Irish republicanism (Irish:poblachtánachas Éireannach) is the political movement for anIrish republic, void of anyBritish rule. Throughout its centuries of existence, it has encompassed various tactics and identities, simultaneously elective and militant and has been both widely supported andiconoclastic.
Themodern emergence ofnationalism,democracy, andradicalism provided a basis for the movement, with groups forming across the island in hopes of independence. Parliamentary defeats provoked uprisings and armed campaigns, quashed by British forces. TheEaster Rising, an attempted coup that took place in the midst of the First World War, provided popular support for the movement. An Irish republic was declared in 1916 and officialized following theIrish War of Independence. TheIrish Civil War, beginning in 1922 and spurred by thepartition of the island, then occurred.
Republican action, including armed campaigns, continued in the newly-formed state of Northern Ireland, a region of the United Kingdom. Tensions in the territory culminated inwidespread conflict by 1969. This prompted paramilitaries: republicans assembled under theProvisional Irish Republican Army, who waged a campaign against the British state for approximately three decades—the most pronounced and prolonged republican campaign.[1] Represented bySinn Féin, republicans would gradually invest in political action, including theNorthern Ireland peace process and theGood Friday Agreement of 1998. The PIRA have since decommissioned and republicans have been elected to various echelons of government: those within the movement opposed to this outcome are often referred to asdissident republicans.
Following theNorman invasion of Ireland in the 12th century, Ireland, or parts of it, had experienced alternating degrees of rule from England. While some of the nativeGaelic population attempted to resist this occupation,[2] a single, unified political goal did not exist amongst the independent lordships that existed throughout the island. TheTudor conquest of Ireland took place in the 16th century. This included thePlantations of Ireland, in which the lands held by GaelicIrish clans andHiberno-Norman dynasties were confiscated and given to Protestant settlers ("Planters") from England andScotland. ThePlantation of Ulster began in 1609, and theprovince was heavilycolonised with English and Scottish settlers.[3]
Campaigns against English presence on the island had occurred prior to the emergence of the Irish republican ideology. In the 1590s and early 1600s, resistance was led byHugh O'Neill (see theNine Years' War). The Irish chieftains were ultimately defeated, leading to their exile (the 'Flight of the Earls') and the aforementioned Plantation of Ulster in 1609.[3]
In Europe, prior to the 18th and 19th centuries, republics were in a minority and monarchy was the norm, with few long-lasting republics of note at time, such as the fully-fledgedDutch Republic and theRepublic of Venice, as well as theOld Swiss Confederacy and thePolish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, which had republican aspects. However, as noted by CardinalTomás Ó Fiaich, the first ever document proposing a republic of Ireland independent from connections to England dates from 1627.[4] Summaries of these plans are held in theArchives générales du Royaume in Belgium and were made familiar to Irish historians by the work of Fr. Brendan Jennings, aFranciscan historian, with his workWild Geese in Spanish Flanders, 1582–1700 (1964).[4]
This early republican spirit was notecumenical and was formed by exiled Irish Catholic Gaels with the support ofHabsburg Spain as part of theIrish military diaspora who had fled into Spanish service in the aftermath of theFlight of the Earls during theThirty Years' War.[4] This was in the context of the break-down of theSpanish match and the onset of theAnglo-Spanish War of 1625–1630.[4] Proposals were made at Madrid, with the involvement of ArchbishopFlorence Conry andOwen Roe O'Neill, for the Irish Regiment in theSpanish Netherlands then in the service of the InfantaIsabella Clara Eugenia, to invade and reconquer the English-controlledKingdom of Ireland and set up an Irish government loosely aligned with theHabsburg Empire.[4]
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One of the main problems was that within the leadership of the Hispano-Irish diaspora, there were rivalries and factionalism between two primary contenders,Shane O'Neill andHugh O'Donnell, over who should be the overall leader and thus have rights to an Irish throne if the project was a success.[4] A third option was to resolve the conflict between the two factions before an invasion by making them family, with a marriage proposed between Hugh O'Donnell's sisterMary Stuart O'Donnell and Shane O'Neill, but this broke down.[4] Ministers inMadrid, toPhilip IV of Spain, instead drew up proposals on 27 December 1627 for a "Kingdom and Republic of Ireland" and that "the earls should be called Captains General of the said Republic and one could exercise his office on land and the other at sea." These proposals were approved by Philip IV and forwarded to Infanta Isabella Clara Eugenia in Brussels. As the Anglo-Spanish War became more tepid, the plans were never put into practice.[4]
