During the lateZhou dynasty, the inhabitants of theCentral Plains began todistinguish betweenHua andYi (Chinese:華夷秩序;pinyin:huáyí zhìxù), referred to by some historians as theSino–barbarian dichotomy.[1] They defined themselves as part of cultural and political region known asHuaxia, which they contrasted with the surrounding regions home to outsiders, conventionally known as theFour Barbarians (literally, "fourYi"). AlthoughYi is usually translated as "barbarian", other translations of this term in English include "foreigners",[2] "ordinary others",[3] "wild tribes"[4] and "uncivilized tribes".[5] TheHua–Yi distinction asserted Chinese superiority, but implied that outsiders could becomeHua byadopting their culture and customs.[citation needed] This distinction was not unique to China, but was also applied by various Vietnamese, Japanese, and Koreans regimes, all of whom considered themselves at one point in history to belegitimate successors to the Chinese civilization and the "Central State" in imitation of China.
Ancient China was composed of a group of states that arose in theYellow River valley. According to historianLi Feng, during theZhou dynasty (c. 1041–771 BCE), the contrast between the 'Chinese' Zhou and the 'non-Chinese'Xirong orDongyi was "more political than cultural or ethnic".[6] Lothar von Falkenhausen argues that the perceived contrast between "Chinese" and "Barbarians" was accentuated during theEastern Zhou period (770–256 BCE), when adherence to Zhou rituals became increasingly recognised as a "barometer of civilisation"; a meter for sophistication and cultural refinement.[7] It is widely agreed by historians that the distinction between theHua and theYi emerged during that period.[8]
Gideon Shelach claimed that Chinese texts tended to overstate the distinction between the Chinese and their northern neighbours, ignoring many intergroup similarities.[9] Nicola di Cosmo doubted the existence of a strong demarcation between the "Zhou Universe" and "a discrete, 'barbarian', non-Zhou universe"[10] and claimed that Chinese historianSima Qian popularised this concept, writing of the "chasm that had 'always' existed between China – the Hua-Hsia [Huaxia] people – and the various alien groups inhabiting the north."[11]
The conclusion of theWarring States period brought the first unified Chinese state—established by theQin dynasty in 221 BCE—who established the imperial system andforcibly standardized the traditional Chinese script, leading to the first of the distinctions between the 'refined'Hua and the increasingly marginalisedYi. TheHan dynasty (221 BCE–206 CE) further contributed to the divide with its creation of a persistentHan ethnocultural identity.[12]
The Han Chinese civilisationinfluenced neighbouring statesKorea,Japan,Vietnam andThailand and other Asian countries. Although Han Chinese superiority had only been sporadically reinforced by displays of Chinese military power, theirSinocentric system treated these countries as vassals of theemperor of China, "theSon of Heaven" (天子), who was in possession of theMandate of Heaven (天命), thedivine right to rule. Areas outside Sinocentric influence and the divine rule of the Emperor were considered to consist of uncivilised lands inhabited by barbarians.[13]
Throughout history, Chinese frontiers had been periodically attacked bynomadic tribes from the north, west and even south. These people were being labelled asbarbarians by the Chinese who believed themselves to be more refined and who had begun tobuild cities and live an urban life based on agriculture. It was in an attempt of how best to deal with this problem that the philosopher,Confucius (551–479 BCE) was prompted to formulate principles for relationships with the barbarians, briefly recorded in two of hisAnalects.[14]
Although China had been trading goods to and from Europeans for centuries, it was not until the arrival of the industrialised European trade and colonialism in the 19th and 20th centuries that exposed Chinese civilisation to technological developments that had long outdated China's. As such, Chinese society was forced to undergo a modification of its traditional views of its relationships with "barbarians", and in particular could no longer regard everyone other than Chinese as objectively inferior uncultured barbarians.[15]
Confucius lived during a time of war between Chinese states. He regarded people who did not respectthe traditional value ofli as "barbarians", as he believed the workings of a civilised state should be founded on ethical conduct, which he said must stem fromli. Confucius argued that a state founded on the relatively cruel social codes of conquest and warlordism was barbaric in contrast to one founded on the principles of stately righteousness. In Analect 3.5, Confucius said, "TheYi andDi barbarian tribes with rulers are not as viable as the various Chinese states without them."[16]
The Disposition of Error, a fifth-century tract defendingBuddhism, notes that when Confucius was threatening to take residence among the nine barbarian states (九黎) he said, "If a gentleman-scholar dwells in their midst, what baseness can there be among them?"[17] An alternate translation of the philosopher's Analect 9.14 is, "Someone said: 'They are vulgar. What can you do about them?' The Master said: 'A gentleman used to live there. How could they be vulgar?'"[18] In both translations, the author is shown to believe in the superiority of theHua culture over that of theYi.
