobbying bore fruit and on 9 July 1961 his government and the Europeans signed the protocols of Greece'sTreaty of Association with the European Economic Community (EEC). The signing ceremony in Athens was attended by top government delegations from the six-member bloc of Germany, France, Italy, Belgium, Luxemburg and the Netherlands, a precursor of theEuropean Union. Economy Minister Aristidis Protopapadakis and Foreign MinisterEvangelos Averoff were also present.[11] German Vice-ChancellorLudwig Erhard and Belgian Foreign MinisterPaul-Henri Spaak, a European Union pioneer and aKarlspreis winner like Karamanlis, were among the European delegates.[11]
This had the profound effect of ending Greece's economic isolation and breaking its political and economic dependence on US economic and military aid, mainly throughNATO.[11] Greece became the first European country to acquire the status of associate member of the EEC outside the six nation EEC group. In November 1962 the association treaty came into effect and envisaged the country's full membership at the EEC by 1984, after the gradual elimination of all Greek tariffs on EEC imports.[11] A financial protocol clause included in the treaty provided for loans to Greece subsidised by the community of about $300 million between 1962 and 1972 to help increase the competitiveness of the Greek economy in anticipation of Greece's full membership. The Community's financial aid package as well as the protocol of accession were suspended during the 1967–74 junta years and Greece was expelled from the EEC.[11][13] As well, during the dictatorship, Greece resigned its membership in theCouncil of Europe fearing embarrassing investigations by the Council, following torture allegations.[13]
Soon after returning to Greece duringmetapolitefsi Karamanlis reactivated his push for the country's full EEC membership in 1975 citing political and economic reasons.[10][11] Karamanlis was convinced that Greece's membership in the EEC would ensure political stability in a nation having just undergone a transition from dictatorship to Democracy.[10]
In May 1979 he signed the full treaty of accession. Greece became the tenth member of the EEC on 1 January 1981 three years earlier than the original protocol envisioned and despite the freezing of the treaty of accession during the junta (1967–1974).[11]
In the1961 elections, theNational Radical Union won 50.8 percent of the popular vote and 176 seats.[14] The elections were denounced by both main opposition parties, EDA and the Centre Union, who refused to recognise the result based on numerous cases of voter intimidation and irregularities, such as sudden massive increases in support for ERE against historical patterns, or the voting by deceased persons. The Centre Union alleged that the election result had been staged by the shadowy "para-state" (παρακράτος) agents, including the army leadership, theGreek Central Intelligence Service, and the notoriously right-wingNational Guard Defence Battalions, according to a prepared emergency plan code-namedPericles. Although irregularities certainly occurred, the existence ofPericles was never proven, nor is it certain that the interference in the elections radically influenced the outcome. Nevertheless, Centre Union leaderGeorge Papandreou initiated an "unrelenting struggle" ("ανένδοτος αγών") until new and fair elections were held.[15]
Karamanlis's position was further undermined, and Papandreou's claims of an independently acting "para-state" given more credence, following the assassination ofGrigoris Lambrakis, a leftist member of Parliament, by right-wing extremists during a pro-peace demonstration inThessaloniki in May 1963, who were later revealed to have close links to the local gendarmerie.[16] Karamanlis was shocked by the assassination, was heavily criticized by the opposition ofGeorgios Papandreou, and he stated:
Who governs this country?
The final straw for Karamanlis's government was his clash with the Palace in summer 1963, over the projected visit of the royal pair to Britain. Karamanlis opposed the trip, as he feared that it would provide the occasion for demonstrations against the political prisoners still held in Greece since the Civil War. Karamanlis's relations with the Palace had been declining for some time, particularly with QueenFrederika and the Crown Prince, but the Prime Minister also clashed with King Paul over the latter's opposition to proposed constitutional amendments that would empower the government, the extravagant lifestyle of the royal family, and the near-monopoly that the King claimed over control of the armed forces. When the King rejected his advice to postpone the trip to London, Karamanlis resigned and left the country.[17] In his absence, ERE was led by a committee composed ofPanagiotis Kanellopoulos, Konstantinos Rodopoulos and Panagis Papaligouras.[18]
In the1963 election, the National Radical Union, under his leadership, was defeated by the Centre Union under George Papandreou. Disappointed with the result, Karamanlis fled Greece under the nameTriantafyllides. He spent the next 11 years in self-imposed exile in Paris, France. Karamanlis was succeeded byPanagiotis Kanellopoulos as the ERE leader.
