Isaias joined the pro-independenceEritrean Liberation Front in 1966 and quickly rose through the ranks to become its leader in 1970, before defecting to form theEritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF). Having consolidated power within this group, he led pro-independence forces to victory on 24 May 1991, ending the 30-year-oldwar for independence from Ethiopia,[9] before being elected president of the newly founded country of Eritrea two years later.
Isaias Afwerki was born on 2 February 1946[5][18] in the Aba Shi'Aul district of Asmara, Eritrea (then underBritish administration). His father, whose native village was Tselot, just outside of Asmara, was a minor functionary in the state tobacco monopoly; his mother was a housewife.[19]
Isaias spent most of his youth in Asmara. He attended Prince Makonnen High School (now called Asmara Secondary School) where he engaged in discussions about nationalist Eritrean politics.[20] In 1965, he began his studies at the College of Engineering at Haile Selassie I University (now calledAddis Ababa University) inAddis Ababa, Ethiopia, but due to lower scores in his first-year first semester he was supposed to retake the first semester which he didn't. However, he maintained his interest in Eritrean politics and informed his friends that he was planning to join the Eritrean rebels in the field.[20][21]
In September 1966, Isaias, along withHaile Woldense andMussie Tesfamichael, traveled toKassala, Sudan, via Asmara to join theEritrean Liberation Front (ELF). Isaias and his comrades had assumed the ELF was an inclusive revolutionary organization, but they soon realized that the movement was sectarian and generally hostile to Christians. Isaias, Haile and Mussie decided to organize subvertly, forming a secret clandestine cell.[citation needed] To seal their pact, the three men signed an oath with their own blood, carving an 'E' on their right arms, symbolizing their determination to die for Eritrea. In 1967, theChinese government took in five ELF recruits for political commissar training, including Isaias. There, he studiedMaoism as well as the strategy and tactics of guerrilla warfare. On his return trip, he was arrested bySaudi Arabian authorities[why?] while attempting to cross theRed Sea on adhow. He was released nearly six months later.[22]
Upon his return in 1968, Isaias was appointed as a political commissioner of the ELF's Zone 5 in theDekibarek region. He and other ELF members began to criticize the sectarian tendencies of the ELF. In 1969, further power struggles among the ELF leadership and the assassination of several Christian members led to the defection of the ELF's Zone 5, which included Isaias. This group of around seventy fighters, led by Abraham Tewolde, withdrew to an isolated locality, Ala in northeast of theAkele Guzay nearDekemhare, where they were joined by another small contingent ofKebessa fighters underMesfin Hagos, together they became known as the Ala group. Following Tewolde's death in late 1970, Isaias became the leader of the group.[23]
In August 1971, this group of Christian defectors held a meeting at Tekli (northern Red Sea) and founded theSelfi Natsinet (“Independence Party“). They elected a leadership consisting of Isaias,Mesfin Hagos, Tewolde Eyob, Solomon Woldemariam and Asmerom Gerezgiher. They then issued a highly polemical document written by Isaias called,Nihnan Elamanan (“We and Our Goals”), in which they explained the rationale for their decision to create a separate political organization instead of working within the ELF.[22] The document accused the ELF of discriminating against Christian highlanders and killing reformist Christian ELF members. The document instead stressed the unity of the Eritrean nation and called for a "revolutionary organization with a revolutionary line". In August 1971, Selfi Natsinet joined thePopular Liberation Forces (PLF), forming a loose alliance with two other splinter groups, these three groups were jointly represented byOsman Saleh Sabbe.[24][25]