The prominentShuowen Jiezi character dictionary (121 CE) definesyi as "level; peaceful" (平) or "people of eastern regions" (東方之人) and does not attempt to marginalise them. This implies that theHua-Yi distinction was not universally held.
TheBamboo Annals record that the founder of Zhou,King Wu of Zhou "led the lords of the western barbarians" on a journey to conquer theShang dynasty,[19] leading to the creation of the Zhou Dynasty.[20] The Zhou would later contribute as much as the Shang to theHua–Yi distinction.[20]
Not all Zhou regarded the Hua–Yi distinction as acultural barrier that needed to be overcome to 'purify' China. Zhou philosopherMencius believed that Confucian practices were universal and timeless, and thus, followed by both Hua and Yi people.
Shun was an Eastern barbarian; he was born in Chu Feng, moved to Fu Hsia, and died in Ming T'iao.King Wen was a Western barbarian; he was born in Ch'i Chou and died in Pi Ying. Their native places were over athousandli apart, and there were a thousand years between them. Yet when they had their way in the Central Kingdoms, their actions matched like the two halves of a tally. The standards of the two sages, one earlier and one later, were identical.[21]
In order to alleviate the shortages of labour caused by theThree Kingdoms wars, the Jin allowed millions of "barbarian" people to reside in Jin territory. Many officials opposed this decision in the name of theHua–Yi distinction, claiming that if the barbarians did not identify with theHuaxia, they would conspire to destroy the empire.[22]
During theUprising of the Five Barbarians (五胡) and ravaging ofNorth China that occurred at the start of the 4th century, theJin dynasty and other ethnic Han appealed to entrenched beliefs in the Hua–Yi distinction when calling for resistance to the Five Barbarians and the Yi they represented.[23] The Jin was eventually driven out of the north and relocated south of theYangtze River. The historians of theSouthern dynasties, who were all Han Chinese, portrayed the non-Han rulers as barbaric.
Meanwhile, the "Five Barbarians", who founded several of the Sixteen Kingdoms in northern China and Sichuan, often had to cooperate with the local Han people to consolidate their rules. The first two of the Sixteen Kingdoms, theHan-Zhao andCheng-Han dynasties, adopted the Chinese ruling systems and customs, with the former initially claiming to be a continuation of the Han dynasty. TheXianbei-ledFormer Yan rose to prominence partly due to their acceptance and employment of Han Chinese emigres within their administration, whileFu Jian of theDi-ledFormer Qin is most famous for his partnership with his Chinese Prime Minister,Wang Meng and his strong dedication toConfucian principles.
Still, tension between the Han Chinese and the non-Han was evident at times. The Han-Zhao first introduced separate governing bodies for the Chinese and non-Han tribes which was later adopted by some of the Sixteen Kingdoms, thus upholding the Hua–Yi distinction. Relations were especially tense in northern China under theLater Zhao dynasty, which culminated in racial violence during the final years of the empire.[24]
TheLater Zhao dynasty was founded the Shi clan ofJie ethnicity, who had a practice of heavily adopting people into their family. One of these people wasShi Min (later named Ran Min), a Han Chinese who was the adoptive grandson of Later Zhao's third ruler,Shi Hu. In 349 CE, after his promise to be made Crown Prince was reneged, Shi Min seized control of the emperor and the capital,Ye. Due to multiple attempts on his life, he soon became apprehensive of the non-Han tribes and ordered the Han people to slaughter the Jie people and other barbarians, identifying them by their high noses and full beards. Around 200,000 people were killed, with the Jie soon disappearing from history, but a large number of victims were also mistakenly-identified Han Chinese people. After Ran Min founded his state ofRan Wei in 350, he attempted to win back the support of the tribes, but in 352, his regime was toppled by the Xianbei-ledFormer Yan dynasty.[25]
Ran Min continues to be a controversial figure. He is considered by some to be a hero, whereas others believe he bore extreme prejudice arising from the Hua–Yi distinction.[25]
Emperor Xiaowen ofNorthern Wei (a state that controlled the north of China), who was of theXianbei people attempted to eliminateYi from his state by imposingSinicisation on his people. The Xianbei language was outlawed and Xianbei people began to adopt surnames of the Han ethnicity; for example, the ruling clan of the Northern Wei originally bore the surnameTuoba but it was abandoned in favor of Yuan.[26]
