Italian fascism (Italian:fascismo italiano), also calledclassical fascism andfascism, is the originalfascist ideology, whichGiovanni Gentile andBenito Mussolini developed in Italy. Theideology of Italian fascism is associated with a series of political parties led by Mussolini: theNational Fascist Party (PNF), which governed theKingdom of Italy from 1922 until 1943, and theRepublican Fascist Party (PFR), which governed theItalian Social Republic from 1943 to 1945. Italian fascism also is associated with the post–warItalian Social Movement (MSI) and later Italianneo-fascist political organisations.
Italian fascism originated from ideological combinations ofultranationalism andItalian nationalism,national syndicalism andrevolutionary nationalism, and from the militarism ofItalian irredentism to regain "lost overseas territories of Italy" deemed necessary to restore Italian nationalist pride.[1] Italian Fascists also claimed that modern Italy was an heiress to the imperial legacy ofAncient Rome, and that there existed historical proof which supported the creation of anImperial Fascist Italy to providespazio vitale (vital space) for theSecond Italo-Senussi War of Italian settler colonisationen route to establishinghegemonic control of the terrestrial basin of theMediterranean Sea.[2]
Italian fascism promoted acorporatisteconomic system, whereby employer and employeesyndicates arelinked together in associations to collectively represent the nation's economic producers and work alongside the state to set national economic policy.[3] This economic system intended to resolveclass conflict throughcollaboration between the classes.[4]
Italian fascism opposedliberalism, especiallyclassical liberalism, which fascist leaders denounced as "the debacle of individualism".[5][6] Fascism was opposed tosocialism because of the latter's frequent opposition to nationalism,[7] but it was also opposed to the reactionary conservatism developed byJoseph de Maistre.[8] It believed the success of Italian nationalism required respect fortradition and a clear sense of a shared past among theItalian people, alongside a commitment to a modernised Italy.[9]
Originally, many Italian fascists were opposed toNazism, as fascism in Italy did not espouseNordicism nor, initially, theantisemitism inherent inNazi ideology; however, many fascists, in particular Mussolini himself, heldracist ideas (specificallyanti-Slavism[10]) that were enshrined into law as official policy over the course of fascist rule.[11] AsFascist Italy andNazi Germany grew politically closer in the latter half of the 1930s, Italian laws and policies became explicitly antisemitic due to pressure from Nazi Germany (although antisemitic laws were rarely enforced in Italy),[12][13] including the passage of theItalian racial laws.[14] When the fascists were in power, they also persecuted some linguistic minorities in Italy.[15][16] In addition, the Greeks inDodecanese andNorthern Epirus, which were then under Italian occupation and influence, were persecuted.[17]
The Italian termfascismo is derived fromfascio, meaning 'bundle of sticks', ultimately from theLatin wordfasces.[19] This was the name given to political organizations in Italy known asfasci, groups similar toguilds orsyndicates. According to Italian fascist dictatorBenito Mussolini's own account, theFasces of Revolutionary Action were founded in Italy in 1915.[20] In 1919, Mussolini founded theItalian Fasces of Combat in Milan, which became theNational Fascist Party two years later. The fascists came to associate the term with the ancient Roman fasces orfascio littorio,[21] a bundle of rods tied around an axe,[22] anancient Roman symbol of the authority of the civicmagistrate,[23] carried by hislictors.[24] The symbolism of the fasces suggested strength through unity: a single rod is easily broken, while the bundle is difficult to break.[25]
Prior to 1914, the fasces symbol was widely employed by various political movements, often of a left-wing or liberal persuasion. For instance, according to Robert Paxton, "Marianne, symbol of the French Republic, was often portrayed in the nineteenth century carrying the fasces to represent the force of Republican solidarity against her aristocratic and clerical enemies."[18] The symbol often appeared as an architectural motif, for instance on theSheldonian Theater at Oxford University and on theLincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C.[18]
Italian fascism is based uponItalian nationalism and in particular, it seeks to complete what it considers the incomplete project ofRisorgimento by incorporatingItalia Irredenta (unredeemed Italy) into the state of Italy.[1][26] TheNational Fascist Party (PNF) founded in 1921 declared that the party was to serve as "a revolutionary militia placed at the service of the nation. It follows a policy based on three principles: order, discipline, hierarchy".[26]
It identifiesmodern Italy as the heir to theRoman Empire and Italy during theRenaissance and it promotes the cultural identity ofRomanitas (Roman-ness).[26] Italian fascism historically sought to forge a strongItalian Empire as aThird Rome, identifying ancient Rome as the First Rome and Renaissance-era Italy as the Second Rome.[26] Italian fascism has emulated ancient Rome and in particular, Mussolini emulated ancient Roman leaders, such asJulius Caesar as a model for the fascists' rise to power andAugustus as a model for empire-building.[27] Italian fascism has directly promotedimperialism, such as within theDoctrine of Fascism (1932),ghostwritten byGiovanni Gentile on behalf of Mussolini:
The Fascist state is a will to power and empire. The Roman tradition is here a powerful force. According to the Doctrine of Fascism, an empire is not only a territorial or military or mercantile concept, but a spiritual and moral one. One can think of an empire, that is, a nation, which directly or indirectly guides other nations, without the need to conquer a single square kilometre of territory.
— Benito Mussolini and Giovanni Gentile,The Doctrine of Fascism (1932)
Fascism emphasized the need for the restoration of theMazzinianRisorgimento tradition that followed the unification of Italy, that the fascists claimed had been left incomplete and abandoned in theGiolittian-era Italy.[28] Fascism sought the incorporation of claimed "unredeemed" territories into Italy.