In 1966,Constantine II of Greece sent his envoy Demetrios Bitsios to Paris on a mission to convince Karamanlis to return to Greece and resume a role in Greek politics. According to uncorroborated claims that were made by the former monarch only after both men had died, in 2006, Karamanlis replied to Bitsios that he would return under the condition that the King were to imposemartial law, as was his constitutional prerogative.[19]
U.S. journalistCyrus L. Sulzberger has separately claimed that Karamanlis flew to New York to visitLauris Norstad and lobby US support for a coup d'état in Greece that would establish a strong conservative regime under himself; Sulzberger alleges that Norstad declined to involve himself in such affairs.[20]
Sulzberger's account, which unlike that of the former King was delivered during the lifetime of those implicated (Karamanlis and Norstad), rested solely on the authority of his and Norstad's word.
When in 1997, the former King reiterated Sulzberger's allegations, Karamanlis stated that he "will not deal with the former king's statements because both their content and attitude are unworthy of comment."[21] The deposed King's adoption of Sulzberger's claims against Karamanlis was castigated by left-leaning media, typically critical of Karamanlis, as "shameless" and "brazen".[22] It bears noting that, at the time, the former King referred exclusively to Sulzberger's account, to support the theory of a planned coup by Karamanlis, and made no mention of the alleged 1966 meeting with Bitsios, which he would refer to only after both participants had died and could not respond.
On 21 April 1967, constitutional order was usurped by acoup d'état led by officers around ColonelGeorge Papadopoulos. The King accepted to swear in the military-appointed government as the legitimate government of Greece, but launched an abortive counter-coup to overthrow thejunta eight months later. Constantine and his family then fled the country.
In 2001, former agents of the Eastern German secret police, theStasi, claimed to Greek investigative reporters that during theCold War, they had orchestrated an operation of evidence falsification,[23][24] to present Karamanlis as having planned a coup and thus damage his reputation in an apparentdisinformationpropaganda campaign.[25] The operation allegedly centered on a falsified conversation between Karamanlis and Strauss, aBavarian officer of the King.
In 1974, the invasion of Cyprus by the Turks led to the collapse of the military junta. On 23 July 1974, PresidentPhaedon Gizikis called a meeting of old guard politicians, includingPanagiotis Kanellopoulos,Spiros Markezinis,Stephanos Stephanopoulos,Evangelos Averoff and others. The heads of the armed forces also participated in the meeting. The agenda was to appoint a national unity government that would lead the country to elections.[26]
Former prime minister Panagiotis Kanellopoulos was originally suggested as the head of the new interim government. He was the interim prime minister originally deposed by the dictatorship in 1967 and a distinguished politician who had repeatedly criticized Papadopoulos and his successor. Raging battles were still taking place in Cyprus' north when Greeks took to the streets in all the major cities, celebrating the junta's decision to relinquish power before the war in Cyprus could spill all over the Aegean.[26] But talks in Athens were going nowhere with Gizikis' offer to Panagiotis Kanellopoulos to form a government.[26]
Nonetheless, after all the other politicians departed without reaching a decision,Evangelos Averoff remained in the meeting room and further engaged Gizikis. He insisted that Karamanlis was the only political personality who could lead a successful transition government, taking into consideration the new circumstances and dangers both inside and outside the country. Gizikis and the heads of the armed forces initially expressed reservations, but they finally became convinced by Averoff's arguments.[26] Admiral Arapakis was the first, among the participating military leaders, to express his support for Karamanlis.
After Averoff's decisive intervention, Gizikis decided to invite Karamanlis to assume the premiership. Throughout his stay in France, Karamanlis was a vocal opponent of theRegime of the Colonels, the militaryjunta that seized power in Greece in April 1967. He was now called to end his self-imposed exile and restore democracy to the place where it was originally invented.[26] Upon news of his impending arrival cheering Athenian crowds took to the streets chanting: Έρχεται! Έρχεται!He is coming! He is coming![26] Similar celebrations broke out all over Greece. Athenians in their thousands also went to the airport to greet him.[27] Karamanlis was sworn in as prime minister under Presidentpro tempore Phaedon Gizikis who remained in power in the interim, till December 1974, for legal continuity reasons until a new constitution could be enacted during metapolitefsi and was subsequently replaced by duly elected PresidentMichail Stasinopoulos.