A decade later, theIrish Rebellion of 1641 began. This consisted of a coalition between the Irish Gaels and theOld English (descendants of the Anglo-Norman settlers who settled during the Norman Invasion) rebelling against the English rulers. While some ideas from the 1627 proposals were carried on, the attempt to rally both Gaels and Old English to the banner, mean't trying to find common ground and one of these concessions was support for theStuart monarchy underCharles I of England whom the Old English were strongly attached to. The motto of the Confederation would thus becomePro Deo, pro Rege et Patria, Hibernia unanimis ('Irishmen United for God, King and Country'), with any idea of a republic ditched.[4] Beginning as acoup d'état with the aim of restoring lost lands in the north of Ireland and defending Catholic religious and property rights,[5] (which had been suppressed by thePuritanParliament of England) it evolved into theIrish Confederate Wars. In the summer of 1642, the Catholic upper classes formed theCatholic Confederation, which essentially became thede facto government of Ireland for a brief period until 1649, when the forces of the English Parliament carried out theCromwellian conquest of Ireland and the old Catholic landowners were permanently dispossessed of their lands. The most explicit Irish separatist viewpoint from the period, found inDisputatio Apologetica, written in Lisbon in 1645 by Fr.Conor O'Mahony, a Jesuit priest from Munster, argued instead for a Gaelic monarchy to be set up in an explicitly Catholic Ireland, with no mention of a republic.[4]
The origin of modern Irish republicanism exists in the ideology and action of the United Irishmen. Founded in 1791 and informed bythe Enlightenment,popular sovereignty and the likes ofJohn Locke andThomas Paine, they initially propagated parliamentary reform andCatholic emancipation.[6][7] Degradation in the legal achievement of these outcomes, coupled with the burgeoning perception of England as a foreign conqueror, inspired revolutionary sentiment and eventual action.[8][7]
At this stage, the movement was led primarily by liberal Protestants,[9] particularlyPresbyterians from the province ofUlster. The founding members of the United Irishmen were mainly Southern Irish Protestant aristocrats. The key founders includedWolfe Tone,Thomas Russell,Henry Joy McCracken,James Napper Tandy, andSamuel Neilson. By 1797, the Society of United Irishmen had around 100,000 members. Crossing the religious divide in Ireland, it had a mixed membership of Catholics, Presbyterians, and evenAnglicans from theProtestant Ascendancy. It also attracted support and membership from Catholicagrarian resistance groups, such as theDefenders organisation, who were eventually incorporated into the Society.[10] The Society sought to unite the denominations of the island under the simple distinction of Irish.[11]
TheIrish Rebellion of 1798 began on 23 May, with the first clashes taking place inCounty Kildare on 24 May, before spreading throughoutLeinster, as well asCounty Antrim and other areas of the country. French soldiers landed inKillala on 22 August and participated in the fighting on the rebels' side.[12] Even though they had considerable success against British forces inCounty Wexford,[13] rebel forces were eventually defeated. Key figures in the organisation were arrested and executed.
Though the Rebellion of 1798 was eventually put down, small republicanguerrilla campaigns against the British Army continued for a short time afterward in theWicklow Mountains under the leadership ofMichael Dwyer andJoseph Holt, involving attacks on small parties ofyeomen. These activities were perceived by some to be merely "the dying echoes of an old convulsion",[14] but others feared further large-scale uprisings, due to the United Irishmen continuing to attract large numbers of Catholics in rural areas of the country and arms raids being carried out on a nightly basis.[14] It was also feared that rebels would again seek military aid from French troops, and another rising was expected take place by 10 April.[15]
This perceived threat of further rebellion resulted in the Parliamentary Union between the Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. After some uncertainty, theIrish Parliament voted to abolish itself in the Acts of Union 1800, forming the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, by a vote of 158 to 115.[16] A number of tactics were used to achieve this end.Lord Castlereagh andCharles Cornwallis were known to use bribery extensively. In all, a total of sixteen Irish borough-owners were granted Britishpeerages. A further twenty-eight newIrish peerages were created, while twenty existing Irish peerages increased in rank.[17]
Furthermore, the government of Great Britain sought to replace Irish politicians in the Irish parliament with pro-Union politicians, and rewards were granted to those that vacated their seats, with the result being that in the eighteen months prior to the decision in 1800, one-fifth of theIrish House of Commons changed its representation due to these activities and other factors such as death.[17] It was also promised by Prime MinisterWilliam Pitt the Younger that he would bring aboutCatholic emancipation, though after the Acts of Union were successfully voted through,King George III saw that this pledge was never realised,[16] and as such Catholics were not granted the rights that had been promised prior to the Acts.
A second attempt at forming an independent Irish republic occurred underRobert Emmet in 1803. Emmet had previously been expelled fromTrinity College, Dublin for his political views.[18] Like those who had led the 1798 rebellion, Emmet was a member of the United Irishmen, as was his brotherThomas Addis Emmet, who had been imprisoned for membership in the organisation.