To the east of Italy, the fascists claimed thatDalmatia was a land of Italian culture whose Italians (Dalmatian Italians), including those of ItalianizedSouth Slavic descent, had been driven out of Dalmatia and into exile in Italy, and supported the return of Italians of Dalmatian heritage.[29] Mussolini identified Dalmatia as having strong Italian cultural roots for centuries via the Roman Empire and theRepublic of Venice.[30] The fascists especially focused their claims based on the Venetian cultural heritage of Dalmatia, claiming that Venetian rule had been beneficial for all Dalmatians and had been accepted by the Dalmatian population.[30] The fascists were outraged when in 1919, after World War I, the agreement between Italy and the Entente Allies to have Dalmatia join Italy made in the 1915Treaty of London was revoked.[30] The fascist regime supported the annexation of Yugoslavia's region ofSlovenia into Italy that already held a portion of theSlovene population, whereby Slovenia would become an Italian province,[31] resulting in a quarter of Slovene ethnic territory and approximately 327,000 out of a total population of 1.3[32] million Slovenes being subjected to forcedItalianization.[33][34] The fascist regime imposed mandatory Italianization upon the German and South Slavic populations living within Italy's borders.[35] The fascist regime abolished the teaching of minority German and Slavic languages in schools, German and Slavic language newspapers were shut down and geographical and family names in areas of German or Slavic languages were to be Italianized.[35] This resulted in significant violence against South Slavs deemed to be resisting Italianization.[35] The fascist regime supported the annexation ofAlbania, claimed thatAlbanians were ethnically linked to Italians through links with the prehistoricItaliote,Illyrian, andRoman populations and that the major influence exerted by the Roman and Venetian empires over Albania justified Italy's right to possess it.[36] The fascist regime also justified the annexation of Albania on the basis that—because several hundred thousand people of Albanian descent had been absorbed into society in southern Italy already—the incorporation of Albania was a reasonable measure that would unite people of Albanian descent into one state.[37] The fascist regime endorsed Albanian irredentism, directed against the predominantly Albanian-populatedKosovo andEpirus, particularly inChameria inhabited by a substantial number of Albanians.[38] After Italy annexed Albania in 1939, the fascist regime endorsed assimilating Albanians into Italians and colonizing Albania with Italian settlers from theItalian Peninsula to gradually transform it into an Italian land.[39] The fascist regime claimed theIonian Islands as Italian territory on the basis that the islands hadbelonged to the Venetian Republic from the mid-14th until the late 18th century.[40]
To the west of Italy, the fascists claimed the territories ofCorsica,Nice andSavoy and to the south claimed the territories ofMalta andCorfu due to the presence ofCorsican Italians,Niçard Italians,Maltese Italians,Corfiot Italians andSavoyard Italians.[41][42] During the period of Italian unification in 1860 to 1861, Prime Minister ofPiedmont-Sardinia,Camillo Benso, Count of Cavour, who was leading the unification effort, faced opposition fromFrench EmperorNapoleon III who indicated that France would oppose Italian unification unless France was given theCounty of Nice and Savoy that were held by Piedmont-Sardinia, as France did not want a powerful state having control of all the passages of the Alps.[43] As a result,Piedmont-Sardinia was pressured to concede Nice and Savoy to France in exchange for France accepting the unification of Italy.[44] The fascist regime produced literature on Corsica that presented evidence of theitalianità (Italianness) of the island.[45] The fascist regime produced literature on Nice that justified that Nice was an Italian land based on historic, ethnic and linguistic grounds.[45] The fascists quoted medieval Italian scholarPetrarch, who said: "The border of Italy is the Var; consequently Nice is a part of Italy".[45] The fascists quoted Italian national heroGiuseppe Garibaldi, who said: "Corsica and Nice must not belong to France; there will come the day when an Italy mindful of its true worth will reclaim its provinces now so shamefully languishing under foreign domination".[45] Mussolini initially pursued promoting annexation of Corsica through political and diplomatic means, believing that Corsica could be annexed to Italy through first encouraging the existing autonomist tendencies in Corsica and then the independence of Corsica from France, that would be followed by the annexation of Corsica into Italy.[46]
To the north of Italy, the fascist regime in the 1930s had designs on the largely Italian-populated region (Swiss Italians) ofTicino and theRomansch-populated region ofGraubünden in Switzerland (the Romansch are a people with a Latin-based language).[47] In November 1938, Mussolini declared to the Grand Fascist Council: "We shall bring our border to theGotthard Pass".[48] The fascist regime accused the Swiss government of oppressing the Romansch people in Graubünden.[47] Mussolini argued that Romansch was an Italian dialect and thus Graubünden should be incorporated into Italy.[49] Ticino was also claimed because the region had belonged to theDuchy of Milan from the mid-fourteenth century until 1515, as well as being inhabited by Italian speakers of Italian ethnicity.[50] Claim was also raised on the basis that areas now part of Graubünden in theMesolcina valley andHinterrhein were held by the MilaneseTrivulzio family, who ruled from theMesocco Castle in the late 15th century.[51] Also during the summer of 1940,Galeazzo Ciano met with Hitler and Ribbentrop and proposed to them the dissection of Switzerland along the central chain of theWestern Alps, which would have left Italy also with the canton ofValais in addition to the claims raised earlier.[52]
To the south, the regime claimed the archipelago ofMalta, which had been held by the British since 1800.[53] Mussolini claimed that theMaltese language was a dialect of Italian and theories about Malta being the cradle of the Latin civilization were promoted.[53][54] Italian had been widely used in Malta in the literary, scientific and legal fields and it was one of Malta's official languages until 1937 when its status was abolished by the British as a response to Italy's invasion of Ethiopia.[55] Italian irredentists had claimed that territories on the coast ofNorth Africa were Italy'sFourth Shore and used the historical Roman rule in North Africa as a precedent to justify the incorporation of such territories to Italian jurisdiction as being a "return" of Italy to North Africa.[56] In January 1939, Italy annexed territories inLibya that it considered within Italy's Fourth Shore, with Libya's four coastal provinces of Tripoli, Misurata, Benghazi and Derna becoming an integral part of metropolitan Italy.[57] At the same time, indigenous Libyans were given the ability to apply for "Special Italian Citizenship" which required such people to be literate in the Italian language and confined this type of citizenship to be valid in Libya only.[57]Tunisia that had been taken by France as a protectorate in 1881 had the highest concentration of Italians in North Africa and its seizure by France had been viewed as an injury to national honour in Italy at what they perceived as a "loss" of Tunisia from Italian plans to incorporate it.[58] Upon entering World War II, Italy declared its intention to seize Tunisia as well as the province ofConstantine ofAlgeria from France.[59]
To the south, the fascist regime held an interest in expanding Italy's African colonial possessions. In the 1920s, Italy regarded Portugal as a weak country that was unbecoming of a colonial power due to its weak hold on its colonies and mismanagement of them and as such Italy desired to annexe Portugal's colonies.[60] Italy's relations with Portugal were influenced by the rise to power of the authoritarian conservative nationalist regime of Salazar, which borrowed fascist methods, though Salazar upheld Portugal's traditional alliance with Britain.[60]
UntilBenito Mussolini's alliance withAdolf Hitler, he had always denied any antisemitism within theNational Fascist Party (PNF). In the early 1920s, Mussolini wrote an article which stated that Fascism would never elevate a "Jewish Question" and that "Italy knows no antisemitism and we believe that it will never know it" and then elaborated "let us hope that Italian Jews will continue to be sensible enough so as not to give rise to antisemitism in the only country where it has never existed".[63] In 1932 during a conversation withEmil Ludwig, Mussolini described antisemitism as a "German vice" and stated: "There was 'no Jewish Question' in Italy and could not be one in a country with a healthy system of government".[64] On several occasions, Mussolini spoke positively about Jews and theZionist movement.[65] Mussolini had initially rejected Nazi racism, especially the idea of amaster race, as "arrant nonsense, stupid and idiotic".[66] During theholocaust, Fascist Italy, as well as the occupation zones in Greece, France and Yugoslaviaremained comparatively safe areas for both local Jews and refugees from other countries, until the Italian surrender on 8th September 1943.