In 581, the Sui emperorYang Jian deposed the Xianbei ruler of Northern Zhou and restored Han rule over North China. This event marked the end of all power that the Xianbei and other non-Han groups had over China, and racial tension subsided.[27]
During theTang dynasty, various ethnic groups including Koreans, Indians and Tibetans journeyed toChang'an and other major Tang cities for business or study. These people brought their religions and customs:Buddhism,Islam,Zoroastrianism (Xianjiao),Manichaeism (Monijiao) andSyriac Christianity (Jingjiao), all of which flourished.[28]
This cosmopolitan policy caused controversy among the literati, many of whom questioned the recommendation of theKaifeng governor for the participation of Arab-born Li Yan-sheng in the 847imperial examinations and several similar incidences of what they believed as incorrect racial privileging. Such was the discourse that Tang intellectual Chen An wrote an essay defending the governor's decision;The Heart of Being Hua (Chinese:華心; pinyin:Huá xīn), which is often cited as expressing the sentiments of the "non-xenophobic" Chinese position on the Hua–Yi distinction. In the essay, Chen wrote: "If one speaks in terms of geography, then there are Hua and Yi. But if one speaks in terms of education, then there can be no such difference. For the distinction between Hua and Yi rests in the heart and is determined by their different inclinations."[29]
A prominent Tang Confucian,Han Yu, wrote in his essayYuan Dao, "When Confucius wrote theChunqiu, he said that if the feudal lords use the Yi ritual, then they should be called Yi. If they use Chinese rituals, then they should be called Chinese." Han Yu went on to lament that the Chinese of his time might all become Yi because the Tang court wanted to put Yi laws above the teachings of the former kings,[30] creating the possibility that although insiders could lose their culture, outsiders could similarly gain insider culture.
Arguments that excoriated the Tang's lax attitude towards foreigners were strengthened by the Yi-ledAn Lushan Rebellion (755–763), which propelled the Tang into decline.[28] An intellectual movement "to return to the pure... sources of orthodox thought and morality", including many of the concepts of theClassical Prose Movement, also targeted "foreign" religions, as exemplified by Han Yu's diatribe against Buddhism.Emperor Wenzong of Tang passed decrees in line with these views, especially restrictingIranian religions and Buddhism, but this policy was relaxed by his successors.[31]
The "Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms" was a period in which the north of China was ruled by a non-Han people, theShatuo, for three short-lived dynasties while the south was ruled by ethnic Han. Their legitimacy was recognised by theSong dynasty.[32]
The Song dynasty saw both an economic boom and invasion by alien states. States like theLiao dynasty andWestern Xia began to take territories inhabited by large numbers of Chinese and asserted that they too were Chinese and successors to the Tang, and posed legitimacy issues for Song rule.
In response to rising concerns from citizenry and claims from Yi states such as the Western Xia, Song scholars stipulated that groups like theShatuo (whom the Song largely succeeded and who largely continued the rule of the Tang) were not barbarian or "Yi" but Chinese or "Hua" and that the Song had only descended from ruling groups that were Hua. Secondly, the Song asserted that the Liao and Western Xia, and later theJin, were barbarian states despite their control of large areas of traditional Han territory because they had not inherited any mandate from a legitimate, "Hua" dynasty.[33]
Concerns over legitimacy were not limited to the Song alone: states rose up again in theYuan dynasty, as its rulers were non-Han. However, the Yuan dynasty adopted a different approach to quelling the conflict. The Yuan asserted that the Song, Liao and Jin were all legitimate; therefore all three dynasties were given their own history, as recognition of their legitimacy.
Despite this, the Yuan racially segregated their people; dividing society into four categories:
In addition, the Yuan also divided society into 10 castes, based on "desirability":[34]
The Yuan rulers were ethnicMongols and were viewed as barbaric by the dominant Han population,[35] although they did not last long inChina proper (from 1271 to 1368).
