TheInsurgency in Northeast India is ongoing armed conflicts in a number ofIndia'snortheastern states between several militants groups with various political ideologies, includingseparatism andChristian nationalism, and theIndian government.
Northeast India consists of eight states: theseven sister states ofAssam,Meghalaya,Tripura,Arunachal Pradesh,Mizoram,Manipur, andNagaland, and the brother stateSikkim included later. These states are connected to the rest of India by theSiliguri Corridor, a strip of land as narrow as 14.29 miles (23.00 km) wide. Tensions have existed between insurgents in the seven sister states and the central government as well as amongst their native indigenous people and migrants from other parts of India and illegal immigrants for many decades now.
In recent years however, insurgency in the region has seen rapid decline, with a 70% reduction in insurgency incidents and an 80% drop in civilian deaths in 2019 compared to 2013.[15]Manipur has witnessed a rise in insurgent activities ever sinceethnic violence broke out in the state on 3 May 2023 between theMeitei people and theKuki people. This has led to a new era inManipur's insurgency where militant groups witnessed a resurgence in membership.[16][17]
The2014 Indian general election had an 80%voter turnout in all northeastern states, the highest among all states of India according to Indian government. Indian authorities claim that this shows the faith of the northeastern people in Indian democracy.[18] IndianChief of Defence StaffGen Anil Chauhan thenEastern Army Commander had stated that as of 2020, the area of violence in the entire North-East has shrunk primarily to an area which is the tri-junction between Assam, Arunachal Pradesh and north Nagaland.[19]
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Historically, the treatment of the Northeast as separate from therest of India during the colonial era has continued to negatively affect its integration into the Republic of India.[20] Present-day Northeast India started to be annexed intoBritish India in the early 19th century to defend the eastern frontier from the incursions of theBurmese Empire, withAssam becoming part of theBengal Presidency until 1874.[21] Myanmar was part ofBritish India for several decades; the dynamics of British rule in the region, which was the first time that a pan-Indian unit had fully conquered theNortheastern South Asian space, and Myanmar's 1937separation from Indian administration, still affect their border regions today.[22][23]
North-East India is India's most ethnically diversified area. Around 40 million people live there, including 213 of India's 635tribal groups. These tribes each have their own distinct culture, each tribal group disagrees with being combined into mainstream India because it means losing their unique identity, giving rise to insurgency.
The long distance between mainland India and the northeast, as well as a lack of representation for the region in theIndian Parliament, has contributed to the northeast being more neglected in the political framework of the country, which has served as a major reason behind the insurgencies occurring in the region.
During theBangladesh Liberation War, an estimated 10 million people fromEast Pakistan (present-dayBangladesh) fled the country and took refuge in India, particularly in the Indian states of West Bengal and the Indian northeast, especiallyTripura andAssam. This changed the demography of the area, resulting in greater competition between locals and refugees, which further contributed to the insurgency in the area.
The northeast has been traditionally neglected economically in India, with the region receiving low levels of investment from both theIndian government and other investors.
The partitioning of the Northeast by the British during colonial rule resulted in arbitrary divisions that continue to affect the region today. One significant outcome was the separation of Chittagong from the Northeast, altering geographical and cultural connections. Similarly, the division of the Kachin-Chin region and Eastern Nagalim further fragmented communities that had historical ties. Additionally, the intervention of leaders like Nehru and organizations like the UN in the region's affairs exacerbated tensions and deepened divisions. These actions not only disrupted the natural cohesion of the region but also sowed seeds of discontent that persist to this day.[24][25][26]
TheMizo National Front uprising was a revolt against the government ofIndia aimed at establishing a sovereign nation state for theMizo people, which started on 28 February 1966.