Emmet and his followers had planned to seizeDublin Castle by force, manufacturing weaponry and explosives at a number of locations in Dublin.[19] Unlike those of 1798, preparations for the uprising were successfully concealed from the government and law enforcement, and though a premature explosion at an arms depot attracted the attention of police, they were unaware of the United Irishmen activities at the time and did not have any information regarding the planned rebellion. Emmet had hoped to avoid the complications of the previous rebellion and chose not to organise the county outside of Dublin to a large extent. It was expected that the areas surrounding Dublin were sufficiently prepared for an uprising should one be announced, and Thomas Russell had been sent to northern areas of the country to prepare republicans there.[20]
A proclamation of independence, addressed from 'The Provisional Government' to 'The People of Ireland' was produced by Emmet, echoing the republican sentiments expressed during the previous rebellion:
You are now called on to show to the world that you are competent to take your place among nations, that you have a right to claim their recognisance of you, as an independent country ... We therefore solemnly declare, that our object is to establish a free and independent republic in Ireland: that the pursuit of this object we will relinquish only with our lives ... We war against no religious sect ... We war against English dominion.[21]
— Robert Emmet,Proclamation of the Provisional Government
However, failed communications and arrangements produced a considerably smaller force than had been anticipated. Nonetheless, the rebellion began in Dublin on the evening of 23 July. Emmet's forces were unable to take Dublin Castle, and the rising broke down into rioting, which ensued sporadically throughout the night. Emmet escaped and hid for some time in the Wicklow Mountains andHarold's Cross, but was captured on 25 August and hanged on 20 September 1803, at which point the Society of United Irishmen was effectively finished.
TheYoung Ireland movement began in the late 1830s. The term 'Young Ireland' was originally a derogatory one, coined by the press in Britain to describe members of theRepeal Association (a group campaigning for the repeal ofthe Acts of Union 1800 which joined the Kingdom of Ireland and the Kingdom of Great Britain) who were involved with theIrish nationalist newspaperThe Nation.[22] Encouraging the repeal of the Acts of Union, members of the Young Ireland movement advocated the removal of British authority from Ireland and the re-establishment of the Irish Parliament in Dublin.[23] The group had cultural aims also, and encouraged the study of Irish history and the revival of theIrish language.[24] Influential Young Irelanders includedCharles Gavan Duffy,Thomas Davis andJohn Blake Dillon, the three founders ofThe Nation.[22]
The Young Irelanders eventually seceded from the Repeal Association. The leader of the Repeal Association,Daniel O'Connell, opposed the use of physical force to enact repeal, and passed 'peace resolutions' declaring that violence and force were not to be employed.[25] Though the Young Irelanders did not support the use of violence, the writers ofThe Nation maintained that the introduction of these peace resolutions was poorly timed, and that to declare outright that physical force would never be used was 'to deliver themselves bound hand and foot to theWhigs.'[26]William Smith O'Brien, who had previously worked to achieve compromise between O'Connell andThe Nation group, was also concerned, and claimed that he feared these resolutions were an attempt to exclude the Young Irelanders from the Association altogether.[26] At an Association meeting held in July 1846 atConciliation Hall, the meeting place of the Association,Thomas Francis Meagher, a Young Irelander, addressing the peace resolutions, delivered his 'Sword Speech', in which he stated, "I do not abhor the use of arms in the vindication of national rights ... Be it for the defence, or be it for the assertion of a nation's liberty, I look upon the sword as a sacred weapon."[27]John O'Connell, Daniel O'Connell's son, was present at the proceedings and interrupted Meagher's speech, claiming that Meagher could no longer be part of the same association as O'Connell and his supporters. After some protest, the Young Irelanders left Conciliation Hall and the Repeal Association forever, founding the Irish Confederation 13 January 1847 after negotiations for a reunion had failed.
The Young Ireland movement culminated in a failed uprising (seeYoung Irelander Rebellion of 1848), which, influenced by theFrench Revolution of 1848 and further provoked by government inaction during theGreat Famine and the suspension ofhabeas corpus,[28] which allowed the government to imprison Young Irelanders and other political opponents without trial, was hastily planned and quickly suppressed. Following the abortive uprising, several rebel leaders were arrested and convicted of sedition. Originally sentenced to death, Smith O'Brien and other members of the Irish Confederation weretransported toVan Diemen's Land.[29]
TheFenian movement consisted of theFenian Brotherhood and theIrish Republican Brotherhood (IRB), fraternal organisations founded in the United States and Ireland respectively with the aim of establishing an independent republic in Ireland.[30]
The IRB was founded onSaint Patrick's Day 1858 in Dublin.[31] Members present at the first meeting wereJames Stephens,Thomas Clarke Luby, Peter Langan, Joseph Denieffe, Garrett O'Shaughnessy, andCharles Kickham.[32] Stephens had previously spent time exiled in Paris, along withJohn O'Mahony, having taken part in the uprising of 1848 and fleeing to avoid capture. O'Mahony left France for America in the mid-1850s and founded theEmmet Monument Association withMichael Doheny. Stephens returned to Ireland in 1856.
