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Iranian nationalism[a] isnationalism among the people ofIran and individuals whose national identity is Iranian. Iranian nationalism consists of political and social movements and sentiments centered around support forIranian culture,Iranian languages andhistory, and a sense of pride in Iran andIranian people. While national consciousness in Iran can be traced back centuries, nationalism has been a predominant determinant of Iranian attitudes mainly since the 20th century.[1]
Modern Iranian nationalism rose during the 1905Persian Constitutional Revolution, when an atmosphere of unity and Iranian patriotic sentiments began. During thePahlavi dynasty between 1925 and 1979, Iranian nationalism experienced a resurgence due to the Pahlavi government's bolstering of patriotic sentiment.
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Iran's politics are first recorded in the twenties of the third century C.E. as an essential feature ofSasanian propaganda.[2]
Third-century Iran was shaken by a conflict betweenuniversalism andnationalism that was most clearly manifested in the religious and cultural sphere. The outcome of this conflict is well known: the traditionalistic and nationalistic impulses gained the upper hand, andManichaean universalism succumbed to the nationalism of theZoroastrianMagi. Iranian identity, which up to that point had essentially consisted of cultural and religious nature, assumed a definite political value, placing Persia and the Persians at the center of theSasanian Empire, in other words, at the center of a state based on the twin powers of throne and altar and sustained by an antiquarian and archaizing ideology. This ideology became more and more accentuated during the Sassanian period, reaching its height in the long reign ofKhosrow I (531–79 A.D.). Of course, economic and social factors favored the victory of the stronger classes in a society that was based mainly on a rural economy, namely the aristocratic landed and warrior classes and the Magian clergy.[2]
Iranian identity came under threat after the fall of theSasanian Empire and theMuslim conquest of Persia. The termShu'ubiyya refers to a response by Persian Muslims to the growingArabization ofIslam in the 9th and 10th centuries and discrimination against Iranian people by the occupiers. It was primarily concerned with preserving Persian culture and protecting Persian identity. Some of the famous Iranian Shu'ubi figures areBashshar ibn Burd,Ismail Nisa'i, Zeyad e Ajam,Hissam ibn Ada,Abulhassan Ali Mada'ini,Abu Hatam Sajestani,Ibrahim ibn Mamshad andAbu Abdullah Muhammad Marzbani. Many considerFerdowsi a Shu'ubi poet.
The termIranian Intermezzo[b] represents a period inMiddle Eastern history that saw the rise of various native Iranian Muslim dynasties on theIranian Plateau. This term is noteworthy since it was an interlude between the decline ofAbbasid rule and the eventual emergence of theSeljuk Turks in the 11th century. The Iranian revival consisted of Iranian support based on Iranian territory and most significantly a revived Iranian national spirit and culture in an Islamic form.[3]
Iran regained its political unity and was given a new distinct religious identity under theSafavids.Shia Islam became the official state religion and henceforth played an important role in the reconstruction of a new ethno-religious identity for the Iranian people. Furthermore, the rise of the Safavid empire coincided with the rise of the neighboringOttoman Empire inWest Asia andNorth Africa (and most importantly, for centuries Iran's geo-political as well as ideological arch-rival) and theMughal Empire inIndia, both adhering toSunni Islam. The formation of these political entities helped create a distinct Iranian-Shia political identity among these polities. It also helped to expand the hegemony of thePersian language in much of theMuslim world.Persian literature was, apart from Iran and its territories stretching from theNorth Caucasus to thePersian Gulf, produced from theBalkans to Central Asia and theIndian subcontinent.[4][5][6]
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The modern Iranian national movement began in the late 19th century. This movement was in large part a reaction to19th-century European colonialism in the region, which led to the loss ofQajar possessions in theCaucasus.[7] In the course of the 19th century, through theRusso-Persian War (1804–1813) and theRusso-Persian War (1826–1828) and the out-comingTreaty of Gulistan andTreaty of Turkmenchay of 1813 and 1828 respectively,Iran was forced to irrevocably cede swaths of its territory in theNorth andSouth Caucasus comprising what is nowGeorgia,Dagestan,Azerbaijan andArmenia toImperial Russia.[8] These territories had made, for centuries, part of the concept of Iran until their loss.[9]
The initial objectives of these nationalists was to put an end to the feudalistic landholding system, governmental sloth and corruption, and the wholesale distribution of Iranian resources to foreigners.[1]
One of the principal and most noted forerunners of Iranian nationalism during the Qajar era wasMirza Fatali Akhundov, born in the then-recently ceded territories in the Caucasus to a family of landowners originating inIranian Azerbaijan.[10]
Modern nationalism in Iran dates back to 1905 when an almost bloodlessconstitutional revolution created Iran's firstparliament.Reza Shah helped shape Iranian nationalism by infusing it with a distinctlysecular ideology and diminishing the influence of Islam on Iran. By integrating European legal policies in the place of Islamic courts, Shah reassured the efficiency of the state bureaucracy and promoted a strong sense of Iranian nationalism.[11] In 1935, Reza Shah asked foreign delegates andLeague of Nations to use the term Iran in formal correspondence. In addition, Reza Shah sought to change the names of various towns to honor pre-Islamic Persian kings and mythological heroes and to continue to reduce the power of the mullahs by seeking tomodernize Iran. The Pahlavi dynasty thus was set irrevocably down the road towards infusing the country with a form of secular nationalism, a path that would eventually bring it into conflict with the country's clerical class.