Mizoram's tensions were largely due to the simmeringAssamese domination and the neglect of theMizo people. In 1986, theMizo accord ended the main secessionist movement led by theMizo National Front, bringing peace to the region.[27] Insurgency status is classified as partially active, due to secessionist/autonomy demands by the BuddhistChakmas forChakmasthan[28] and BRU(Reang) tribe of Tripuri kinship demanding Bru ADC . The Chakma and Reang tribes complain of religious and ethnic persecution, and complain that the dominant Mizo ethnic group, almost entirely Christian, wants toconvert them to Christianity.[29]
Manipur, which had been aprincely state under theBritish Raj, acceded to India on 11 August 1947 and merged into the Indian Union on 15 October 1949, shortly before India became a Republic under its national constitution. The Maharaja of Manipur was given a privy purse and allowed to retain his cultural and religious functions. Manipur was pegged as a Part 'C' State, later renamed a union territory. In 1963, when neighbouring Nagaland was granted statehood, the Manipuris felt short-changed and started agitating for full statehood.[30]
Despite the fact that Manipur became a separate state of the Indian Union on 21 January 1972, the insurgency continued.[31]On 8 September 1980, Manipur was declared an area of disturbance, when the Indian government imposed theArmed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958 on the region; the act currently remains in force.[32]
The parallel rise ofNaga nationalism in neighbouringNagaland led to the emergence of theNational Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) activities in Manipur. Clashes between the Isak-Muivah and Khaplang factions of the NSCN further aggravated tensions, asKuki tribals began creating their own guerrilla groups in order to protect their interests from alleged Naga violations. Skirmishes between the two ethnic groups took place during the 1990s. Other ethnic groups such as thePaite,Vaiphei,Pangals andHmars followed suit establishing militant groups.[32]
TheKuki National Army also maintains one armed wing in Manipur.
Manipur has witnessedethnic violence between theKuki and theMeitei communities since 3 May 2023 which killed more than 120 people and injured more than 3000 people and led to a rise in militant activities in the region.[33][34]
The first separatist faction known as theUnited National Liberation Front (UNLF) was founded on 24 November 1964.
Between 1977 and 1980, thePeople's Liberation Army of Manipur (PLA), thePeople's Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak (PREPAK), theKangleipak Communist Party (KCP) and theKanglei Yawol Kanna Lup (KYKL) were formed, immediately joining the war.[32]
Nagaland was created in 1963 as the 16th state of the Indian Union, before which it was a district of Assam. Active Naga-Kuki insurgent groups mainly demand full independence. TheNaga National Council led byPhizo was the first group to dissent in 1947 and in 1956 they went underground.[citation needed]
TheNational Socialist Council of Nagaland was formed in 1980 to establish a Greater Nagaland, encompassing parts of Manipur, Nagaland, and the north Cachar hills (Assam). The NSCN split in 1988 to form two groups, NSCN(IM) and NSCN(K). As of 2015, both groups have observed a ceasefire truce with the Indian government.[35]
TheNational Socialist Council of Nagaland—Khaplang is the second faction with the same aim of a Greater Nagaland and was formed in 1988.[36][37][38][39]
The insurgent groups inTripura emerged at the end of the 1970s, as ethnic tensions between perceivedBangladeshi infiltration and the tribal native population who were outnumbered by the former, hailing from other parts of India and nearby Bangladesh, which resulted in their being reduced to minority status even threatening them economically, socially, culturally; this resulted in a clarion call for safeguarding tribal rights and cultures. Such being the extent of desperation, this naturally resulted in hatred and suspicion and their status is classified as active.
The first organised armed outfit to form wasTripura National Volunteers (TNV), which was active from 1978 to 1988.[40]
TheNational Liberation Front of Tripura was formed in March 1989 byDhananjoy Reang. During the period 1992 to 2001, a total of 764 civilians and 184 members of the security forces were killed in NLFT attacks.It was the most powerful organisation in Tripura with estimated strength of 1500 to 2000 carders at its peak time[41].In 2019, it signed theTripura Peace Accord to end the insurgency.