The original oath of the society, drawn up by Luby under Stephens' direction, read:
I, AB., do solemnly swear, in the presence of Almighty God, that I will do my utmost, at every risk, while life lasts, to make [other versions, according to Luby, establish in'] Ireland an independent Democratic Republic; that I will yield implicit obedience, in all things not contrary to the law of God [ 'laws of morality'] to the commands of my superior officers; and that I shall preserve inviolable secrecy regarding all the transactions [ 'affairs'] of this secret society that may be confided in me. So help me God! Amen.[33]
The Fenian Brotherhood was the IRB's counterpart organisation, formed in the same year in the United States by O'Mahony and Doheny.[34] The Fenian Brotherhood's main purpose was to supply weapons and funds for its Irish counterpart and raise support for the Irish republican movement in the United States.[35] The term "Fenian" was coined by O'Mahony, who named the American wing of the movement after theFianna[36] – a class of warriors that existed inGaelic Ireland. The term became popular and is still in use, especially in Northern Ireland and Scotland, where it has expanded to refer to all Irish nationalists and republicans, as well as being a pejorative term for Irish Catholics.
Public support for the Fenian movement in Ireland grew in November 1861 with the funeral ofTerence MacManus, a member of the Irish Confederation, which Stephens and the Fenians had organised – having "recognized the potential of street parades for mobilizing supporters and influencing onlookers".[37] The popularity endowed by the procession and oration established the tradition ofrepublican funerals, a ritual instrumental as evidenced by theoration at Jeremiah O'Donovan Rossa's funeral.[38][a] Popular perception elsewhere deemed the movement as terrorisitic – a persistent perception of republicanism thereafter.[40] Nevertheless, the likes ofRossa would raise the public profile of the movement by their evocation of martyrdom and highlighting of prisoner maltreatment.[41][b] Support from America proved both lucrative and troublesome as transatlantic members waged a dynamite campaign in Britain.[43] A total of twenty-five major explosions beset Irish nationalism's perception and dictated Britain's approach towards Ireland and the "Irish question".[44]
In 1865 the Fenian Brotherhood in America had split into two factions. One was led by O'Mahony with Stephens' support. The other, which was more powerful, was led byWilliam R. Roberts. The Fenians had always planned an armed rebellion, but there was now disagreement as to how and where this rebellion might be carried out. Roberts' faction preferred focusing all military efforts onBritish Canada (Roberts and his supporters theorised that victory for the American Fenians in nearby Canada would propel the Irish republican movement as a whole to success).[45] The other, headed by O'Mahony, proposed that a rising in Ireland be planned for 1866.[46] In spite of this, the O'Mahony wing of the movement itself tried and failed to captureCampobello Island inNew Brunswick in April 1866.[46] Following this failure, the Roberts faction of the Fenian Brotherhood carried out its own, occupying the village ofFort Erie, Ontario on 31 May 1866 and engaging Canadian troops at the battles ofRidgeway andFort Erie on 2 June.[46] It was in reference to Fenians fighting in this battle that the name "Irish Republican Army" was first used.[47] These attacks (and those that followed) in Canada are collectively known as the "Fenian raids".
Irish republican and other independence movements were suppressed by the British authorities following the merging of Ireland with Britain into the United Kingdom after theAct of Union in 1801. Nationalist rebellions against British rule in 1803, by Robert Emmet, 1848 (by the Young Irelanders) and 1865 and 1867 (by the Fenians) were followed by harsh reprisals by British forces.
The National Council, was formed in 1903, byMaud Gonne andArthur Griffith, on the occasion of the visit ofKing Edward VII to Dublin. Its purpose was to lobbyDublin Corporation to refrain from presenting an address to the king. The motion to present an address was duly defeated, but the National Council remained in existence as a pressure group with the aim of increasing nationalist representation on local councils.[48] The first annual convention of the National Council on 28 November 1905 was notable for two things: the decision, by a majority vote (with Griffith dissenting), to open branches and organise on a national basis; and the presentation by Griffith of his 'Hungarian' policy, which was now called theSinn Féin policy.[49] This meeting is usually taken as the date of the foundation of the Sinn Féin party.[50]
In 1916 theEaster Rising, organised by theIrish Republican Brotherhood, was launched in Dublin and theIrish Republic was proclaimed, albeit without significant popular support.[citation needed] The Rising was suppressed after six days, and most of its leaders were executed by the British authorities. This was a turning point in Irish history, leading to the War of Independence and the end of British rule in most of Ireland.