In 1929, Mussolini acknowledged the contributions of Italian Jews to Italian society, despite their minority status, and believed that Jewish culture was Mediterranean, aligning with his earlyMediterraneanist perspective. He also argued thatItalian Jews were natives to Italy, asthey had been living in the Italian Peninsula sinceRoman times.[67][68] Initially,Fascist Italy did not enact comprehensive racist policies like those policies which were enacted by itsWorld War II Axis partnerNazi Germany. Italy'sNational Fascist Party leader,Benito Mussolini, expressed different views on the subject ofrace throughout his career. In an interview conducted in 1932 at thePalazzo Venezia in Rome, he said "Race? It is a feeling, not a reality: ninety-five percent, at least, is a feeling. Nothing will ever make me believe that biologically pure races can be shown to exist today".[69] By 1938, however, he began to actively support racist policies in the Italian Fascist regime, as evidenced by his endorsement of the "Manifesto of Race", the seventh point of which stated that "it is time that Italians proclaim themselves to be openly racist",[70] although Mussolini said that the Manifesto was endorsed "entirely for political reasons", in deference toNazi German wishes.[71] The "Manifesto of Race", which was published on 14 July 1938, paved the way for the enactment of theRacial Laws.[61] Leading members of theNational Fascist Party such asDino Grandi andItalo Balbo reportedly opposed the Racial Laws.[72] Balbo, in particular, regarded antisemitism as having nothing to do with fascism and staunchly opposed the antisemitic laws.[73] After 1938, discrimination and persecution intensified and became an increasingly important hallmark ofItalian Fascist ideology and policies.[74] Nevertheless, Mussolini and the Italian military did not consistently apply the laws adopted in the Manifesto of Race.[75] In 1943, Mussolini expressed regret for the endorsement, saying that it could've been avoided.[76] After theSecond Italo-Ethiopian War, the Italian Fascist government implemented strictracial segregation between white people and black people in Ethiopia.[77]
In 1925, the PNF declared that Italy's fascist state would betotalitarian.[26] The term "totalitarian" had initially been used as a pejorative accusation by Italy's liberal opposition that denounced the fascist movement for seeking to create a total dictatorship.[26] However, the fascists responded by accepting that they were totalitarian, but presented totalitarianism from a positive viewpoint.[26] Mussolini described totalitarianism as seeking to forge an authoritarian national state that would be capable of completingRisorgimento of theItalia Irredenta, forge a powerful modern Italy and create a new kind of citizen – politically active fascist Italians.[26]
TheDoctrine of Fascism (1932) described the nature of Italian fascism's totalitarianism, stating the following:
Fascism is for the only liberty which can be a serious thing, the liberty of the state and of the individual in the state. Therefore for the fascist, everything is in the state, and no human or spiritual thing exists, or has any sort of value, outside the state. In this sense fascism is totalitarian, and the fascist state which is the synthesis and unity of every value, interprets, develops and strengthens the entire life of the people.
— Benito Mussolini and Giovanni Gentile,The Doctrine of Fascism (1932)
However, despite ideological totalitarianism, the king of Italy, Victor Emmanuel III, still held legal authourity over Mussolini in that he was able to both appoint and dismiss the Prime Minister.[1]
American journalistH. R. Knickerbocker wrote in 1941: "Mussolini's Fascist state is the least terroristic of the three totalitarian states. The terror is so mild in comparison with the Soviet or Nazi varieties, that it almost fails to qualify as terroristic at all." As example he described an Italian journalist friend who refused to become a fascist. He was fired from his newspaper and put under 24-hour surveillance, but otherwise not harassed; his employment contract was settled for a lump sum and he was allowed to work for the foreign press. Knickerbocker contrasted his treatment with the inevitable torture and execution under Stalin or Hitler, and stated "you have a fair idea of the comparative mildness of the Italian kind of totalitarianism".[78]
However, since World War II historians have noted that in Italy's colonies Italian fascism displayed extreme levels of violence. The deaths of one-tenth of the population of the Italian colony of Libya occurred during the fascist era, including from the use of gassings,concentration camps, starvation and disease; and in Ethiopia during theSecond Italo-Ethiopian War and afterwards by 1938 a quarter of a million Ethiopians had died.[79]
Italian fascism promoted acorporatisteconomic system. The economy involved employer and employeesyndicates being linked together in corporative associations to collectively represent the nation's economic producers and work alongside the state to set national economic policy.[3] Mussolini declared such economics as a "Third Position" to capitalism andMarxism. For instance, he said in 1935 thatorthodox capitalism no longer existed in the country. Preliminary plans as of 1939 intended to divide the country into 22 corporations which would send representatives to Parliament from each industry.[80]
State permission was required for almost any business activity, such as expanding a factory, merging a business, or to fire or lay off an employee. All wages were set by the government, and aminimum wage was imposed in Italy. Restrictions on labor increased. While corporations still could earn profits,[80] Italian fascism supported criminalization of strikes by employees andlockouts by employers as illegal acts it deemed as prejudicial to the national community as a whole.[81]
The Italian fascists' political anthem was calledGiovinezza (Youth).[82] Fascism identifies the physical age period of youth as a critical time for the moral development of people that will affect society.[83]
Italian fascism pursued what it called "moral hygiene" of youth, particularly regardingsexuality.[84] Fascist Italy promoted what it considered normal sexual behaviour in youth while denouncing what it considered deviant sexual behaviour.[84] It condemned pornography, most forms ofbirth control and contraceptive devices (with the exception of thecondom), homosexuality and prostitution as deviant sexual behaviour.[84] Fascist Italy regarded the promotion of male sexual excitation beforepuberty as the cause of criminality amongst male youth.[84] Fascist Italy reflected the belief of most Italians that homosexuality was wrong. Instead of the traditional Catholic teaching that it was a sin, a new approach was taken, based on the contemporary psychoanalysis, that it was a social disease.[84] Fascist Italy pursued an aggressive campaign to reduce prostitution of young women.[84]
Mussolini perceived women's primary role to be childbearers while men were warriors, once saying that "war is to man what maternity is to the woman".[85][86] In an effort to increase birthrates, the Italian fascist government initiated policies designed to reduce a need for families to be dependent on a dual-income. The most evident policy to lessen female participation in the workplace was aprogram to encourage large families, where parents were given subsidies for a second child, and proportionally increased subsidies for a third, fourth, fifth, and sixth child.[87] Italian fascism called for women to be honoured as "reproducers of the nation" and the Italian fascist government held ritual ceremonies to honour women's role within the Italian nation.[88] In 1934, Mussolini declared that employment of women was a "major aspect of the thorny problem of unemployment" and that for women working was "incompatible with childbearing". Mussolini went on to say that the solution to unemployment for men was the "exodus of women from the work force".[89] Although the initialFascist Manifesto contained a reference to universal suffrage, this broad opposition to feminism meant that when it granted women the right to vote in 1925 it was limited purely to voting in local elections, and only applied to a small section of the female population. Furthermore, this reform was quickly made redundant as local elections were abolished in 1926 as a part of theExceptional Fascist Laws [it].[90][91]