During the inherently unstable first weeks of themetapolitefsi, Karamanlis was forced to sleep aboard a yacht watched over by a destroyer for fear of a new coup. Karamanlis attempted to defuse the tension betweenGreece andTurkey, which were on the brink of war over theCyprus crisis, through the diplomatic route. Two successive conferences in Geneva, where the Greek government was represented byGeorge Mavros, failed to avert a full-scale invasion by Turkey on 14 August 1974 or the subsequent Turkish occupation of 37 percent of Cyprus. As a protest, Karamanlis led the country outside of the military branch ofNATO and remained out until 1980.
The steadfast process of transition from military rule to a pluralist democracy proved successful. During this transition period of themetapolitefsi, Karamanlis legalized theCommunist Party of Greece (KKE) that was banned since thecivil war. The legalization of the communist party was considered by many as a gesture of politicalinclusionism andrapprochement. At the same time he also freed all political prisoners and pardoned all political crimes against the junta.[28] Following through with his reconciliation theme he also adopted a measured approach to removing collaborators and appointees of the dictatorship from the positions they held in governmentbureaucracy, and declared that free elections would be held in November 1974, four months after the collapse of the Regime of the Colonels.
Influenced byGaullist principles, Karamanlis founded the conservative party ofNew Democracy and in the1974 elections achieved a record 54.4% victory (the greatest electoral victory in modern Greek history), obtained a massive parliamentary majority and he was elected prime minister.
The elections were soon followed by the 1974plebiscite on the abolition of the monarchy and the establishment of aHellenic Republic, the televised 1975 trials (Greek Junta Trials) of the former dictators (who received death sentences for high treason and mutiny that were later commuted to life incarceration) and the writing of the new Constitution.
In 1977,New Democracy again won the elections, and Karamanlis continued to serve as prime minister until 1980. The external policy of his governments, for the first time since the war, favoured a multi-polar approach between US, Soviet Union and the Third World; a policy continued also by his successorAndreas Papandreou.
Under Karamanlis's premiership, his government also undertook numerous nationalizations in several sectors, including banking and transportation. Karamanlis's policies of economicstatism, which fostered a large state-run sector, have been described by many associalmania.[29]
Following his signing of theAccession Treaty with theEuropean Economic Community (now theEuropean Union) in 1979, Karamanlis relinquished the Premiership and waselectedPresident of the Republic in 1980 by the Parliament,[30] and in 1981 he oversaw Greece's formal entry into the European Economic Community as its tenth member. He served until 1985, then resigned and was succeeded byChristos Sartzetakis by the dubious processes of Andreas Papandreou, which caused aconstitutional crisis. His phrase became famous during the1989 political crisis to characterize the state of affairs at the end of the second term of Papandreou:"Hellas has been transformed to an endless bedlam."
Karamanlis retired in 1995, at the age of 88, having won 5 parliamentary elections, and having spent 14 years as prime minister, 10 years as President of the Republic, and a total of more than sixty years in active politics. For his long service to democracy and as a pioneer of European integration from the earliest stages of the European Union, Karamanlis was awarded one of the most prestigious European prizes, theKarlspreis, in 1978. He bequeathed his archives to the Konstantinos Karamanlis Foundation,[31] a conservativethink tank he had founded and endowed.
Karamanlis died after a short illness in 1998, at the age of 91.
Karamanlis married Amalia Megapanou Kanellopoulou (1929–2020) in 1951, the niece of Panagiotis Kanellopoulos, a prominent politician. They divorced in 1972 in Paris, without ever having children. Karamanlis remained childless all his life.
Karamanlis has been praised for presiding over an early period of fast economic growth for Greece (1955–63) and for being the primaryengineer of Greece's successful bid for membership in theEuropean Union.
His supporters lauded him as the charismaticEthnarches (National Leader).[32] Some of his left-wing opponents have accused him of condoning rightist "para-statal" groups, whose members undertookVia kai Notheia (Violence and Corruption), i.e., fraud during the electoral contests between ERE and Papandreou'sCenter Union party, and were responsible for the assassination ofGregoris Lambrakis. Some of Karamanlis's conservative opponents have criticized his socialist economic policies during the 1970s, which included the nationalization ofOlympic Airways and Emporiki Bank and the creation of a large public sector. Karamanlis has also been criticized by Ange S. Vlachos for indecisiveness in his management of theCyprus crisis in 1974[33] even though it is widely acknowledged that he skillfully avoided an all-out war with Turkey during that time.