In February 1972, the ELF declared war on the PLF, resulting in acivil war that would last until 1974. During this time, a significant number of Asmara high school and University of Addis Ababa students were recruited, which resulted in the Selfi Natsinet becoming the most powerful group within the PLF. A major crisis occurred when the Obel faction, led by the former Sudanese army NCO Abu Tayyara, left the group in April 1973. Isaias then called for a more unified administration and military force, which led to the emergence of theEritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) in August 1973.[citation needed] Internal agitation soon arose when theMarxist faction, led by his old friend Mussie Tesfamichael, called for more radical policies and began to accuse the movement of being too authoritarian. Isaias denounced his rivals in a publication and mobilized his supporters to arrest Mussie and other colleagues. After a brief trial, all eleven EPLF leaders, including Mussie, were executed on 11 August 1974. In 1977, EPLF held its first congress, at which Isaias was elected vice-secretary general.[26]
Although Isaias had to initially share power with others who led the EPLF, by the early 1980s, he was able to transform it into the movement he envisioned. The EPLF became a tough nationalist organization controlled by a highly centralized inner party which made all the important decisions. From the mid-1980s, Isaias made a bid to marginalize the political core of the EPLF's founding leadership and pack the political bodies with men unwaveringly loyal to him. This coincided with the second congress of the EPLF in 1987, when he was elevated to the status of secretary-general of the organization. According to Dan Connell, this was approximately when Isaias took unquestioned control of the EPLF.[citation needed] As the leader of the Eritrean struggle against Ethiopian rule, Isaias became the icon of the resistance. In April 1991, the EPLF took Asmara from Ethiopian forces; the following month, they drove out Derg troops in the area. After the Derg was overthrown by the EPRDF on 28 May, Isaias quickly obtained U.S. support for Eritrean independence; in June 1991, his organization announced their desire to hold a United Nations-sponsored referendum.[27][28]
In April 1993, aUnited Nations-supervisedreferendum on independence was held, and the following month Eritrea achievedde jure independence. Isaias was elected as the president of the State of Eritrea by theNational Assembly and declared the firsthead of state, a position he has held ever since the end of the war for independence.[29]
On 16 February 1994, the EPLF held its third congress, renamed itself thePeople's Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) as part of its transition to a political party, and Isaias was elected secretary-general by an overwhelming majority of votes.[30] Isaias undertook a series of economic reforms. In May 1994, he implemented a national service program in which individuals would serve for 18 months.[citation needed] Military training was the focus for the first six months, followed by awareness[vague] of the country and expansion of its agricultural sector.[27]
In his first few years Isaias was hailed as a new type of African president with then-US PresidentBill Clinton referring to him as a "renaissance African leader". However, in 1997, a new constitution was drawn up, but never enacted, and elections were cancelled.[31][29] In an April 2000 speech atPrinceton University, Isaias said that "constitutionality, political pluralism and free and fair elections are naturally the best institutional tools" for achieving economic prosperity given the political and cultural realities of a specific country.[32] However, a parliamentary election scheduled in 2001 was later postponed indefinitely. Although police are responsible for upholding internal security and the armed forces' external security, eyewitness reports exist of the armed forces engaging with demobilizing soldiers or civilian militias to complete the hybrid tasks of both. Civil authorities sometimes involve themselves with security forces in anabuse of power.[33] In 2014, Isaias declared the 1997 constitution to be "dead" and announced plans for a new constitution. However, as of 2025, no new constitution has been proposed.[8]
In 2018, Isaias' former comrade, Andebrhan Welde Giorgis, said that Isaias went on to personalise power, and "having personalised power, he abused it to the maximum". Notwithstanding, during the African Unity summit in Cairo in 1993, Isaias had criticized other leaders for staying in power for too long, and he had also rejected a cult of personality.[29]
In 2001, 15 ministers, later dubbed theG-15, wrote an open letter calling for reform.[34]: 8:56 On 18 September 2001, Afwerki closed all independent national press and prominent opposition leaders were arrested.[35] 11 of the G-15 were arrested and as of 2025 have not been released.[8] In 2010, when asked when elections would be held, he responded "Let's wait 3 or 4 decades".[34]: 10:41