Iranian nationalism was a deciding force in the 1951 movement tonationalize Iran's oil wealth.
Mossadegh's goal of nationalizing Iran’s oil came into effect in the year 1951. By allowing Iran to have full power and control over their prime resource, the AIOC and other European programs participated in an international boycott which eventually caused a deter inIran's economy.[12] After Mossadegh's deposition guided by help from theU.S. andBritain, Reza Shah's son and successorMohammad Reza Pahlavi retained control and used the increased gas prices to expand modernization in Iran.[13]
Iranian nationalist discourse often focuses on the pre-Islamichistory of Iran.[14] In the 20th century, different aspects of thisromantic nationalism would be referenced by both thePahlavi monarchy, which employed titles such asĀryāmehr ('Light of theAryans'), and by some leaders of the Islamic Republic that followed it.[15]
Despite the secular tendencies of the vast majority of Iranian nationalists, there is a grouping called theReligious Nationalists who are Iranian nationalists but also religious Muslims.
Iran's 2016 parliamentary elections saw the reformists' victory, signalling support for PresidentHassan Rouhani's moderate government and the nuclear deal. However, the campaign also focused on addressing the demands of Iran's ethnic minorities, who make up 40-50% of the population. The five major ethnic groups—Azeris,Kurds,Arabs,Baluchis, and Turkmen—have a long history of political struggle for their rights, and many of them are Sunni, in contrast to the country's Shia majority.[16]
Ethnic grievances have been a prominent feature in election rhetoric, with candidates using sharper language to mobilize minority communities. While previous leaders, such asPresident Khatami in 1997, promised civil rights for all Iranians, these promises often remained unfulfilled, widening the gap between minorities' expectations and their realities.[16]
This pattern of ethnic politicking has undermined Iran by creating divisions betweenethnic groups and political factions. Thecountry’s ethnic diversity is also seen as a national security threat, with minority groups living near or across borders, especially in the context of Iran's sectarian rivalry with Sunni-majoritySaudi Arabia. Despite many of these groups' demands being legally recognized, Iran’s ethnic policies are ultimately shaped by theSupreme National Security Council, not elected officials.[16]
If Iran continues to make promises to ethnic groups during elections without follow-through, the long-term damage to ethnic relations and the country's democracy could be severe. Addressing ethnic discontent is essential for maintaining national unity and stability.[16]
Alex Shams, colomonist and writer ofAjam Media Collective, explored the complexities ofIranian and Persian identities, addressing the question, "Are youIranian orPersian, and what’s the difference?" Initially, Shams viewed "Persian" as a politically and socially convenient term forIranians, often used to dissociate from theIslamic Republic or to evoke exotic appeal. However, a conversation with an Iranian-American of Azeri-Bakhtiari heritage highlighted the ethnic diversity within Iran, revealing that not all Iranians identify asPersian. While Persians, whose mother tongue isPersian (Farsi), make up about half of Iran's population, the rest includes amosaic of ethnic and linguistic minorities, such asAzeris,Arabs,Kurds, andBalochs, among others.[17]
Shams critiques the erasure of this diversity, tracing its roots to Persian nationalism fostered under Reza Shah Pahlavi in the 20th century. Reza Shah centralized power by crafting a Persian-centric national identity, banning non-Persian languages, and co-opting Aryanist ideologies, which linked Persian identity to a pseudo-scientific racial hierarchy. This framework marginalized ethnic minorities and ignored the historical diversity of the Persian Empire, which was unified by imperial structures rather than ethnicity.[17]
TheIslamic Revolution of 1979 shifted Iranian identity from secular Persian nationalism to Shia religious identity,[17] this is why the termsShia,Persian, andIranian inArab states of the Persian Gulf (whereBahraini Ajams,Kuwaiti Ajams,Qatari, andEmirati Iranian people ofIranian origins live) are often conflated, even by SunniAchums.[18] While it offered greater inclusion for Shia Muslims regardless of ethnicity, it marginalized religious minorities and secular individuals. Ethnic minorities, such as Azeris and Kurds, gained some linguistic freedoms, but Persian ethnocentrism and Aryanist ideologies persisted, particularly in diaspora communities seeking validation from Western perceptions.[17]
Shams argues that these exclusivist identities undermine Iran's cultural diversity and hinder the possibility of an inclusive, egalitarian society. Instead, he calls for recognition of Iran's multi-ethnic and multicultural heritage as essential to its national identity.[17]
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