Karamanlis is recognised for his successful restoration of Democracy duringmetapolitefsi and the repair of the two great national schisms by legalising the communist party and by establishing the system of parliamentary democracy in Greece.[34][35][36] His successful prosecution of the junta during thejunta trials and the heavy sentences imposed on the junta principals also sent a message to the army that the era of immunity from constitutional transgressions by the military was over.[35] Karamanlis's policy of European integration is also acknowledged to have ended the paternalistic relation between Greece and the United States.[35][37]
His nephewKostas Karamanlis later became the leader of the New Democracy party (Nea Demokratia) and Prime Minister of Greece from 2004 to 2009. Another nephew, also namedKostas Karamanlis, served as Minister of Infrastructure and Transport from 2019 to 2023.
Karamanlis has been heavily criticised for his stance on theCyprus problem since the late 1950s where he forcedMakarios III to sign theZürich and London Agreements, threatening to withdraw Greek political support for theGreek Cypriots if he didn't.[38][39] In the summer of 1974, during theTurkish invasion of Cyprus and the Metapolitefsi, Karamanlis refused point blank to send help to Cyprus when asked by the actingPresident of CyprusGlafcos Clerides infamously stating in the conversation "Η Κύπρος κείται μακράν" ("Cyprus lies far away") for military aid.[40][41] The only military aid Cyprus received from Greece was in the last days of the Junta regime, where Greek commandos from A' Raider Squadron under the codenameOperation Niki which also stood to disprove the claim that Cyprus was too far.[42][43] Karamanlis not only refused to prosecute the armed forces chiefs who refused to go to Cyprus' aid whenDimitrios Ioannidis had ordered them too, but also kept them in places of charge in the Armed Forces, dismissing both their role in theCypriot coup d'état against Makarios, including Bonanos,Phaedon Gizikis and Petros Arapakis among others.[44][45][46]
On 29 June 2005 an audio-visual tribute celebrating Konstantinos Karamanlis's contribution toGreek culture took place at theOdeon of Herodes Atticus. George Remoundos was the stage director andStavros Xarhakos conducted and selected the music. The event under the title ofCultural Memories was organised by the Konstantinos G. Karamanlis Foundation.[47] In 2007 several events were held to celebrate 100 years since his birth.
^"Konstantinos Karamanlis". britannica.com. Retrieved1 February 2010.Konstantinos Karamanlis Greek statesman also spelled Constantine Caramanlis born 23 February [8 March, New Style], 1907, Próti, near Sérrai, Ottoman Empire [now in Greece] died 23 April 1998, Athens, Greece
^abGiannis Katris (1971), "The Birth of Neofascism in Greece", Papazisis Editions, pp 100–106
^abctime.com:Greece's Gain Time Magazine Archives Quote: "While it was Rallis who hailed the new membership and its promise, much of the credit belonged to former Prime Minister and now President Constantine Caramanlis. For him, entry into the Community was the fulfillment of a dream, a sealing of what he calls "Greece's European destiny." In his view, being part of the democratic Western European family of nations should help ensure political stability for a country crushed by military dictatorship from 1967 to 1974."