In 2009, Isaias advocated for the development of indigenous political and economic institutions and a strategy that suited Eritrea's internal conditions and available resources.[36] The key elements were to include ambitious infrastructure development campaigns both in terms of power, transport, and telecommunications, as well as with basic healthcare and educational facilities.[37]
According to theWorld Bank, Eritrea's recent growth has been associated with the agricultural (one-third of the economy and 20 percent of gross domestic product (GDP)) and mining sectors (20 percent).Real GDP grew by 12 percent in 2018, but fell 2.7 percent from 2015 to 2018.Deflation existed from 2016 to 2018 due to a currency change, and continued in 2018 after economic and trade ties with Ethiopia were reestablished.[38]
Voice of America's Peter Clottey interviews Isaias in New York, 2011
On 18 May 2012, Isaias said in aVOA interview that the country's development over two decades of independence was "a success story".[39] As a result of regional insecurity in 1998, Eritrea has a strongfiscal policy caused by a sharp drop in capital spending and reductions in revenue. Fiscal pressures, however, are likely to increase.[38]
As of 2013,Amnesty International reported that the government of Isaias imprisoned at least 10,000 political prisoners. Amnesty also claimed that torture—for punishment, interrogation and coercion—is widespread.[16]
In June 2015, a United Nations panel accused Isaias of leading atotalitarian government responsible for systematichuman rights violationsin Eritrea that may amount tocrimes against humanity.[15] Norwegian academicKjetil Tronvoll said that concentration camps for individuals from opposition groups and labor camps with makeshift facilities (often made from shipping containers) exist.[40] The government has banned independent newspapers and arrested journalists critical of Isaias since 2001, includingG-15: a group of People's Front for Democracy and Justice officials who appealed for an open election.[41] Eritrea is closed to human-rights organizations, who are forced to obtain information fromémigrés.[42]
The government has been accused ofenforced disappearances; torture; arbitrary detention, censorship; libel; human trafficking; criminalizingsame-sex activity; arbitrary and unlawful violations of privacy, judicial independence, freedom of speech, association, movement andreligion; and forced labor (including national servicepast the 18-month legal obligation). An August 2015Human Rights Watch (HRW) report documented the use of unlawful force (torture and battery) by security authorities against prisoners, national service evaders, army deserters, asylum seekers without travel documents, and religious groups. In June 2018, a thirty-year-old man reportedly died as a result of torture and delayed medical treatment. He was arrested while attending the burial that March of Hajji Musa Mohammed Nur, director of an Islamic school.[43]Freedom in the World rated Eritrea "not free" in 2022; the country scored one out of 40 forpolitical rights and two out of 60 forcivil liberties.[44]
During theEthiopian Civil War, theTigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) was initially inspired by the Eritreans and received assistance for their independence. By the 1980s and 1990s, the TPLF emerged as a powerful rebel group that increased its military skills in the revolutionary struggle. The groups disagreed and broke up in 1985.[45]
Eritrea has engaged in border conflicts since its independence, most notably awar between 1998 and 2000. The war began after Eritrea invaded Ethiopia over the disputed border ofBadme on 6 May 1998, and resulted in hundreds of thousands of deaths within two years.[46] On 12 December 2000, Eritrea signed theAlgiers Agreement to end the war; however, the countries remained in a "no-war-no-peace" stalemate. Eritrea has security concerns about Ethiopia, particularly its support of weak, splintered Eritrean opposition groups. Isaias uses the disputed border to maintain a war footing and justify indefinite mass mobilization and repression. Eritrea supported Ethiopian rebel groups such as theOromo Liberation Front (OLF) and theOgaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) to undermine regional Ethiopian influence. InSomalia, Eritrea has trained, armed, and financed militias opposed to the Ethiopian government during itstransitional government. The UN Monitoring Group on Somalia recommended an embargo against Eritrea, Ethiopia and other states.[47]