TheAll Tripura Tiger Force was formed by local aboriginal tribes in 1990, who were gradually outnumbered both directly and indirectly, even at the cost of being threatened for their survivaleconomically and culturally, not to speak of their being reduced to minority population-wise; their sole aim is the expulsion of allBangladeshi infiltration nearby Bangladesh.
The2024 Tripura Peace Accord was signed between the insurgent groupsNLFT,ATTF and the Government of India, Government of Tripura ending the 35 year oldInsurgency in Tripura in the state.The last remaining 328 militants of both groups surrendered to the Government forces as a part of the agreement and the Government of India announced an Financial package of ₹250 crore for the rehabilitation of the surrendered cadres to the mainstream society.[42][43]
Assam has been a refuge for militants for a number of years, due to its porous borders withBangladesh andBhutan and also due to its very close proximity toBurma. The main causes of the friction include anti-foreigner agitation in the 1980s, and the simmering indigenous-migrant tensions. The government of Bangladesh has arrested and extradited senior leaders of the ULFA.[44]
TheUnited Liberation Front of Assam was formed in April 1979 to establish a sovereign state of Assam for the indigenous people of Assam through an armed struggle. In recent times the organisation has lost its middle rung leaders after most of them were arrested.[44]
The objective of theKamtapur Liberation Organisation (KLO) is to carve out a separateKamtapur Nation. The proposed state is to comprise six districts inWest Bengal and four contiguous districts ofAssam which areCooch Behar,Darjeeling,Jalpaiguri, North and SouthDinajpur andMalda ofWest Bengal and four contiguous districts of Assam –Kokrajhar,Bongaigaon,Dhubri andGoalpara. The KLO, in the beginning, was an unconcealed organisation, which was formed to address problems of theKoch Rajbongshi people, such as large-scale unemployment, land alienation, perceived neglect ofKamtapuri language, identity, and grievances of economic deprivation.[46]
The state ofMeghalaya was separated from the state of Assam in 1971, in order to satisfy theKhasi,Synteng andGaro for a separate state. The decision was initially praised as an example of successful national integration into the wider Indian state.[47]
This, however, failed to prevent the rise ofnational consciousness among the local tribal populations, later leading to a direct confrontation betweenIndian nationalism and the newly created Garo and Khasi nationalisms. A parallel rise of nationalism in the other members of theSeven Sister States further complicated the situation, resulting in occasional clashes between rebel groups.[47]
The state wealth distribution system further fueled the rising separatist movements, as funding is practised through per-capita transfers, which largely benefits the leading ethnic group.[47]
The first militant outfit to emerge in the region was theHynniewtrep Achik Liberation Council (HALC). It was formed in 1992, aiming to protect the interests of Meghalaya's indigenous population from the rise of non-tribal ("Dkhar") immigration.[48]
A conflict of interest soon led to a split of the HALC. The Garo members formed the Achik Matgrik Liberation Army (AMLA) while the joint Jaintia-Khasi alliance ofHynniewtrep National Liberation Council (HNLC) was formed in 1993. The HNLC claims to represent theKhasi –Jaintia people, and its aim is to free Meghalaya from the alleged domination of the Garos and the outsiders (the "Dkhars").
The AMLA passed into obscurity, while the Achik National Volunteers Council (ANVC) took its place. The Garo-Khasi drift persisted as the HNLC had set up the goal of turning Meghalaya into an exclusively Khasi region; the ANVC, on the other hand, sought the creation of an independent state in the Garo Hills.[48]
A number of non-Meghalayan separatist groups have also operated in the region, including theUnited Liberation Front of Assam and theNational Democratic Front of Bodoland among others.[49]
The most active outfit in the state is the Garo National Liberation Army (GNLA), which was formed in 2009.[50]
Zomi is an umbrella term encompassing nine tribes in the state of Manipur. In 1993, theZomi Re-unification Organisation (ZRO) and its armed wing, theZomi Revolutionary Army (ZRA), were established in 1997 with the aim of safeguarding and protecting the interests of theZomi people. Presently, the ZRA is engaged in a Suspension of Operation (SoO) with the Indian government, seeking a political resolution for theZo community, which has long suffered neglect and suppression at the hands of the dominant tribe in Manipur.