Italian fascism believed that the success ofItalian nationalism required a clear sense of a shared past amongst the Italian people along with a commitment to a modernized Italy.[9] In a famous speech in 1926, Mussolini called for fascist art that was "traditionalist and at the same time modern, that looks to the past and at the same time to the future".[9]
Traditional symbols of Roman civilization were utilized by the fascists, particularly thefasces that symbolized unity, authority and the exercise of power.[92] Other traditional symbols of ancient Rome used by the fascists included theshe-wolf.[92] The fasces and the she-wolf symbolized the shared Roman heritage of all the regions that constituted the Italian nation.[92] In 1926, the fasces was adopted by the fascist government of Italy as a symbol of the state.[93] In that year, the fascist government attempted to have the Italian national flag redesigned to incorporate the fasces on it.[93] This attempt to incorporate the fasces on the flag was stopped by strong opposition to the proposal by Italian monarchists.[93] Afterwards, the fascist government in public ceremonies rose the national tricolour flag along with a fascist black flag.[94] Years later, and after Mussolini was forced from power by the King in 1943 only to be rescued by German forces, theItalian Social Republic founded by Mussolini and the fascists did incorporate the fasces on the state's war flag, which was a variant of the Italian tricolour national flag.
The issue of the rule of monarchy or republic in Italy was an issue that changed several times through the development of Italian fascism, as initially the fascist movement wasrepublican and denounced theSavoy monarchy.[95] However, Mussolini tactically abandoned republicanism in 1922 and recognized that the acceptance of the monarchy was a necessary compromise to gain the support of the establishment to challenge the liberal constitutional order that also supported the monarchy.[95] King Victor Emmanuel III had become a popular ruler in the aftermath of Italy's gains after World War I and the army held close loyalty to the King, thus any idea of overthrowing the monarchy was discarded as foolhardy by the fascists at this point.[95] Importantly, fascism's recognition of monarchy provided fascism with a sense of historical continuity and legitimacy.[95] The fascists publicly identified KingVictor Emmanuel II, the first King of a reunited Italy who had initiated theRisorgimento, along with other historic Italian figures such asGaius Marius, Julius Caesar, Giuseppe Mazzini,Camillo Benso, Count of Cavour, Giuseppe Garibaldi and others, for being within a tradition of dictatorship in Italy that the fascists declared that they emulated.[96] However, this compromise with the monarchy did not yield a cordial relationship between the King and Mussolini.[95] Although Mussolini had formally accepted the monarchy, he pursued and largely achieved reducing the power of the King to that of afigurehead.[97][self-published source] The King initially held complete nominal legal authority over the military through theStatuto Albertino, but this was ended during the fascist regime when Mussolini created the position ofFirst Marshal of the Empire in 1938, a two-person position of control over the military held by both the King and the head of government that had the effect of eliminating the King's previously exclusive legal authority over the military by giving Mussolini equal legal authority to the King over the military.[98] In the 1930s, Mussolini became aggravated by the monarchy's continued existence due to envy of the fact that his counterpart in GermanyAdolf Hitler was both head of state and head of government of a republic; and Mussolini in private denounced the monarchy and indicated that he had plans to dismantle the monarchy and create a republic with himself as head of state of Italy upon an Italian success in the then-anticipated major war about to erupt in Europe.[95]
After being removed from office and placed under arrest by the King in 1943, with the Kingdom of Italy's new non-fascist government switching sides from the Axis to the Allies, Italian fascism returned to republicanism and condemnation of the monarchy.[99] On 18 September 1943, Mussolini made his first public address to the Italian people since his rescue from arrest by allied German forces, in which he commended the loyalty of Hitler as an ally while condemning King Victor Emmanuel III of the Kingdom of Italy for betraying Italian fascism.[99] On the topic of the monarchy removing him from power and dismantling the fascist regime, Mussolini stated: "It is not the regime that has betrayed the monarchy, it is the monarchy that has betrayed the regime" and that "When a monarchy fails in its duties, it loses every reason for being. ... The state we want to establish will be national and social in the highest sense of the word; that is, it will be fascist, thus returning to our origins".[99] The fascists at this point did not denounce theHouse of Savoy in the entirety of its history and credited Victor Emmanuel II for his rejection of "scornfully dishonourable pacts" and denounced Victor Emmanuel III for betraying Victor Emmanuel II by entering a dishonourable pact with the Allies.[100]
The relationship between Italian fascism and the Catholic Church was mixed, as originally the fascists were highly anti-clerical and hostile to Catholicism, though from the mid to late 1920s anti-clericalism lost ground in the movement as Mussolini in power sought to seek accord with the Church as the Church held major influence in Italian society with most Italians being Catholic.[101] In 1929, the Italian government signed theLateran Treaty with theHoly See, aconcordat between Italy and the Catholic Church that allowed for the creation of a small enclave known asVatican City as a sovereign state representing thepapacy. This ended years of perceived alienation between the Church and the Italian government after Italy annexed thePapal States in 1870. Italian fascism justified its adoption of antisemitic laws in 1938 by claiming that Italy was fulfilling the Christian religious mandate of the Catholic Church that had been initiated byPope Innocent III in theFourth Lateran Council of 1215, whereby the Pope issued strict regulation of the life of Jews in Christian lands. Jews were prohibited from holding any public office that would give them power over Christians and Jews were required to wear distinctive clothing to distinguish them from Christians.[102]
The Doctrine of Fascism (La dottrina del fascismo, 1932) by theactualist philosopherGiovanni Gentile is the official formulation of Italian fascism, published under Benito Mussolini's name in 1933.[103] Gentile wasintellectually influenced byHegel,Plato,Benedetto Croce andGiambattista Vico, thus his actual idealism philosophy was the basis for fascism.[103] Hence, theDoctrine'sWeltanschauung proposes the world as action in the realm of humanity – beyond the quotidian constrictions of contemporary political trend, by rejecting "perpetual peace" as fantastical and accepting Man as a species continually at war; those who meet the challenge, achievenobility.[103] To wit, actual idealism generally accepted that conquerors were the men of historical consequence, e.g. the RomanJulius Caesar, the GreekAlexander the Great, the FrankCharlemagne and the FrenchNapoleon. The philosopher–intellectual Gentile was especially inspired by theRoman Empire (27 BC – AD 476, 1453), from whence derives fascism:[103]
The Fascist accepts and loves life; he rejects and despises suicide as cowardly. Life as he understands it means duty, elevation, conquest; life must be lofty and full, it must be lived for oneself but above all for others, both near by and far off, present and future.