In late 2008, the relationship between the countries was deemed strained; the Ethiopian Border Commission (EEBC) did not outline the border in November 2007. The United Nations Missions in Ethiopia and Eritrea (UNMEE) ended in 2008, and Eritrean troops briefly occupied the Temporary Security Zone. Ethiopia remained in control of the EEBC's border inside Eritrea and reached Badme, triggering mass mobilization and high troop concentrations in the area.[48] Eritrea's unchanged stance reinforced the EEBC'S decision, which was backed by international law; Ethiopia remained inde facto compliance and had strong relations with the UN.[48]
Ethiopian prime ministerAbiy Ahmed with Isaias in March 2019
In 2018, Isaias oversaw an unexpected transformation of Eritrea's relations with Ethiopia. The 20-year stalemate ended after EthiopianPrime MinisterAbiy Ahmed came to power in 2018. Abiy signed a "joint declaration of peace and friendship" at a bilateralsummit on 9 July, restoring diplomatic and trade ties with Eritrea.[49][35] The agreement includes reopeningBurre to access the landlocked Ethiopian Port of Eritrea andZalambessa for trade, and access toEthio telecom andEthiopian Airlines.[50] On 16 September, Abiy signed another peace treaty with Isaias inJeddah. Saudi Foreign MinisterAdel al-Jubeir tweeted that the agreement "will contribute to strengthening security and stability in the region at large".[51] This was widely acknowledged by numerous world leaders, with theUAE Government awarding Isaias theOrder of Zayed (First Class) in recognition of his efforts to end the conflict.[52]
After July 2018, theEthiopian andEritrean intelligence agencies started a close cooperation. This worried Eritrean refugees inAddis Ababa, some of whom were temporarily detained for three weeks, acquitted by Ethiopian courts, and only released two weeks after their acquittal.[53]
TheTigray war began on 3 November 2020 after theTigray People's Liberation Front, the former ruling party in Ethiopia, attacked the Northern Command center camps of theEthiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) in Tigray and pushed them to Eritrea. TheEritrean Defence Forces joined hands with the ENDF and allegedly with the help of UAE armed drones counter-attacked the TPLF forces. There was allegedlooting inTigray Region, including systematic, wide-scale looting inAxum following theAxum massacre in late November 2020.[54][55] After several weeks of Ethiopian government denial of the presence of Eritrean troops in Ethiopia, the Ethiopian Prime Minister admitted to the presence of Eritrean troops in Ethiopia and agreed to withdraw them. Under international pressure, on 26 March 2021, after a meeting between Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Isaias, it was announced that Eritrean troops would withdraw from theTigray Region.[56][57]
Relations between Eritrea andSudan were initially hostile; shortly after independence in 1993, Eritrea charged Sudan with supporting the activities ofEritrean Islamic Jihad, which carried out attacks against the Eritrean government.[58] Eritrea broke relations with Sudan at the end of 1994, became a strong supporter of theSudan People's Liberation Movement/Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA), and permitted the oppositionNational Democratic Alliance to locate its headquarters in the former Sudan embassy in Asmara.[58]
Relations were later reestablished in December 2005.[59] A year later, Isaias and Sudanese presidentOmar al-Bashir met for the first time since 2001 inKhartoum.[47] Isaias later described relations with Sudan as resting on solid ground and having "bright prospects."[58] Eritrea played a prominent role in brokering a peace agreement between theSudanese government andSudan's Eastern Front.[58][60][61]
On 10 May 2014, the state-ownedSudan News Agency announced during Isaias' visit to the Al Jeili oil refinery that Sudan had agreed to supply Eritrea with fuel and boost its economic partnership. It was also reported that the Sudanese Electricity Company planned to supply a 45-kilometre (28 mi) power line fromKassala to the Eritrean town ofTeseney.[62] On 4 May 2021, Isaias visited Khartoum to discuss the ongoing border dispute between Ethiopia and Sudan. In conversation withAbdel-Fattah al-Burhan, head of Sudan'sTransitional Sovereignty Council, he raised regional issues and the long-time dispute over theGrand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam.[63]
Shaded relief map of Djibouti. The original map is from 1991, with the border between Ethiopia and Eritrea added in 2006.