The Hmar People's Convention-Democracy (HPC-D) is an armed insurgency group formed in 1995 to create an independentHmar State in North East India. It is the offspring of the Hmar People's Convention (HPC), which entered into an agreement with the Government of Mizoram in 1994 resulting in the formation of the Sinlung Hills Development Council (SHDC) in North Mizoram. Their recruited cadres are from the States where the Hmar people are spread – Assam, Manipur, Mizoram, Tripura and Meghalaya. The HPC(D) is demanding a separate administrative unit under the SixthSchedule of the Constitution of India.[citation needed]
The National Socialist Council of Taniland (NSCT) formerly the National Liberation Council of Taniland, is active along the Assam – Arunachal Pradesh border, and its members belong to theTani groups of people which are demandingTaniland. The group enjoys no support from the local population of Arunachal Pradesh who are fiercely pro-India and the group is all but defunct now.[54][55] The Tani groups are one of the ethnic groups of northeast India (variously known asMising in Assam andAdi,Nyishi,Galo, Apatani,Tagin, inArunachal Pradesh) in India as well as the Lhoba in China who live along the frontier of India.[56]
Following the 1990 OperationsRhino andBajrang, Assamese separatist groups relocated their camps to Bhutan.[57] In 1996 the Bhutan government became aware of a large number of camps on its southern border with India. The camps were set up by four Assamese separatist movements: the ULFA, NDFB,Bodo Liberation Tigers Force (BLTF) andKamtapur Liberation Organization (KLO). The camps also harboured separatists belonging to theNational Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) and theAll Tripura Tiger Force (ATTF).[58]
India then exerted diplomatic pressure on Bhutan, offering support in removing the rebel organisations from its soil. The government of Bhutan initially pursued a peaceful solution, opening dialogue with the militant groups on 1998. Five rounds of talks were held with ULFA, three rounds with DNFB, with KLO ignoring all invitations sent by the government. In June 2001 ULFA agreed to close down four of its camps; however, the Bhutanese government soon realized that the camps had simply been relocated.[57]
By 2003 the talks had failed to produce any significant result. On 14 July 2003, military intervention was approved by the National Assembly.[57] On 13 December 2003, the Bhutanese government issued a two-day ultimatum to the rebels. On 15 December 2003, after the ultimatum had expired, Operation All Clear – the first operation ever conducted by theRoyal Bhutan Army – was launched.[59]
By 3 January 2004, the Royal Bhutan Army had killed about 120 militants. They managed to capture several senior ULFA commanders. Large numbers of rebels fled toBangladesh and India. Militants also were dislodged from all 30 camps and 35 observation posts, with the camps burned and razed to the ground.[58][60]
Between 2008 and 2011,Royal Bhutan Police andRoyal Bhutan Army personnel undertook numerous actions against alleged north Indian militants. Several firefights occurred while Bhutan military personnel were required to dispose of several explosive devices and destroyed a number of guerrilla camps.[61]
TheIndo-Burmese border was drawn over the homeland of many ethnic groups, such as the Mizos/Chins and the Nagas, with communities with strong ethnic ties living on both sides of the border. Several separatist groups have operated out of Myanmar, crossing into India via the porous border.[62]
India-Myanmar military cooperation dates back to the 1960s when theTatmadaw intercepted Naga and Mizo rebels heading to China for training. Indian support for the pro-democracy movement in the 1980s had caused the Tatmadaw to stop their operations against the northeastern rebel groups.[63]
After the2015 Manipur ambush, India conducted surgical strikes againstNSCN-K camps insideMyanmar, and inflicted significant casualties.[64]