— Giovanni Gentile and Benito Mussolini,The Doctrine of Fascism, 1933[104]
In 1925, Mussolini assumed the titleDuce (Leader), derived from the Latindux (leader), aRoman Republic military-command title. Moreover, althoughFascist Italy (1922–1943) is historically considered an authoritarian–totalitarian dictatorship, it retained the original "liberal democratic" government façade: theGrand Council of Fascism remained active as administrators; and KingVictor Emmanuel III of Italy could—at the risk of hiscrown—dismiss Mussolini asItalian Prime Minister as in the event he did.[105]
Gentile defined fascism as an anti-intellectual doctrine,epistemologically based on faith rather than reason.Fascist mysticism emphasized the importance ofpolitical myths, which were true not as empirical facts, but as "metareality".[106] Fascist art,architecture and symbols constituted a process which converted Fascism into a sort of acivil religion orpolitical religion.[106]La dottrina del fascismo states that fascism is a "religious conception of life" and forms a "spiritual community" in contrast to bourgeois materialism.[106] The sloganCredere Obbedire Combattere ("Believe, Obey, Fight") reflects the importance of political faith in fascism.[106]
According to historian Zeev Sternhell, "most syndicalist leaders were among the founders of the fascist movement", who in later years gained key posts in Mussolini's regime.[107] Mussolini expressed great admiration for the ideas ofGeorges Sorel,[108] who he claimed was instrumental in birthing the core principles of Italian fascism.[109] J. L. Talmon argued that fascism billed itself "not only as an alternative, but also as the heir to socialism".[110]
La dottrina del fascismo proposed an Italy of greater living standards under a one-party fascist system than under the multi-partyliberal democratic government of 1920.[111] As the leader of theNational Fascist Party (PNF,Partito Nazionale Fascista), Mussolini said that democracy is "beautiful in theory; in practice, it is a fallacy" and spoke of celebrating the burial of the "putrid corpse of liberty".[111][112] In 1923, to give Deputy Mussolini control of thepluralist parliamentary government of theKingdom of Italy (1861–1946), an economist, the BaronGiacomo Acerbo, proposed—and theItalian Parliament approved—theAcerbo Law, changing the electoral system fromproportional representation to majority representation. The party who received the most votes (provided they possessed at least 25 percent of cast votes) won two-thirds of the parliament; the remaining third was proportionately shared among the other parties, thus the fascist manipulation ofliberal democratic law that rendered Italy aone-party state.
In 1924, the PNF won the election with 65 percent of the votes,[113] yet theUnited Socialist Party refused to accept such a defeat—especially DeputyGiacomo Matteotti, who on 30 May 1924 in Parliament formally accused the PNF of electoral fraud and reiterated his denunciations of PNFBlackshirt political violence and was publishingThe Fascisti Exposed: A Year of Fascist Domination, a book substantiating his accusations.[113][114] Consequently, on 10 June 1924, theCeka[115] (ostensibly a partysecret police, modelled on the SovietCheka) assassinated Matteotti and of the five men arrested,Amerigo Dumini, also known asSicario del Duce (The Leader's Assassin), was sentenced to five years' imprisonment, but served only eleven months and was freed under amnesty from King Victor Emmanuel III. Moreover, when the King supported Prime Minister Mussolini the socialists quit Parliament in protest, leaving the fascists to govern unopposed.[116] In that time, assassination was not yet themodus operandi norm and the Italian fascistDuce usually disposed of opponents in the Imperial Roman way: political arrest punished with island banishment.[117]
AfterWorld War I (1914–1918), despite theKingdom of Italy (1861–1946) being a full-partnerAllied Power against theCentral Powers,Italian nationalism claimed Italy was cheated in theTreaty of Saint-Germain-en-Laye (1919), thus the Allies had impeded Italy's progress to becoming a "Great Power".[116] Thenceforth, the PNF successfully exploited that "slight" to Italian nationalism in presenting fascism as best-suited for governing the country by successfully claiming that democracy, socialism and liberalism were failed systems. The PNF assumed Italian government in 1922, consequent to the fascist Leader Mussolini's oratory and Blackshirt paramilitary political violence.
At theParis Peace Conference in 1919, the Allies compelled the Kingdom of Italy to yield to Yugoslavia the Croatian seaport of Fiume (Rijeka). Moreover, elsewhere Italy was then excluded from the wartime secretTreaty of London (1915) it had concorded with theTriple Entente;[118] wherein Italy was to leave theTriple Alliance and join the enemy bydeclaring war against theGerman Empire andAustria-Hungary in exchange for territories at war's end, upon which the Kingdom of Italy held claims (seeItalia irredenta).