Relations between Eritrea andDjibouti date back to 1991. The countries waged war in April 1996 when Djibouti accused Eritrea of shellingRas Doumeira, a small village bounded by Ethiopia'sAfar Region. Eritrea was also accused of redrawing the map of the area. Eritrea denied both claims. The conflict worsened until May 1996, when Eritrean forces retreated from the area and Djibouti retracted the allegations. The Eritrean–Ethiopian War was a threat to and an opportunity for Djibouti. Ethiopia diverted trade through Djibouti via Eritrean ports, strengthening economic ties in accordance with the 1996 protocol. In 1999, Djibouti and Ethiopia signed a military cooperation agreement.[64]
In 1998, Eritrea accused Djibouti of using its port to supply military equipment to Ethiopia. In June of that year, Djibouti deployed military force in the north to avoid an incursion during the war; French troops were involved with their Djiboutian counterparts. In 1999, France sent two frigates to guard against any approaches toward Ethiopia and Eritrea. Djiboutian PresidentHassan Gouled Aptidon's November 1998 attempt to mediate the Eritrean–Ethiopian War during theOrganization of African Unity (OAU) summit was rejected by Eritrea for perceived partiality. Djibouti expelled its Eritrean ambassadors, and Tekest Ghebrai, an Eritrean national and the former executive secretary of theIntergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), was dismissed.[64]
The December 1997 treaty was deemed too weak. Eritrea accused Djibouti of siding with Ethiopia in 1999, and Djibouti accused Eritrea of supporting Djiboutian rebel groups in the Ras Doumeira area; Eritrea denied this. Rapprochement between the countries returned in March 2000, after mediation byLibya. Isaias visited Djibouti in 2001, and PresidentIsmaïl Omar Guelleh visited Eritrea. This visit created a joint cooperative commission which would conduct an annual review. Guelleh sought a friendly relationship with Eritrea, despite their military imbalance.[64]
Guelleh visited the disputed area on 22 April 2008, and the Djiboutian Foreign Ministry said that the Eritrean position lay several kilometers inside Djiboutian territory. Eritrea denied an accusation that its soldiers had dug trenches, and military officials met two days later to compare the border map. Djibouti sent troops to the area. Guelleh said on 9 May that the "two armies are facing each other"; the situation was explosive, with hostile forces ready to dismantle Djiboutian sovereignty. With reportedQatari mediation, both sides agreed to resolve the confrontation by negotiation.[64]
In July 2018, Eritrea andSomalia established diplomatic relations. On 28 July, Somalian presidentMohamed Abdullahi Mohamed began a three-day visit with Isaias in Asmara during which Somalia expressed solidarity with Eritrea in diplomacy and international politics.[65]
About 100 soldiers broke intoForto, the building housing the information-ministry correspondent for state television Eri-TV, on 21 January 2013 and surrounded the staff. They forced station director Asmelash Abraha to read a demand to release all prisoners of conscience and political prisoners and to implement the 1997 constitution. After he read two sentences, the station went off the air. Isaias' bodyguards were urged[by whom?] to protect him, his palace, and his airport. Eri-TV returned to the air at 10 a.m. to report a snowstorm in Paris. The mutiny subsided after the government negotiated the release of the ministry's employees.[69]
His nickname "Isu" was frequently used in conversation, and to refer to Isaias in his political capacity, and has appeared in news articles as well.[76][77]
In a 2008 leaked assessment, United States ambassadorRonald McMullen described Isaias as "paranoid" and believing that "Ethiopian PMMeles Zenawi tried to kill him and that the United States will attempt to assassinate him."[31]
^His name has also beenromanized asIsaias Afewerki[1][2] andIsaias Afworki.[3] According toGoogle Ngram, the spellingAfwerki has consistently seen the greatest usage, followed byAfewerki and thenAfworki.[4] Additionally, Isaias took part in a forum discussion in 2000 hosted byThe Washington Post, wherein the spellingAfwerki was consistently used.[5]
^"Ethiopia: Eritrean troops' massacre of hundreds of Axum civilians may amount to crime against humanity". Amnesty International. 26 February 2021.Archived from the original on 5 April 2021. Retrieved5 April 2021.On 19 November 2020, Ethiopian and Eritrean military forces took control of Axum in a large-scale offensive, killing and displacing civilians with indiscriminate shelling and shooting. In the nine days that followed, the Eritrean military engaged in widespread looting of civilian property and extrajudicial executions. Witnesses could easily identify the Eritrean forces. They drove vehicles with Eritrean license plates, wore distinctive camouflage and footwear used by the Eritrean army, and spoke Arabic or a dialect of Tigrinya not spoken in Ethiopia. Some bore the ritual facial scars of the Ben Amir, an ethnic group absent from Ethiopia. Finally, some of the soldiers made no secret of their identity; they openly told residents they were Eritrean.
Riggen, Jennifer (Fall 2015). "Prison State, Pariah, and Proxy War: Human Rights Narratives and the Sovereignty Backlash in Eritrea".African Conflict and Peacebuilding Review.5 (2):57–88.JSTOR10.2979/africonfpeacrevi.5.2.57.
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