In February and June 2019, Indian army and the BurmeseTatmadaw carried out jointoperationsSunrise andSunrise II, targeting in co-ordination several militant groups along the Indo-Burma border including the Kamtapur Liberation Organisation (KLO), the NSCN-K, the United Liberation Front of Assam (I) and the National Democratic Front of Boroland (NDFB).[65] In February, Burmese troops stormed the NSCN-K headquarters atTaga inHkamti Township.[66] The Indian army reciprocated by starting a major operation against theArakan Army in south Mizoram.[63]
InManipur the following militant groups have come together as the CorCOM[67][68] which is a short name for Coordination Committee.[69]
CorCom is on the extremist organisations list of the Government of India, and is responsible for many bombings usually associated with Indian holidays and elections.[70]
Some of the aforementioned militant groups have formed an alliance to fight against the governments of India, Bhutan, and Myanmar.[72] They use the term"Western Southeast Asia" (WESEA) to describe the region in which they operate: Northeast India, Bhutan, North Bengal, and Myanmar. These groups include:[73][74][75]
Additionally, other groups such as the Kachin Independence Army, Chin National Army, and Naga insurgent groups in Myanmar, as well as organizations like the Hmar People's Convention-Democratic, Gorkha Liberation Army, allies against Sikkim's annexation, Kuki Army, Tani National Liberation Council, Tripura Liberation Front, Garo National Liberation Army (GNLA), National Democratic Front of Boroland (NDFB), and Dimasa National Liberation Army (DNLA) are also part of this alliance.[75][74][73]
In early 2024, some of these groups have taken advantage of the situation in Myanmar and declared independence, further escalating tensions in the region.[76][77][78][79][80]
Nine militant groups of the northeast, including the NSCN (Khaplang) and the ULFA faction led by Paresh Baruah, have come together to form a new unified front known asUNLFW during a meeting held in Myanmar in early 2015.[81][82] Besides the NSCN (K) and ULFA-Independent, other groups that participated in the meeting held at Taga in Sagaing division of Myanmar earlier this month were the Kangleipak Communist Party (KCP), Kanglei Yawol Kunna Lup (KYKL), the People's Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak (PREPAK), the People's Liberation Army (PLA), the United National Liberation Front (UNLF) and the National Democratic Front of Bodoland (Songbijit faction) (NDFB).
The concept of "Western Southeast Asia" as used by Northeast Indian separatists gained prominence in the early 2010s. Insurgents rejected the labelNortheast India and instead cast the region as the westernmostfrontier ofSoutheast Asia. The Coordination Committee (CorCom), an umbrella organization ofMeitei insurgent groups in Manipur established in 2011, played a key role in promoting the Western South East Asia (WESEA) terminology. On its third foundation day in 2014, CorCom announced the creation of a Joint Fighting Force to intensify armed activities, framing the move as part of a wider revolutionary effort across the region. The statement had stressed that Manipur's colonial experience was shared with other peoples of WESEA, citing commonalities in geography, ethnicity, and culture. CorCom argued that collective liberation could only be achieved through cooperation with other like-minded groups.[85] Whilst theUNLFW's creation required the culmination of years of discussions, with the concept of aunited front first explored in 2011 during meetings between ULFA, NSCN-K, and Manipuri groups, but only realized in 2015 after prolonged negotiations over leadership and organizational structure. UNLFW was the first to explicitly frame the alliance in terms of Western Southeast Asia. The coalition took political steps like forming agovernment-in-exile for WESEA to seek international support and recognition,[86] Though this remained aspirational.