From 1919 to 1921 theIrish Republican Army (IRA) was organised as a guerrilla army, led byRichard Mulcahy and withMichael Collins as Director of Intelligence and fought against the British. During theAnglo-Irish War, the British government formed a paramilitary police force consisting of former soldiers, known as the "Black and Tans", to reinforce theRoyal Irish Constabulary'sAuxiliary Division.[citation needed] Republicans were the primary adversary of these forces, whose warfare included pillaging and extrajudicial executions.[51] Both sides used similar tactics:hair cutting, arson attacks, taking of hostages and executions.[52][53] Republicans also establishedsovereign courts, a considerable symbol of the movement's public support.[54]
In August 1920 Irish Republican prisoners went on ahunger strike demanding release from prison, and reinstatement of their status as political prisoners (1920 Cork hunger strike). Three men died during this time including the Sinn FéinLord Mayor of CorkTerence MacSwiney. Among the most infamous of the Black and Tans actions were theBloody Sunday massacre in November 1920 and theburning of half the city ofCork in December that same year. These actions, together with the popularity of the republican ideals in Ireland and repression of republican political expressions by the British government, led to widespread support across Ireland for the Irish rebels.
In 1921, the British government led byDavid Lloyd George negotiated theAnglo-Irish Treaty withrepublican leaders led byArthur Griffith who had been delegated asplenipotentiaries on behalf of theSecond Dáil, thus ending the conflict.
Though many across the country were unhappy with the Anglo-Irish Treaty (since, during the war, the IRA had fought for independence for all Ireland and for a republic, not a partitioneddominion under theBritish crown), some republicans were satisfied that the Treaty was the best that could be achieved at the time. However, a substantial number opposed it.Dáil Éireann, the Irish parliament, voted by 64 votes to 57 to ratify it,[55] the majority believing that the treaty created a new base from which to move forward.Éamon de Valera, who had served asPresident of the Irish Republic during the war, refused to accept the decision of the Dáil and led the opponents of the treaty out of the House. The pro-Treaty republicans organised themselves into theCumann na nGaedheal party, while the anti-Treaty republicans retained the Sinn Féin name. The IRA itself split between pro-Treaty and anti-Treaty elements, with the former forming the nucleus of the newIrish National Army.
Michael Collins became Commander-in-Chief of the National Army. Shortly afterwards, some dissidents, apparently without the authorisation of the anti-Treaty IRA Army Executive, occupied theFour Courts in Dublin and kidnappedJJ "Ginger" O'Connell, a pro-Treaty general. The newgovernment, responding to this provocation and to intensified British pressure following the assassination by an anti-treaty IRA unit in London ofHenry Wilson,ordered the regular army to take the Four Courts, thereby beginning theIrish Civil War. It is believed that Collins continued to fund and supply the IRA inNorthern Ireland throughout the civil war, but, after his death,W. T. Cosgrave (the newPresident of the Executive Council, or prime minister) discontinued this support.
By May 1923, the war ended in the order byFrank Aiken, telling IRA members to dump arms. However, the harsh measures adopted by both sides, includingassassinations, executions and other atrocities, left a bitter legacy in Irish politics for decades to follow. In October 1923 mass hunger strikes were undertaken by Irish republican prisoners protesting the continuation of their internment without trial by the newly formed Irish Free State - three men died during the1923 Irish Hunger Strikes.
De Valera, who had strongly supported the Republican anti-treaty side in the Civil War, reconsidered his views while in jail and came to accept the ideas of political activity under the terms of the Free State constitution. Rather than abstaining from Free State politics entirely, he now sought to republicanise it from within. However, he and his supporters – which included most Sinn Féin TDs – failed to convince a majority of the anti-treaty Sinn Féin of these views and the movement split again. In 1926, he formed a new party calledFianna Fáil ("Soldiers of Destiny"), taking most of Sinn Féin's TDs with him. In 1931, following the enactment of theStatute of Westminster, the country became a sovereign state along with the other Dominions and the United Kingdom.[56] The following year, De Valera was appointed President of the Executive Council of the Free State and began a slow process of turning the country from aconstitutional monarchy to a constitutional republic, thus fulfilling Collins's prediction of "the freedom to achieve freedom".[57]
By then, the IRA was engaged in confrontations with theBlueshirts, a quasi-fascist group led by a former War of Independence and pro-Treaty leader,Eoin O'Duffy. O'Duffy looked toFascist Italy as an example for Ireland to follow. Several hundred supporters of O'Duffy briefly went to Spain to volunteer on theNationalist side in theSpanish Civil War, and a smaller number of ex-IRA members, communists and others participated on theRepublican side.
