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Israʼiliyyat

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Narratives assumed to be foreign or from the Israelites in Islamic hadith literature
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Israʼiliyyat (inArabic:إسرائیلیات "Israelisms") is a sub-genre oftafsīr andḤadīth which supplements Quranic narratives.[1]Isra'iliyyat may derive fromJewish,Christian orZoroastrian sources.[2] In the early years,Isra'iliyyat were widely accepted.[3][4][5] Only by the time ofIbn Taymiyyah andIbn Kathīr, the termIsra'iliyyat began to denote content considered dubious or as un-Islamic.[6][7] In modern times,Turkish Quran commentators still allow for usage ofIsra'iliyyat, while they are rejected by half of theArab Quran commentators.[8]

TheQaṣaṣ al-anbiyāʾ usually contain the same materials, but avoided criticism of foreign import.[9] WhetherQaṣaṣ al-anbiyāʾ is a subdivision ofIsrailiyyat or the other way around, remains a scholarly debate.[10]

Israiliyyat frequently appear inQur'anic commentaries,Sufi narratives andIslamic literature.[11] They are used to offer more detailed information regarding earlier prophets mentioned in the Bible and the Qur'an.[12]

History

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The first known use of the termIsra'iliyyat is in a writing of the 10th-century historian and geographeral-Masudi (d. 345/946), in hisMurūğ al-ḏahab, as he discusses traditions concerning the creation of the world. In this context, al-Masudi states that he is relying on stories from Israelite's, orIsra'iliyyat. Al-Masudi often citesWahb ibn Munabbih when discussing biblical history and prophetic narratives.[13] Al-Masudi's usage

clearly indicates that the termisrāʾīliyyāt was known in the IV/X sec. and that it was used to refer to a genre of prodigious stories about cosmogony and Biblical history of questionable reliability.[14]

The next known usage is in the writings of Ibn al-Murağğā, in a text written around 430/1040, also in the context of narratives sourced from Wahb. In this case, Ibn al-Murağğā was directly citing a book of Wahb's entitled theKītāb al-isrāʾīliyyāt (Book of Israelisms).Al-Ghazali also uses the term in relation to the name of a book, but one that is not connected to Wahb's name.[15] Whether Wahb composed a document by such a name is disputed (others instead attribute a similar text toHammad ibn Salama (d. 783)[16]). In addition to these, a few initial occurrences of the term can also be found in the works ofAbu Bakr al-Turtushi,Abu Bakr ibn al-Arabi (a pupil of Turtushi),Ibn al-Jawzi, and some others. What these usages indicate is that before the 13th and 14th centuries, usage of the term was not systematic (though well-attested), that the term was used in a few different senses (especially in terms of a book name, or as references to unreliable traditions about cosmogony or prophets originating among Israelite's).[17]

Until the 14th century, the termIsra'iliyyat did not play a significant role and was not systematically used. It was only untilIbn Taymiyya (d. 1328) that theIsrā'īlīyāt came to be understood as a collection of unreliable traditions of supposed Jewish origin, related to earlier narrators, such asWahb ibn Munabbih andKa'b al-Ahbar, whose authority was still retained by earlier Sunni scholars, such asAl-Tabari.[18]

Nevertheless, it was Ibn Taymiyya's studentIbn Kathīr who first systematically used the term for traditions that he vehemently rejected.[5][19] He treats not only the traditions themselves, but also the narrators, such as ʿAbdallāh ibn ʿAbbās, disparagingly. But it was not until the 20th century that the systematic use ofIsrā'īlīyāt became established. They are often criticized, especially today in the Arab world, and viewed as “un-Islamic”. Only in the Turkish regions areIsrā'īlīyāt occasionally used and tolerated.[20] However, Arabic contemporary exegesis generally sees them as foreign to Islam and believes that elements such as the perspectives on prophetic figures, contradict or appear to contradict certain theological beliefs.[21] The strong criticism of this literature is amodern phenomenon and stands in contrast to the intensive use of these texts in pre-modern times.[22] For that reason, political rather than traditional motivations have been proposed as a motivator for the contemporary usage of the labelIsrā'īlīyāt.[23]

Transmission into Islamic sources

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There is no clear evidence regarding the exact manner by which Biblical, Talmudic, or other religious themes might have entered Islamic literature. Muslim sources indicate a number of individuals who converted to Islam from Judaism among the first generations of Muslims and were transmitters ofIsrā'īlīyāt. These include such names asKa’b al-Ahbar andAbd Allah b. Salam. Some sources also suggest that “Muslims studied with practicing Jews,” though the nature and extent of such coeducation is not clear. Biblical events and exegetical commentaries of Jewish origin may also have entered Islamic tradition via educated Christians ofEastern churches such as those of Abyssinia and/or through various local populations ofJews in the Yemen andthe Arabian Peninsula.[24]

List of notable transmitters

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Notable individuals to whom the transmission of stories ofIsra'iliyyat are:[25]

  • Kaʽb al-Akhbār (d. 652)
  • Abu al-Darda (d. 652).
  • Tamim al-Dari (d. 661).
  • Abdullah ibn Salam (d. 663), described as arabbi before his conversion to Islam.
  • Ibn ‘Abbas (d. 687 CE), a cousin and young companion (Sahaba) of Muhammad. He is regarded as one of the greatest authorities on the Qur’an in general and especially the place of Isra’iliyyat traditions in its interpretation.
  • Wahb b. Munabbih (d. 732), who was born in the generation after the Sahaba, and who is cited as a trustworthy source for many oral accounts linked to Jewish and Christian traditions.