In 1368,Zhu Yuanzhang proclaimed theMing dynasty and issued a long manifesto, in which he labeled the Yuan as barbarians who had usurped the Chinese throne, and who had inflicted atrocities such as rape and murder. He lists incidents where the Mongols massacred men in entire villages and appropriated the women. Zhu's northern military expedition had been a success; Beijing was captured in the same year and China was again governed by ethnic Han.[36]
Although the Ming referred to the preceding Yuan as the "wild Yuan" (胡元), they also accepted the Yuan before them as a legitimate dynasty. The Hongwu Emperor indicated on another occasion that he was happy to be born in the Yuan period and that the Yuan did legitimately receive the Mandate of Heaven to rule over China. In addition, one of his key advisors,Liu Ji, generally supported the idea that while the Chinese and the non-Chinese are different, they are actually equal. Liu was therefore arguing against the idea that Hua was and is superior to Yi.[37]
During theMiao Rebellions, Ming forces engaged in massive slaughter of theHmong and other native ethnic groups inSouth China; after castrating Hmong boys to use aseunuch slaves, Chinese soldiers took Hmong women as wives and colonised the southern provinces.[38]
Towards the end of the Ming dynasty, Ming loyalists invoked the Hua-Yi distinction to urge the Chinese to resist theManchu invaders.[39]
TheQing dynasty's order that all subjects shave their forehead and braid the rest of their hair into aqueue was viewed as a symbolic gesture of servitude by many ethnic Han, who thought that changing their dress to the same as Yi would be contrary to the spirit of the Hua-Yi distinction.
ScholarLü Liuliang (1629–1683), who lived through the transition between the Ming and the Manchu-ledQing dynasty, refused to serve the new dynasty because he claimed that upholding the difference between Huaxia and the Yi was more important than respecting the righteous bond between minister (臣) and sovereign (君王). In 1728, failedImperial examination candidateZeng Jing, influenced by Lü's works, called for the overthrow of the Manchu regime. TheYongzheng Emperor, whom Zeng accused of ten major crimes, took this event as an opportunity to educate the Qing's Chinese subjects. In a series of discussions with Zeng Jing, the emperor proclaimed that Chinese were not inherently superior to the barbarians. To justify his statements, he declared that King Wen, the sage king and the founder of the Zhou dynasty, was of Western Yi origin, but this did not hurt his greatness.
TheYongzheng Emperor also borrowed from Han Yu, indicating that Yi can become Hua and vice versa. In addition, according to Yongzheng, both Hua and Yi were now a part of the same family under the Qing. One of the goals of the tractDayi juemi lu (大義覺迷錄), which the Yongzheng Emperor published and distributed throughout the empire in 1730, was "to undermine the credibility of the hua/yi distinction."[40] However, due to the fact that this tract also helped to expose many unsavoury aspects of court life and political intrigues in the imperial government, Yongzheng's successor theQianlong Emperor (r. 1736–1796) recalled the tracts and had them burned for the fear that it would undermine the legitimacy of the Qing empire.
During the Qing, the Qing destroyed writings that criticised the Liao, Jin and Yuan using the Hua–Yi distinction.[clarification needed]
Sun Yat-sen also used the Hua–Yi distinction to justify the overthrow of the Qing dynasty.[27]
However, the Qing adopted Confucian philosophy and Han Chinese institutions to show that the Manchu rulers had received the Mandate of Heaven, while at the same time trying to retain their own indigenous culture.[41] Due to the Manchus' adoption of Han Chinese culture, most Han Chinese (though not all) accepted the Manchus as the legitimate rulers.
HistorianFrank Dikötter says the Chinese "idea of 'race' (zhong [種], "seed", "species", "race") started to dominate the intellectual scene" in the late 19th-century Qing dynasty and completed the "transition from cultural exclusiveness to racial exclusiveness in modern China" in the 1920s.[42]
Following the overthrow of the Qing, Sun Yat-sen allegedly went to the grave of Zhu Yuanzhang and told him that the Huaxia had been restored and the barbarians overthrown.[citation needed] However, after theRepublic of China revolution, Sun also advocated that all ethnic groups in China were part of the Chinese family.
The PRC did not abide by the concept of the Hua-Yi distinction and recognised the Liao, Jin, Yuan, and Qing as legitimate dynasties. Initially, theCommunist Party condemned all Chinese dynasties as "feudal."
In 57Emperor Guangwu of Han sent an imperial seal which mentions "King of Japan" (漢委奴國王) and in 239Emperor Ming of Cao Wei sent a seal for "pro-Wei King of Japan" (親魏倭王) to Japan.[43]
However, in 607Prince Shōtoku of Japan stated its perspective of being independent and equal to China in a diplomatic letter by referring to the Japanese ruler as theSon of Heaven, another title for the Chinese emperor (日出處天子致書日沒處天子無恙云云; "The Son of Heaven of where the sun rises is writing to the Son of Heaven of where the sun sets").[44] It was taken as an insult by the Chinese emperor of the time,Emperor Yang of Sui, since Heaven is only supposed to have one eldest Son.