In 1937, theConstitution of Ireland was drafted by the de Valera government andapproved via referendum by the majority of the population of the Free State. The constitution changed the name of the state toÉire in the Irish language (Ireland in English) and asserted its national territory as the whole of Ireland.[58][c] The new state was headed by aPresident of Ireland elected by universal suffrage. The new Constitution removed all reference to the monarchy but foreign diplomats continued to present their credentials to the King in accordance with theExecutive Authority (External Relations) Act 1936 which had not been repealed. The new state had the objective characteristics of a republic and was referred to as such by de Valera himself, but, it remained within theBritish Commonwealth and was regarded by the British as a Dominion, like Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa. Furthermore, the claim to the whole of the island did not reflect practical reality and inflamed anti-Dublin sentiment among northern Protestants.
In 1948, Fianna Fáil went out of office for the first time in sixteen years.John A. Costello, leader of the coalition government, announced his intention to declare Ireland a republic.[59] TheRepublic of Ireland Act 1948, which "described" the state as the Republic of Ireland (without changing its name or constitutional status), led the British government to pass theIreland Act 1949, which declared that Northern Ireland would continue as part of the United Kingdom unless the Parliament of Northern Ireland consented to leave;[60] and Ireland ceased to be a member of the Commonwealth. As a result of this – and also because continuing struggle against the Dublin government was futile – the republican movement decided to focus on Northern Ireland from then on. The decision was announced by the IRA in its Easter statement of 1949.[61]
The area that was to become Northern Ireland amounted to six of the nine counties of Ulster, in spite of the fact that in the last all Ireland election (1918 Irish general election) counties Fermanagh and Tyrone had Sinn Féin/Nationalist Party (Irish Parliamentary Party) majorities.[62] In 1921, Ireland was partitioned. Most of the country became part of the independentIrish Free State. However, six out of the nine counties of Ulster remained part of the United Kingdom as Northern Ireland. During this time (1920–1922) the newly formed Northern Ireland saw "savage and unprecedented"communal violence betweenunionists andnationalists (seeThe Troubles in Ulster (1920–1922)).
In the 1921 elections in Northern Ireland:
This territory of Northern Ireland, as established by theGovernment of Ireland Act 1920, had its ownprovincial government which was controlled for 50 years until 1972 by the conservativeUlster Unionist Party (UUP). The tendency to vote onsectarian lines and the proportions of each religious denomination ensured that there would never be a change of government. In local government, constituency boundaries were drawn to divide nationalist communities into two or even three constituencies and so weaken their effect (seeGerrymandering).
The (mainly Catholic) Nationalist population in Northern Ireland, besides feeling politically alienated, was also economically alienated, often with worse living standards compared to their Protestant (mainly Unionist) neighbours, with fewer job opportunities, and living in ghettos inBelfast, Derry,Armagh and other places. Many Catholics considered the Unionist government was undemocratic, bigoted and favoured Protestants. Emigration for economic reasons kept the nationalist population from growing, despite its higher birth rate. Although poverty, (e)migration and unemployment were fairly widespread (albeit not to the same extent) among Protestants as well, on the other hand the economic situation in Northern Ireland (even for Catholics) was for a long time arguably still better than in the Republic of Ireland.
During the 1930s theIRA launched minor attacks against theRoyal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) andBritish Army in Northern Ireland. DuringWorld War II the IRA leadership hoped for support from Germany, and chief of staffSeán Russell travelled there in 1940; he died later that year after falling ill on a U-boat that was bringing him back to Ireland (possibly with a view to starting a German sponsored revolution in Ireland). Suspected republicans were interned on both sides of the border, for different reasons.
TheBorder Campaign in the mid-50s was the last attempt at traditional military action and was an abject failure.
In the late 1960s, Irish political activist groups found parallels between their struggle against religious discrimination and thecivil rights campaign ofAfrican Americans against racial discrimination in the US. Student leaders such aBernadette Devlin McAliskey and Nationalist politicians such asAustin Currie tried to usenon-violentdirect action to draw attention to the blatant discrimination.[citation needed] Republicans, largely demilitarised at the time, engaged considerably with thecivil rights campaign.[64] By 1968, Europe as a whole was engulfed in a struggle between radicalism and conservativism. In Sinn Féin, the same debate raged. The dominant analysis was that Protestant Irishmen and women would never be bombed into aunited Ireland. The only way forward was to have both sides embrace socialism and forget their sectarian hatreds. They resolved to no longer to be drawn into inter-communal violence.
As a response to the civil rights campaign, militant loyalist paramilitary groups started to emerge in the Protestant community. TheUlster Volunteer Force (UVF) was the first. The UVF had originally existed amongloyalistUlster Protestants beforeWorld War I to opposeHome Rule. In the 1960s it was relaunched by militant loyalists, encouraged by certain politicians, to oppose any attempt to reunite Northern Ireland with theRepublic of Ireland, which is how they saw any change in their status vis-a-vis Catholics.