In September 1919, the nationalist response of outraged war heroGabriele D'Annunzio was declaring the establishment of theItalian Regency of Carnaro.[119] To his independent Italian state, he installed himself as the RegentDuce and promulgated theCarta del Carnaro (Charter of Carnaro, 8 September 1920), a politicallysyncretic constitutional amalgamation of right-wing and left-winganarchist, proto-fascist anddemocratic republican politics, which much influenced the politico-philosophic development of early Italian fascism. Consequent to theTreaty of Rapallo (1920), the metropolitan Italian military deposed the Regency ofDuce D'Annunzio on Christmas 1920. In the development of the fascist model of government, D'Annunzio was a nationalist and not a fascist, whose legacy of political–praxis ("Politics as Theatre") was stylistic (ceremony, uniform, harangue and chanting) and not substantive, which Italian Fascism artfully developed as a government model.[119][120]
At the same time, Mussolini and many of his revolutionary syndicalist adherents gravitated towards a form ofrevolutionary nationalism in an effort to "identify the 'communality' of man not with class, but with the nation".[121] According toA. James Gregor, Mussolini came to believe that "Fascism was the only form of 'socialism' appropriate to theproletarian nations of the twentieth century" while he was in the process of shifting his views from socialism to nationalism.[122]Enrico Corradini, one of the early influences on Mussolini's thought and later a member of his administration, championed the concept of proletarian nationalism, writing about Italy in 1910: "We are the proletarian people in respect to the rest of the world. Nationalism is our socialism".[123] Mussolini would come to use similar wording, for instance referring to fascist Italy during World War II as the "proletarian nations that rise up against the plutocrats".[124]
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Given Italian fascism's pragmatic politicalamalgamations ofleft-wing andright-wing socio-economic policies, discontented workers and peasants proved an abundant source of popular political power, especially because of peasant opposition to socialist agricultural collectivism. Thus armed, the former socialist Benito Mussolini oratorically inspired and mobilized country and working-class people: "We declare war on socialism, not because it is socialist, but because it has opposed nationalism". Moreover, for campaign financing in the 1920–1921 period the National fascist Party also courted the industrialists and (historically feudal) landowners by appealing to their fears of left-wing socialist andBolshevik labor politics and urban and rural strikes. The fascists promised a good business climate of cost-effective labor, wage and political stability; and the fascist Party wasen route to power.
Historian Charles F. Delzell reports: "At first, the fascist Revolutionary Party was concentrated in Milan and a few other cities. They gained ground quite slowly, between 1919 and 1920; not until after the scare, brought about by the workers "occupation of the factories" in the late summer of 1920 did fascism become really widespread. The industrialists began to throw their financial support behind Mussolini after he renamed his party and retracted his former support for Lenin and the Russian Revolution. Moreover, toward the end of 1920, fascism began to spread into the countryside, bidding for the support of large landowners, particularly in the area between Bologna and Ferrara, a traditional stronghold of the Left, and scene of frequent violence. Socialist and Catholic organizers of farm hands in that region, Venezia Giulia, Tuscany, and even distant Apulia, were soon attacked byBlackshirt squads of fascists, armed with castor oil, blackjacks, and more lethal weapons. The era ofsquadrismo and nightly expeditions to burn Socialist and Catholic labor headquarters had begun. During this time period, Mussolini's fascist squads also engaged in violent attacks against the Church where "several priests were assassinated and churches burned by the fascists".[125]
Italy's use of daredevil eliteshock troops, known as theArditi, beginning in 1917, was an important influence on fascism.[126] TheArditi were soldiers who were specifically trained for a life of violence and wore unique blackshirt uniforms andfezzes.[126] TheArditi formed a national organization in November 1918, theAssociazione fra gli Arditi d'Italia, which by mid-1919 had about twenty thousand young men within it.[126] Mussolini appealed to theArditi and the Fascists'squadristi, developed after the war, were based upon theArditi.[126]
World War I inflated Italy's economy with great debts, unemployment (aggravated by thousands of demobilised soldiers), social discontent featuring strikes,organised crime[116] andanarchist, socialist and communist insurrections.[127] When the electedItalian Liberal Party Government could not control Italy, the fascist leader Mussolini took matters in hand, combating those issues with theBlackshirts, paramilitary squads of First World War veterans and ex socialists whenPrime Ministers such asGiovanni Giolitti allowed the fascists taking the law in hand.[128] The violence between socialists and the mostly self-organized squadristi militias, especially in the countryside, had increased so dramatically that Mussolini was pressured to call a truce to bring about "reconciliation with the Socialists".[129] Signed in early August 1921, Mussolini and the Italian Socialist Party (PSI) agreed to thePact of Pacification, which was immediately condemned by most ras leaders in thesquadrismo. The peace pact was officially denounced during the Third Fascist Congress on 7–10 November 1921.
The Liberal government preferred fascistclass collaboration to theCommunist Party of Italy'sclass conflict should they assume government as hadVladimir Lenin'sBolsheviks in the recentRussian Revolution of 1917,[128] although Mussolini had originally praised Lenin's October Revolution[130] and publicly referred to himself in 1919 as "Lenin of Italy".[131]
The Manifesto of the Fascist Struggle (June 1919) of the PFR presented the politico-philosophic tenets of fascism. The manifesto was authored bynational syndicalistAlceste De Ambris andFuturist movement leaderFilippo Tommaso Marinetti.[132] The manifesto was divided into four sections, describing the movement's objectives in political, social, military and financial fields.[133]
By the early 1920s, popular support for the fascist movement's fight against Bolshevism numbered some 250,000 people. In 1921, the fascists metamorphosed into the PNF and achieved political legitimacy when Mussolini was elected to the Chamber of Deputies in 1922.[116] Although the Liberal Party retained power, the governingprime ministries proved ephemeral, especially that of the fifth Prime MinisterLuigi Facta, whose government proved vacillating.[116]
Todepose the weakparliamentary democracy, Deputy Mussolini (with military, business and liberal right-wing support) launched the PNFMarch on Rome (27–31 October 1922)coup d'état to oust Prime MinisterLuigi Facta and assume the government of Italy to restore nationalist pride, restart the economy, increase productivity with labor controls, remove economic business controls and imposelaw and order.[116] On 28 October, whilst the "March" occurred,King Victor Emmanuel III withdrew his support of Prime Minister Facta and appointed PNF Leader Benito Mussolini as the sixth Prime Minister of Italy.
The March on Rome became a victory parade: the fascists believed their success was revolutionary andtraditionalist.[134][135]
Until 1925, when the liberal economistAlberto de' Stefani, although a former member of thesquadristi, was removed from his post as Minister of Economics (1922–1925), Italy's coalition government was able to restart the economy and balanced the national budget. Stefani developed economic policies that were aligned with classical liberalism principles asinheritance,luxury andforeign capital taxes were abolished;[136] andlife insurance (1923)[137] and the state communications monopolies wereprivatised and so on. During Italy's coalition government era, pro-business policies apparently did not contradict the State's financing of banks and industry. Political scientist Franklin Hugh Adler referred to this coalition period between Mussolini's appointment as prime minister on 31 October 1922 and his 1925 dictatorship as "Liberal-Fascism, a hybrid, unstable, and transitory regime type under which the formal juridical-institutional framework of the liberal regime was conserved", which still allowed pluralism, competitive elections, freedom of the press and the right of trade unions to strike.[138] Liberal Party leaders and industrialists thought that they could neutralize Mussolini by making him the head of a coalition government, where asLuigi Albertini remarked that "he will be much more subject to influence".[139]
One of Prime Minister Mussolini's first acts was the 400-million-lira financing ofGio. Ansaldo & C., one of the country's most important engineering companies. Subsequent to the 1926deflation crisis, banks such as theBanco di Roma (Bank of Rome), theBanco di Napoli (Bank of Naples) and theBanco di Sicilia (Bank of Sicily) also were state-financed.[140] In 1924, a private business enterprise establishedUnione Radiofonica Italiana (URI) as part of theMarconi company, to which the Italian fascist Government granted official radio-broadcast monopoly. After the defeat of fascism in 1944, URI becameRadio Audizioni Italiane (RAI) and was renamed RAI— Radiotelevisione Italiana with the advent of television in 1954.