References

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Citations

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  1. ^Lowin, Shari L. "Abraham in Islamic and Jewish Exegesis." Religion compass 5.6 (2011): 225.
  2. ^Isabel Lang Intertextualität als hermeneutischer Zugang zur Auslegung des Korans: Eine Betrachtung am Beispiel der Verwendung von Israiliyyat in der Rezeption der Davidserzählung in Sure 38: 21-25 Logos Verlag Berlin GmbH, 31.12.2015ISBN 9783832541514 p. 30 (German)
  3. ^Lowin, Shari L. "Abraham in Islamic and Jewish Exegesis." Religion compass 5.6 (2011): 225.
  4. ^Cleveland, Timothy (January 2015)."Ahmad Baba al-Timbukti and his Islamic critique of racial slavery in the Maghrib".The Journal of North African Studies.20 (1):42–64.doi:10.1080/13629387.2014.983825.S2CID 143245136. Retrieved16 June 2020.
  5. ^abKaren Bauer GenderHierarchy in the Qur'an: Medieval Interpretations, Modern Responses Cambridge University Press 2015ISBN 978-1-316-24005-2 p. 115.
  6. ^Isabel Lang Intertextualität als hermeneutischer Zugang zur Auslegung des Korans: Eine Betrachtung am Beispiel der Verwendung von Israiliyyat in der Rezeption der Davidserzählung in Sure 38: 21-25 Logos Verlag Berlin GmbH, 31.12.2015ISBN 9783832541514 p. 21-25 (German)
  7. ^Lowin, Shari L. "Abraham in Islamic and Jewish Exegesis." Religion compass 5.6 (2011): 225.
  8. ^Johanna Pink (2010). Sunnitischer Tafsīr in der modernen islamischen Welt: Akademische Traditionen, Popularisierung und nationalstaatliche Interessen. Brill, ISBN 978-9004185920, pp. 114–116
  9. ^Lowin, Shari L. "Abraham in Islamic and Jewish Exegesis." Religion compass 5.6 (2011): 225.
  10. ^Lowin, Shari L. "Abraham in Islamic and Jewish Exegesis." Religion compass 5.6 (2011): 225.
  11. ^Lowin, Shari L. "Abraham in Islamic and Jewish Exegesis." Religion compass 5.6 (2011): 225.
  12. ^Vagda, G. (1973). "Isrāʾīliyyāt".Encyclopaedia of Islam. Vol. 4 (2nd ed.). Brill Academic Publishers. pp. 211–212.ISBN 9004057455.
  13. ^Tottoli 1999, p. 194–195.
  14. ^Tottoli 1999, p. 195.
  15. ^Tottoli 1999, p. 195–196.
  16. ^Donner 1998, p. 156, also n. 34.
  17. ^Tottoli 1999, p. 196–201.
  18. ^Mainiyo, Attahir Shehu, and Muhammad Sani Abdullahi. "Impact of Isra’iliyyat reports on the Islamic creed of contemporary Muslims." Ilorin Journal of Religious Studies 7.1 (2017): 67-82.
  19. ^Albayrak, Ismail. Qur'anic narrative and Isra'iliyyat in Western scholarship and in classical exegesis. Diss. University of Leeds, 2000.
  20. ^Johanna Pink (2010). Sunnitischer Tafsīr in der modernen islamischen Welt: Akademische Traditionen, Popularisierung und nationalstaatliche Interessen. Brill, ISBN 978-9004185920, pp. 114–116.
  21. ^Isabel Lang: Ein sündloser Prophet ? – Davidvorstellungen im Islam. In : Religionen unterwegs; 18,4. 2012. pp. 18–23
  22. ^Isabel Lang: Intertextualität als hermeneutischer Zugang zur Auslegung des Korans. Eine Betrachtung am Beispiel der Verwendung von Isrā'īlīyāt in der Rezeption der Davidserzählung in Sure 38: 21-25. Logos Verlag. Berlin 2015, ISBN 978-3832541514.
  23. ^Johanna Pink (2010). Sunnitischer Tafsīr in der modernen islamischen Welt: Akademische Traditionen, Popularisierung und nationalstaatliche Interessen. Brill, ISBN 978-9004185920, pp. 114–116
  24. ^*Adang, Camilla. Muslim Writers on Judaism and the Hebrew Bible: from Ibn Rabban to Ibn Hazm. New York: E.J. Brill, 1996.
    • Bernstein, Marc S. Stories of Joseph: Narrative Migrations between Judaism and Islam.
    Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2006.
    • Juynboll, G.H.A. The Authenticity of the Tradition Literature: Discussions in Modern
    Egypt. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1969.
    • Lassner, Jacob. Demonizing the Queen of Sheba: Boundaries of Gender and Culture in
    Postbiblical Judaism and Medieval Islam. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993.
    • Rubin, Uri. Between Bible and Qur’an: The Children of Israel and the Islamic Self-
    Image. Vol, 17 of Studies in Late Antiquity and Early Islam. Princeton: The Darwin Press, 1999.
  25. ^Durmaz 2022, p. 62–63.

Sources

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Further reading

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