By mid-1969 the violence in Northern Ireland exploded. Consistent with their new political ideology, the IRA declined to intervene. By late August, the British government had to intervene and declare astate of emergency, sending a large number of troops into Northern Ireland to stop the intercommunal violence. Initially welcomed by some Catholics as protectors, later events such as Bloody Sunday and the Falls Road curfew turned many against the British Army.
Divisions began to emerge in the Republican movement between leftists and traditional militants. The leader of the IRA,Cathal Goulding believed that the IRA could not beat the British with military tactics and should turn into a workers' revolutionary movement that would overthrow both governments to achieve a 32-county socialist republic through the will of the people (after WWII the IRA no longer engaged in any actions against the Republic). Goulding also drove the IRA into an ideologicallyMarxist–Leninist direction which attracted idealistic young supporters in the Republic, but alienated and angered many of the IRA's core supporters in the North. In particular, his decision to regard the UVF as deluded rather than as the enemy, was anathema to traditionalists and those who were its potential victims.
The argument led to a split in 1970, between theOfficial IRA (supporters of Goulding's Marxist line) and theProvisional IRA (also called Provos, traditional nationalist republicans). The Provos were led bySeán Mac Stíofáin and immediately began alarge scale campaign against British state forces and economic targets in Northern Ireland. The Official IRA were also initially drawn into an armed campaign by the escalating communal violence. In 1972, the Official IRA declared a cease-fire, which, apart from feuds with other republican groups, has been maintained to date. Nowadays the term 'Irish Republican Army' almost always denotes the Provisional IRA.
Throughout the 1970s and 1980s the conflict continued claiming thousands of lives, with the UVF (and other loyalist groups) extending attacks into the Republic of Ireland and the IRA launching attacks on targets in England. However some things slowly began to change. In the 1980s Provisional Sinn Féin (the Provisional IRA's political wing) began contesting elections and by the mid-1990s was representing the republican position at peace negotiations. In the loyalist movement splits occurred, the Ulster Unionist Party made tentative attempts to reform itself and attract Catholics into supporting the union with Britain, while the radicalDemocratic Unionist Party (DUP) led byIan Paisley began attracting working-class Protestant loyalists who felt alienated by the UUP's overtures towards Catholics.
In 1976 the British government withdrewSpecial Category Status (prisoner of war rather than criminal status) for convicted paramilitary prisoners. Republican prisoners began ablanket protest which escalated into adirty protest in 1978. In 1980, seven republican prisoners participated in ahunger strike, which ended after 53 days.[65] The1981 Irish hunger strike was carried out over a seven-month period with the goal of re-establishing the prisoners political status. This hunger strike drew worldwide attention due to the deaths of ten hunger strikers includingBobby Sands. During the 20th century a total of 22 Irish Republicans have died while on hunger strike.[66]
During the late 1980s theBritish Government became increasingly willing to give concessions toIrish Nationalism, such as theAnglo-Irish Agreement and extending to, theNorthern Ireland Secretary,Peter Brooke's declaration of "no selfish, strategic or economic interest in Northern Ireland.", causing uproar amongst strands ofUnionism.[67] However, violent Republican action didn't cease, giving Unionism and Britain less reason to work with violent Republicans. This situation changed in 1992–93 with Hume's-Adams' talks producing a commitment fromSinn Féin to move towards peaceful methods.[68]
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In 1994 the leaders of Northern Ireland's two largest nationalist parties,Gerry Adams, the leader of Sinn Féin andJohn Hume, the leader of theSocial Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) entered into peace negotiations with Unionist leaders likeDavid Trimble of the UUP and the British government. At the table most of the paramilitary groups (including the IRA and UVF) had representatives. In 1998 when the IRA endorsed theGood Friday Agreement between nationalist and unionist parties and both governments, another small group split from the IRA to form theReal IRA (RIRA). The Continuity and Real IRA have both engaged in attacks not only against the British and loyalists, but even against their fellow nationalists (members of Sinn Féin, the SDLP and IRA).
Since 1998, the IRA and UVF have adhered to a ceasefire.
Today the republican movement can be divided into moderates who wish to reunite with the Republic through peaceful means and dissident republicans who wish to continue an armed campaign. Ideological divides in Northern republicanism has its origins in the late 1970s.[69] Dissidents emphasis the importance of ideology and reject reformism, regarding institutional change as ineffective and whitewashing.[69] Dissidents assert that basis of armed republicanism is sovereignty rather than equality.[70] Some dissidents support the emergence of peace while critiquing the political means.[71]
In late July 2005, the IRA announced that the armed conflict was over and that their weapons were to be put out of use. A large stock of weapons was reportedly "decommissioned" later that year.[72] Some Unionists disputed the claim that this represented the entire stock of IRA weaponry.