Given the overwhelmingly rural nature of Italian economy in the period, agriculture was vital to fascist economic policies and propaganda. To strengthen the domestic Italian production of grain, the fascist Government established in 1925protectionist policies that ultimately failed (see theBattle for Grain).
From 1926 following thePact of the Vidoni Palace and theSyndical Laws, business and labour were organized into 12 separate associations, outlawing or integrating all others. These organizations negotiated labour contracts on behalf of all its members with the state acting as the arbitrator. The state tended to favour big industry over small industry, commerce, banking, agriculture, labour and transport even though each sector officially had equal representation.[141] Pricing, production and distribution practices were controlled by employer associations rather than individual firms and labour syndicates negotiated collective labour contracts binding all firms in the particular sector. Enforcement of contracts was difficult and the large bureaucracy delayed resolutions of labour disputes.[142]
After 1929, the fascist regime countered theGreat Depression with massivepublic works programs, such as the draining of thePontine Marshes,hydroelectricity development, railway improvement and rearmament.[143] In 1933, theIstituto per la Ricostruzione Industriale (IRI – Institute for Industrial Reconstruction) was established to subsidize failing companies and soon controlled important portions of the national economy viagovernment-linked companies, among themAlfa Romeo. The Italian economy'sGross National Product increased 2 percent; automobile production was increased, especially that of theFiat motor company;[144] and theaeronautical industry was developing.[116] Especially after the 1936 League of Nations sanctions against Italian invasion of Ethiopia, Mussolini strongly advocatedagrarianism andautarchy as part of his economic "battles" forLand, theLira andGrain. As Prime Minister, Mussolini physically participated with the workers in doing the work; the "politics as theatre" legacy of Gabriele D' Annunzio yielded great propaganda images ofIl Duce as "Man of the People".[145][146]
A year after the creation of the IRI, Mussolini boasted to his Chamber of Deputies: "Three-fourths of the Italian economy, industrial and agricultural, is in the hands of the state".[147][148] As Italy continued to nationalize its economy, the IRI "became the owner not only of the three most important Italian banks, which were clearly too big to fail, but also of the lion's share of the Italian industries".[149] During this period, Mussolini identified his economic policies with "state capitalism" and "state socialism", which later was described as "economic dirigisme", an economic system where the state has the power to direct economic production and allocation of resources.[150] By 1939, fascist Italy attained the highest rate of state–ownership of an economy in the world other than the Soviet Union,[151] where the Italian state "controlled over four-fifths of Italy's shipping and shipbuilding, three-quarters of its pig iron production and almost half that of steel".[152]
In the 19th century, the forces ofRisorgimento (1815–1871) had conquered Rome and taken control of it away from thePapacy, which saw itself henceforth as aprisoner in the Vatican. In February 1929, as Italian Head of Government, Mussolini concluded the unresolved Church–State conflict of theRoman Question (La Questione romana) with theLateran Treaty betweenFascist Italy and theHoly See, establishing theVatican Citymicrostate in Rome. Upon ratification of the Lateran Treaty, the papacy recognized the state of Italy in exchange for diplomatic recognition of the Vatican City,[153] territorial compensations, introduction of religious education into all state funded schools in Italy[111][154] and 50 millionpounds sterling that were shifted from Italian bank shares into a Swiss company Profima SA. British wartime records from theNational Archives in Kew also confirmed Profima SA as the Vatican's company which was accused during World War II of engaging in "activities contrary to Allied interests". Cambridge historianJohn F. Pollard wrote in his book that this financial settlement ensured the "papacy [...] would never be poor again".[155]
Not long after the Lateran Treaty was signed, Mussolini was almost "excommunicated" over his "intractable" determination to prevent the Vatican from having control over education.[156] In reply, the Pope protested Mussolini's "pagan worship of the state" and the imposition of an "exclusive oath of obedience" that obligated everyone to uphold fascism.[156] Once declaring in his youth that "religion is a species of mental disease",[157] Mussolini "wanted the appearance of being greatly favoured by the Pope" while simultaneously "subordinate to no one".[156] Mussolini's widow attested in her 1974 book that her husband was "basically irreligious until the later years of his life".[158]
The fascist government's model was very influential beyond Italy. In the twenty-one-yearinterbellum period, many political scientists and philosophers sought ideological inspiration from Italy. Mussolini's establishment of law and order to Italy and its society was praised byWinston Churchill,[159]Sigmund Freud,[160]George Bernard Shaw[161] andThomas Edison[162] as the fascist government combatedorganised crime and theSicilian Mafia.[163]
Italian fascism was copied byAdolf Hitler'sNazi Party, theRussian Fascist Organization, the RomanianNational Fascist Movement (theNational Romanian Fascia,National Italo-Romanian Cultural and Economic Movement) and the Dutch fascists were based upon theVerbond van Actualisten journal ofH. A. Sinclair de Rochemont andAlfred Haighton. TheSammarinese Fascist Party established an early fascist government inSan Marino and their politico-philosophic basis essentially was Italian fascism. In theKingdom of Yugoslavia,Milan Stojadinović established hisYugoslav Radical Union. They wore green shirts andŠajkača caps and used theRoman salute. Stojadinović also adopted the title ofVodja (with the same meaning asDuce orFührer). In Switzerland, pro-Nazi ColonelArthur Fonjallaz of theNational Front became an ardent Mussolini admirer after visiting Italy in 1932 and advocated the Italian annexation of Switzerland whilst receiving fascist foreign aid.[164] The country was host for two Italian politico-cultural activities: the International Centre for Fascist Studies (CINEF —Centre International d' Études Fascistes) and the 1934 congress of the Action Committee for the Universality of Rome (CAUR —Comitato d' Azione della Università de Roma).[165] In Spain, the writerErnesto Giménez Caballero inGenio de España (The Genius of Spain, 1932) called for the Italian annexation of Spain, led by Mussolini presiding over an international Latin Catholic empire. He then progressed to being closely associated withFalangism, leading to discarding the Spanish annexation to Italy.[166]