^abTime magazine archives"I Am with You, Democracy Is with You" Quote: "Denied Benefits. When the Council of Europe tried to investigate charges that the regime was torturing prisoners, Athens quit the respected if powerless body rather than risk the inquiry. The Common Market was so repelled by the actions of the junta that it expelled Greece from associate membership in the EEC, thus denying the Greek economy some $300 million annually in agricultural benefits." Monday, 5 August 1974 Retrieved 6 July 2008
^abcHellenic Foundation of European and Foreign Policy Quote: "Quote: 'Ο Κωνσταντίνος Καραμανλής, παρά τους δισταγμούς του Χένρι Κίσινγκερ στην Ουάσιγκτον, επέστρεψε από το Παρίσι τα χαράματα της 24ης Ιουλίου του 1974 και ανέλαβε την τεράστια ευθύνη της αυθεντικής εδραίωσης των δημοκρατικών θεσμών στην τόσο ταλαιπωρημένη του χώρα. Η μετάβαση στη δημοκρατία έγινε με τρόπο υποδειγματικό από τον Ελληνα Μακεδόνα ηγέτη. Οι δύο μεγάλοι διχασμοί του 20ού αιώνα γεφυρώθηκαν με τη νομιμοποίηση των κομμουνιστικών κομμάτων και με το δημοψήφισμα για το πολιτειακό που καθιέρωσε το σύστημα της προεδρευόμενης δημοκρατίας. Οι δίκες των πρωταιτίων της χούντας με αυστηρότατες ποινές (ισόβια δεσμά) πέρασαν το μήνυμα στις ένοπλες δυνάμεις ότι η περίοδος της ατιμωρησίας των αντισυνταγματικών παρεμβάσεων του στρατού στην πολιτική είχε περάσει ανεπιστρεπτί. Και χωρίς αμφιβολία, το μεγαλύτερο επίτευγμα του Καραμανλή ήταν η ένταξη της Ελλάδας στην Ευρωπαϊκή Κοινότητα (σήμερα Ευρωπαϊκή Ενωση) την 1η Ιανουαρίου του 1981. Ισως περισσότερο από οποιαδήποτε άλλη εξέλιξη η ένταξη της Ελλάδας στην Ευρώπη άλλαξε τη μορφή και την ποιότητα της ελληνοαμερικανικής δυαδικής σχέσης. Η πατερναλιστική κατατομή προστάτη – προτατευόμενου θα περνούσε έκτοτε μέσα από ένα διαρθρωτικό φίλτρο με το όνομα «Βρυξέλλες».'"
^Britannica Konstantinos Karamanlis: Greek statesman who was prime minister from 1955 to 1963 and again from 1974 to 1980. He then served as president from 1980 to 1985 and from 1990 to 1995. Karamanlis gave Greece competent government and political stability while his conservative economic policies stimulated economic growth. In 1974–75 he successfully restored democracy and constitutional government in Greece after the rule of a military junta there had collapsed.
^Moumtzis, Sakis (2021)."Οι συμφωνίες Ζυρίχης-Λονδίνου, τομή στο Kυπριακό | Liberal.gr".www.liberal.gr (in Greek). Retrieved5 January 2025.Η Ελλάς από τούδε δεν είναι διατεθειμένη να δώση βοήθειαν είς τον Κυπριακόν αγώνα και εννοώ βεβαίως διπλωματικήν βοήθειαν. Από τούδε, εάν δεν συμφωνήσετε θα βαδίσωμεν κεχωρισμένως και ο Θεός βοηθός. [Greece is no longer willing to provide assistance in the Cypriot struggle, and I mean, of course, diplomatic assistance. From now on, if you do not agree, we will proceed separately, and God help us.]
^Kyprianou, Spyros (2024). K. Tsalakos, Giorgos (ed.).Στη μάχη της Ιστορίας όπως την έζησα: Α’ τόμος 1932-1959 [The battle of history as I lived it: 1932-1959] (in Greek) (1st ed.). Pataki.ISBN978-9601-6902-1-6.
^N. Hatzidakis, Manos (2018).Η "προβοκάτσια" της Κοφίνου και η αλήθεια για την ανάκλησι της "Μεραρχίας" [The "provocation" of Kophinou and the truth of the recalling of the "division"] (in Greek) (1st ed.). Athens: Pelasgos. p. 208.ISBN978-960-522-550-6.
^K. Fouskas, Vassilis."CONSTANTINE KARAMANLIS AND THE CYPRUS CRISIS OF JULY AUGUST 1974: A RE-ASSESSMENT"(PDF).Cyprus Center for European and International Affairs (68): 7.ISSN2547-8702....he also pushed the Ioannides government, especially the head of general staff, Gregorios Bonanos, to topple Makarios; indeed, Karamanlis, upon his return to politics as head of the Greek state from 24 July 1974 onwards, did not replace Bonanos
Michalopoulos, Dimitri. "Konstantinos Karamanlis and the Cyprus Issue, 1955–1959". In Köse, Osman (ed.).Tarihte Kıbrıs. Vol. II. pp. 1021–1028.ISBN978-605-67945-0-6.