Confucianism was introduced into Japan about at the same time as Buddhism, but it was not encouraged to be spread as much as Buddhism was.[citation needed]
Some Japanese philosophers, like the neo-ConfucianistsYamaga Sokō andAizawa Seishisai claimed that Japan was the "Central State" (中國; Chūgoku) instead of China.[citation needed]
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After theQing dynasty succeeded theMing dynasty inChina proper in 1644, the KoreanJoseon dynasty began to refer to itself as "Sojunghwa" (Korean: 소중화;Hanja: 小中華; "Little China"). This sentiment was in large part due to the fact that the Jurchens were descended from the Mohe people, who were once subjects of Goguryeo and Balhae. In addition, the Jurchens were widely recognised as "barbarians", as Jurchen tribes have been raiding and pillaging the northern border regions of Korean Goryeo and Joseon kingdoms for centuries. This sentiment did not disappear even after Qing completed sinicisation.
As the Ming dynasty fell, Korea was worried about its own security. This was due to previous instances in which Ming China aided Korea such as in theJapanese invasions of Korea (1592–98).[45] Long after the establishment of the Qing dynasty, the Joseon ruling elite and even the Joseon government continued to use theChongzhen Emperor'sera name (Korean: 숭정기원;Hanja: 崇禎紀元) of the last Ming emperor.[46] In private they referred to the Manchu emperors of Qing China as the "barbarian ruler" and Qing ambassadors as "barbarian ambassadors".[47] These feelings could not be expressed as the "barbarians" held great power over Korea following their successful invasion in theLater Jin invasion of Joseon in 1627 and theQing invasion of Joseon of 1637. During the reigns of Choson kings such asInjo of Joseon andHyojong of Joseon, many Choson officials believed that Choson should support theSouthern Ming, the remnants of the Ming Dynasty, against the Qing during theTransition from Ming to Qing. These efforts were motivated by the Little China ideology. During the reign of theYongzheng Emperor, the Qing won the loyalty of the Han Chinese gentry, which allowed them to portray the Qing as the legitimate successor of the Ming Dynasty. Despite hesitation amongst Choson literati, the incorporation of Chinese literati by the Qing allowed Choson scholars to reconceptualize the Qing Dynasty as the successor to the Ming's Confucian-led order.[48]
TheRyukyu Kingdom was heavily influenced by Chinese culture, taking language, architecture, and court practices from China.[49] It also paid annual tribute to first the Ming and later Qing courts from 1374 until 1874.
Vietnamese dynasties competed for primacy, adopting the same descriptive term, "Central State" (中國;Trung Quốc), while the Chinese were "outsiders".[50] For example, theGia Long Emperor usedTrung Quốc as a name for Vietnam in 1805.[51]Cambodia was regularly calledCao Man (高蛮), the country of "upper barbarians".[citation needed]
In the 1800s,Nguyễn rulers such as theMinh Mạng Emperor claimed the legacy of Confucianism and China'sHan dynasty for Vietnam. Vietnamese called themselves asHán dân (漢民) andHán nhân (漢人),[52][53] while they referred to ethnic Chinese asThanh nhân (清人) orĐường nhân (唐人).[54] For example, EmperorGia Long saidHán di hữu hạn (漢夷有限, "the Vietnamese and the barbarians must have clear borders") when differentiating between Khmer and Vietnamese.[55]
AsVietnam conquered territory from theKhmer andLao kingdoms and various tribes on theCentral Highlands such as theJarai and theMạ, Emperor Minh Mạng implemented an acculturation integration policy directed at these peoples.[56] He declared, "We must hope that their barbarian habits will be subconsciously dissipated, and that they will daily become more infected by Han [Sino-Vietnamese] customs."[57][58]
Clothing was also affected by Nguyễn policies. LordNguyễn Phúc Khoát ordered traditional wrapped-skirt and cross-collar clothing which is very popular in Sinosphere to be replaced by Qing and Ming-style clothing[59] although isolated hamlets in northern Vietnam continued to wear skirts until the 1920s.[60] Theao dai was created whentucks, which were close fitting and compact, were added to this Chinese style in the 1920s.[61]
Up to 1812, the 1644 Ming Datong calendar was used by the Nguyễn in Vietnam.[62]
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