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In Italy, Mussolini's fascist regime used the termanti-fascist to describe its opponents. Mussolini'ssecret police was officially known as theOrganization for Vigilance and Repression of Anti-Fascism. During the 1920s in theKingdom of Italy, anti-fascists, many of them from thelabor movement, fought against the violentBlackshirts and against the rise of the fascist leader Benito Mussolini. After theItalian Socialist Party (PSI) signed apacification pact with Mussolini and hisFasces of Combat on 3 August 1921,[176] and trade unions adopted a legalist and pacified strategy, members of the workers' movement who disagreed with this strategy formedArditi del Popolo.[177]
TheItalian General Confederation of Labour (CGL) and the PSI refused to officially recognize the anti-fascist militia and maintained a non-violent, legalist strategy, while theCommunist Party of Italy (PCd'I) ordered its members to quit the organization. The PCd'I organized some militant groups, but their actions were relatively minor.[178] The Italian anarchistSeverino Di Giovanni, who exiled himself to Argentina following the 1922March on Rome, organized several bombings against the Italian fascist community.[179] The Italian liberal anti-fascistBenedetto Croce wrote hisManifesto of the Anti-Fascist Intellectuals, which was published in 1925.[180] Other notable Italian liberal anti-fascists around that time werePiero Gobetti andCarlo Rosselli.[181]
Concentrazione Antifascista Italiana (English:Italian Anti-Fascist Concentration), officially known as Concentrazione d'Azione Antifascista (Anti-Fascist Action Concentration), was an Italian coalition of Anti-Fascist groups which existed from 1927 to 1934. Founded inNérac, France, by expatriate Italians, the CAI was an alliance of non-communist anti-fascist forces (republican, socialist, nationalist) trying to promote and to coordinate expatriate actions to fight fascism in Italy; they published a propaganda paper entitledLa Libertà.[182][183][184]
Giustizia e Libertà (English:Justice and Freedom) was an Italiananti-fascistresistance movement, active from 1929 to 1945.[185] The movement was cofounded byCarlo Rosselli,[185]Ferruccio Parri, who later becamePrime Minister of Italy, andSandro Pertini, who becamePresident of Italy, were among the movement's leaders.[186] The movement's members held various political beliefs but shared a belief in active, effective opposition to fascism, compared to the older Italian anti-fascist parties.Giustizia e Libertà also made the international community aware of the realities of fascism in Italy, thanks to the work ofGaetano Salvemini.
Many Italian anti-fascists participated in theSpanish Civil War with the hope of setting an example of armed resistance toFranco's dictatorship against Mussolini's regime; hence their motto: "Today in Spain, tomorrow in Italy".[187]
Between 1920 and 1943, several anti-fascist movements were active among theSlovenes andCroats in the territories annexed to Italy afterWorld War I, known as theJulian March.[188][189] The most influential was the militant insurgent organizationTIGR, which carried out numerous sabotages, as well as attacks on representatives of the Fascist Party and the military.[190][191] Most of the underground structure of the organization was discovered and dismantled by theOrganization for Vigilance and Repression of Anti-Fascism (OVRA) in 1940 and 1941,[192] and after June 1941 most of its former activists joined theSlovene Partisans.
DuringWorld War II, many members of theItalian resistance left their homes and went to live in the mountains, fighting against Italian fascists andGerman Nazi soldiers during theItalian Civil War. Many cities in Italy, includingTurin,Naples andMilan, were freed by anti-fascist uprisings.[193]
Today'sItalian constitution is the result of the work of theConstituent Assembly, which was formed by the representatives of all the anti-fascist forces that contributed to the defeat of Nazi and Fascist forces during theliberation of Italy.[194]
Liberation Day is a national holiday inItaly that commemorates the victory of theItalian resistance movement againstNazi Germany and theItalian Social Republic,puppet state of the Nazis andrump state of the fascists, in theItalian Civil War, acivil war in Italy fought duringWorld War II, which takes place on 25 April. The date was chosen by convention, as it was the day of the year 1945 when theNational Liberation Committee of Upper Italy (CLNAI) officially proclaimed the insurgency in a radio announcement, propounding the seizure of power by the CLNAI and proclaiming the death sentence for all fascist leaders (includingBenito Mussolini, who was shot three days later).[195]
Associazione Nazionale Partigiani d'Italia (ANPI; "National Association of ItalianPartisans") is an association founded by participants of theItalian resistance against theItalian Fascist regime and the subsequentNazi occupation duringWorld War II. ANPI was founded inRome in 1944[196] while the war continued innorthern Italy. It was constituted as acharitable foundation on 5 April 1945. It persists due to the activity of its antifascist members. ANPI's objectives are the maintenance of the historical role of the partisan war by means of research and the collection of personal stories. Its goals are a continued defense againsthistorical revisionism and the ideal and ethical support of the high values of freedom and democracy expressed in the 1948constitution, in which the ideals of theItalian resistance were collected.[197] Since 2008, every two years ANPI organizes its national festival. During the event, meetings, debates, and musical concerts that focus on antifascism, peace, and democracy are organized.[198]
Bella ciao (Italian pronunciation:[ˈbɛllaˈtʃaːo]; "Goodbye beautiful") is anItalian folk song modified and adopted as an anthem of theItalian resistance movement by the partisans who opposednazism andfascism, and fought against the occupying forces ofNazi Germany, who were allied with the fascist and collaborationistItalian Social Republic between 1943 and 1945 during theItalian Civil War. Versions of this Italian anti-fascist song continue to be sung worldwide as a hymn of freedom and resistance.[199] As an internationally known hymn of freedom, it was intoned at many historic and revolutionary events. The song originally aligned itself with Italian partisans fighting against Nazi German occupation troops, but has since become to merely stand for the inherent rights of all people to be liberated from tyranny.[200][201]
When dealing with such a race as Slavic—inferior and barbarian—we must not pursue the carrot, but the stick policy. We should not be afraid of new victims. The Italian border should run across the Brenner Pass, Monte Nevoso and the Dinaric Alps. I would say we can easily sacrifice 500,000 barbaric Slavs for 50,000 Italians.[permanent dead link]
When carried inside Rome, the ax was removed (unless the magistrate was a dictator or general celebrating a triumph) as recognition of the right of a Roman citizen to appeal a magistrate's ruling.
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