By 2014, the Manipur-basedUnited National Liberation Front (UNLF) had explicitly adopted the term Western Southeast Asia (WESEA) in its rhetoric, describing the peoples of Northeast India as "exploited and subjugated."[85] In one statement, the group condemned a Bangladeshi court verdict againstUnited Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) leaderParesh Baruah, framing the decision as an injustice against what it termed the "people of WESEA" engaged in a liberation struggle against Indian rule.[87] The pan-regional concept of Western South East Asia (WESEA) reached its peak with the creation of theUnited National Liberation Front of Western South East Asia (UNLFWSEA) in April 2015. On 17 April, senior leaders of multiple insurgent groups met in Myanmar'sSagaing Division and agreed to form a unified front advocating independence for Northeast India and adjoining areas in Myanmar. A press release formally announced the coalition, explicitly adopting the WESEA label. The founding members included theParesh Baruah-ledUnited Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA-Independent), theNational Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN-Khaplang), theNational Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB-Songbijit), and theKamtapur Liberation Organisation (KLO), representing insurgencies inAssam,Nagaland/Myanmar,Bodo territories, andNorth Bengal.[88][89][90] Manipur-based groups such as theUnited National Liberation Front (UNLF) and thePeople's Liberation Army of Manipur (PLA-M) were also present at the founding meetings and expressed support, although they did not formally join due to internal leadership divisions.[88]
Since its adoption, the term WESEA has become central to the rhetoric of several separatist groups in Northeast India. It functions as a collective label for identity, with insurgent manifestos and press releases frequently describing WESEA as a "colonized entity" under Indian control.[91] A 2019 joint statement by Manipur's CorCom and ULFA-Independent, for instance, referred to the "colonial occupation by India of all the indigenous peoples of the WESEA Region" and called for unity in opposition to New Delhi.[92] Such statements frame the insurgency as a continuation of decolonization, arguing that when British authorityended in 1947, the region was technically free but was subsequently incorporated into India through "force and coercion". This interpretation positions the insurgency as an effort to complete what they regard as an "unfinished process of liberation in Western Southeast Asia."[93][94] Boycotts of Indian national holidays have become a recurring platform for separatist groups to invoke a WESEA identity. Insurgent organizations regularly issue joint calls for shutdowns on India's Independence Day (15 August) and Republic Day (26 January), framing these observances as reminders of perceived colonial occupation. For example, prior to Independence Day 2025, the ULFA-Independent and theNSCN (Yung Aung faction) released a joint statement urging strikes "across the region they call WESEA," referring to areas of Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, and Nagaland. In their declaration, India's Independence Day was described as "meaningless for the people of WESEA", instead characterized as repression by Indian security forces.[95] Similar coordinated boycott calls have appeared almost annually.[96][97]
Outside of separatist circles, the usage of "Western Southeast Asia" as aregional unit is not recognized.[98] Key themes in WESEA-related pronouncements consistently revolve around separatist narratives. Insurgent statements accuse Indian authorities for being acolonial power and doing that ofresource exploitation,[99] the enforcement of repressive laws such as theArmed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA),[100] and the use of coercive measures against indigenous communities.[101][100] Separatist rhetoric often alleges that India is undermining WESEA's identity through demographic change and cultural assimilation, citing issues such asHindi-language promotion orcitizenship legislation as threats to indigenous cultures. For example, a 2019 CorCom–ULFA statement warned that "non-indigenous populations [are] swarming all over WESEA" and framed such policies as intended to erode local identities.[102][103]Immigration from Bangladesh also has been a concern for indigenous populations in Northeast India, which oppose significant demographic change. This immigration has led to historical movements such as theAssam Movement of the 1980s.[104] In the early 21st century, some people in Assam and other states were deported to Bangladesh on suspicion of having illegally immigrated from Bangladesh (see also:National Register of Citizens for Assam).[105] Insurgent leaders attempt to remove state ortribal boundaries and encourage acollective front by invoking a so called WESEA identity. CorCom has described its mission as a "unified freedom struggle throughout WESEA,"[106] while the UNLF in 2014 explicitly recalled the assistance provided by people of "WESEA (especially those of Assam, Meghalaya and Tripura)" toBangladeshi refugees in 1971 from theLiberation War in a reference to a court verdict against ULFA(I)'sParesh Barua.[107][108]
Maoists, in turn, are said to be providing explosives (ammonium nitrate) and funds to the northeast groups.
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