Irish republicanism has encompassed various schools of thought andpraxis thereof: "It has embraced ‘militant nationalists, unreconstructed militarists, romantic Fenians, Gaelic Republicans, Catholic sectarians, Northerndefenders, internationalMarxists, socialists,libertarians and liberal Protestants,’"[71] Recurrent ideals include national self-determination and ethno-religious identity.[71]
Irish republicans view British rule in any part of Ireland as an inherently illegitimate, foreign regime.[73][74] A variant of this isIrish republican legitimism, which also rejects the Republic of Ireland because of its tacit acceptance ofpartition and continuing British rule in Northern Ireland.[75]
The rejection of the legitimacy of British rule extends to all institutions of the British state.[76] This includes rejection of the British parliament (abstentionism),[74][76] and rejection of British police and court systems,[77][78] which has led to republicans developing alternatives.[78] Several Irish Republican political parties have, however, contested Northern Irish local elections since the 1970s.
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According toMalachi O'Doherty, Sinn Féin politicians often presented republican terrorist violence as an inevitable result of partition and British rule. This rhetorical device allowed for some republican politicians to evade responsibility for violence and further their political goals of a reunited Ireland.[79] Colonialism and neocolonialism have been invoked by republicans in relation to the movement's militancy.[80]
Irish republicanism was influenced byFrench radicalism. Typical of theseclassical Radicals are 19th century such as the United Irishmen in the 1790s,Young Irelanders in the 1840s,Fenian Brotherhood in the 1880s, as well asSinn Féin, andFianna Fáil in the 1920s.[81][82] Although recurring, socialist thought has proven contentious: class interests prioritised by some while others emphasis nationalist rhetoric.[83] TheLand War was used to organise republican action with little regard to class conflict.[84] Class politics – coupled with the Northern Irish civil rights movement - have been credited by some republicans to have unduly demilitarised the movement, especially at the onset of the Troubles.[64]
A 1983 article examined statements by Irish republicans on the issue of religion, and found that the attitudes contrasted with "the commonsense view" that Sinn Féin and the Provisional IRA supported Catholics and opposed Protestants. There has been long-standing mutual dislike between the Catholic hierarchy and the Republican movement, with the latter seeing the former as complicit in British occupation of Ireland.[85] In Belfast, during the time of partition, republicanism was rejected by the majority of the Catholic population, including the clergy.[86]
Articles inAn Phoblacht often upheld the morality of parish priests and pastors of all Christian denominations rather than bishops and church leaders, with respect for the Christian tradition of social justice.[87] The article said thatAn Phoblacht "bends over backwards to be sympathetic to men who have expressed consistently anti-Catholic sentiments", including at times the Loyalist leaderIan Paisley, as they are seen as fellow Irish citizens whereas the British forces are seen as the principal enemy.[88]
Republicans have often denied that their attacks on theUlster Defence Regiment orRoyal Ulster Constabulary are sectarian attacks on Protestants by claiming that they attack these groups because they are seen as complicit in "the oppression of the nationalist people" and not because of the religious beliefs of the members.[89] However, a series of attacks in the Troubles, such as theKingsmill massacre, that collectively killed 130 Protestant civilians were classified as "sectarian" in Malcolm Sutton's work on those killed during the Troubles.[90] This makes sectarian killings of civilians 7% of the total killings attributed to the IRA (1,823), as opposed to theloyalist paramilitaries, of whose 1,027 killings, 70% or 718 were deliberate sectarian killings of Catholic civilians.[91]
The history of republicanism is paramount to the ideology: "The story of the past told by republicans is one of oppression, resistance, solidarity, and sacrifice...which both defines and justifies the movement".[92] The remembrance of republicans as equally dutiful and ordinary is used to justify action and assert victimhood, withmemorialisation at large assuming a rhetorical purpose.[70][93]
"[M]aintain[ing] fidelity" and upholding sacrificial notions function as an "imperative" for republicans: commemoration, thus, is both ubiquitous and political as evidenced by Sinn Féin's literature and rationale during the peace process.[94][95] During the process, the ambitions of the civil rights movement were contended as "the ultimate goal of the conflict", thus emphasing a continuity.[71] The predominance of memory is a point of critique, lambasted as limiting and dogmatic and, in terms of Northern Ireland, commemoration has inspired controversy.[96][97]
Events of particular significance include the United Ireland Rebellion, the Easter Rising and the War of Independence – the centenary of the Rising unified nationalists in commemoration, "loyalty to the 1916 Republic" being a fundamental present in all sects of republicanism.[92][98][83] The proclamation of said republic drew upon the past itself in justifying action.[7]
The following are active republican parties in Ireland.
The following were republican parties in Ireland which are no longer active.
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