Thehistory of the Italian Republic concerns the events relating to thehistory of Italy that have occurred since 1946, when Italy became a republic after the1946 Italian institutional referendum. The Italian republican history is generally divided into two phases, the First and Second Republic.
After thefall of the Fascist regime in Italy and the end ofWorld War II, Italian politics and society were dominated byChristian Democracy (DC), a broad-based Christian political party, from 1946 to 1994. From the late 1940s until 1991, the opposition was led by theItalian Communist Party (PCI). Christian Democracy governed uninterrupted during this period, dominating every cabinet and providing nearly every prime minister. It governed primarily with the support of an array of minor parties from thecentre-left to thecentre-right, including theItalian Socialist Party (PSI),Italian Democratic Socialist Party (PSDI),Italian Republican Party (PRI), andItalian Liberal Party (PLI), and evenfar-right parties like theItalian Social Movement (MSI). The Communist Party was excluded entirely from government, with the partial exception of the short-livedHistoric Compromise, in which the PCI provided external support to a DC minority government from 1976 to 1979.
The political situation was radically transformed in the early 1990s due to two major shocks: thedissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 and the wide-reachingTangentopoli corruption scandal from 1992 to 1994. The former caused the dissolution and split of the PCI and splintering of the opposition, while the latter led to the collapse of nearly every established political party in Italy, including Christian Democracy, the PSI, PSDI, PRI, PLI, and others. Anti-establishment sentiment resulted in a1993 referendum enabling the reform of the electoral system from pureproportional representation to a majoritarian-leaningmixed system.
Media magnateSilvio Berlusconi entered politics with his conservativeForza Italia party and won the1994 general election, forming the short-livedBerlusconi I Cabinet. He went on to become one of Italy's most important figures over the next two decades, serving as prime minister again from 2001 to 2006 and 2008 to 2011. The rise of the new conservative right saw the old centre and left consolidate into theOlive Tree coalition, comprising the post-CommunistDemocrats of the Left and Christian democraticThe Daisy, which together founded theDemocratic Party (PD) in 2007. They competed against Berlusconi'scentre-right coalition, comprising Forza Italia, the right-wingNational Alliance, and northern Italian regionalistNorthern League.
The collapse of Berlusconi's fourth cabinet in 2011 resulted in the formation of thetechnocraticMonti Cabinet until 2013. Enduring dissatisfaction saw the rise of the populistFive Star Movement (M5S) and the Northern League (rebranded League,Lega). After the Italian general elections of2013 and2018, grand coalition governments were formed, this time with the participation of populist parties. TheCOVID-19 pandemic and its associated economic issues brought about a government of national unity led byMario Draghi, the formerpresident of the European Central Bank.
In thehistory of Italy there are several so-called "republican" governments that have followed one another over time. Examples are the ancientRoman Republic and the medievalmaritime republics. FromCicero toNiccolò Machiavelli, Italian philosophers have imagined the foundations of political science and republicanism.[a] But it wasGiuseppe Mazzini who revived the republican idea in Italy in the 19th century.[2]
AnItalian nationalist in thehistorical radical tradition and a proponent of a republicanism ofsocial-democratic inspiration, Mazzini helped define the modern European movement forpopular democracy in a republican state.[3] Mazzini's thoughts had a very considerable influence on the Italian and European republican movements, in theConstitution of Italy, aboutEuropeanism and more nuanced on many politicians of a later period, among them American presidentWoodrow Wilson, British prime ministerDavid Lloyd George,Mahatma Gandhi, Israeli prime ministerGolda Meir and Indian prime ministerJawaharlal Nehru.[1] Mazzini formulated a concept known as "thought and action" in which thought and action must be joined together and every thought must be followed by action, therefore rejectingintellectualism and the notion of divorcing theory from practice.[4]
In July 1831, in exile inMarseille, Giuseppe Mazzini founded theYoung Italy movement, which aimed to transform Italy into a unitary democratic republic, according to the principles of freedom, independence and unity, but also to oust the monarchic regimes pre-existing the unification, including theKingdom of Sardinia. The foundation of the Young Italy constitutes a key moment of the ItalianRisorgimento and this republican program precedes in time the proposals for the unification of Italy ofVincenzo Gioberti andCesare Balbo, aimed at reunifying the Italian territory under the presidency of thePope.[5] Subsequently, the philosopherCarlo Cattaneo promoted a secular and republican Italy in the extension of Mazzini's ideas, but organized as afederal republic.[6]
The political projects of Mazzini and Cattaneo were thwarted by the action of the Piedmontese Prime MinisterCamillo Benso, Count of Cavour, andGiuseppe Garibaldi. The latter set aside his republican ideas to favor Italian unity.[9] After having obtained the conquest of the whole ofsouthern Italy during theExpedition of the Thousand, Garibaldi handed over the conquered territories to the king of SardiniaVictor Emmanuel II, which were annexed to the Kingdom of Sardinia after a plebiscite. This earned him heavy criticism from numerous republicans who accused him of treason.[10] While a laborious administrative unification began, afirst Italian parliament was elected and, on 17 March 1861, Victor Emmanuel II wasproclaimed king of Italy.[11]
From 1861 to 1946, Italy was a constitutional monarchy founded on theAlbertine Statute, named after the king who promulgated it in 1848,Charles Albert of Sardinia. The parliament included aSenate, whose members were appointed by the king, and aChamber of Deputies, elected by census vote. In 1861 only 2% of Italians had the right to vote.[11] In the political panorama of the time there was a republican political movement which had its martyrs, such as the soldierPietro Barsanti.[7] Barsanti was a supporter of republican ideas, and was a soldier in theRoyal Italian Army with the rank of corporal. He was sentenced to death and shot in 1870 for having favored an insurrectional attempt against theSavoy monarchy and is therefore considered the first martyr of the modernItalian Republic[7][8] and a symbol ofrepublican ideals in Italy.[12]
The balance of power between the Chamber and Senate initially shifted in favor of the Senate, composed mainly of nobles and industrial figures. Little by little, the Chamber of Deputies took on more and more importance with the evolution of the bourgeoisie and the large landowners, concerned with economic progress, but supporters of order and a certainsocial conservatism.[13]
The Republicans took part in the elections to the Italian Parliament, and in 1853 they formed theAction Party aroundGiuseppe Mazzini. Although in exile, Mazzini was elected in 1866, but refused to take his seat in parliament.Carlo Cattaneo was elected deputy in 1860 and 1867, but refused so as not to have to swear loyalty to theHouse of Savoy. The problem of the oath of loyalty to the monarchy, necessary to be elected, was the subject of controversy within the republican forces. In 1873Felice Cavallotti, one of the most committed Italian politicians against the monarchy, preceded his oath with a declaration in which he reaffirmed his republican beliefs.[14] In 1882, a new electoral law lowered the census limit for voting rights, increasing the number of voters to over two million, equal to 7% of the population.[15] In the same year the Italian Workers' Party was created, which in 1895 became theItalian Socialist Party.[13] In 1895 the intransigent republicans agreed to participate in the political life of the Kingdom, establishing theItalian Republican Party. Two years later, the far left reached its historical maximum level in Parliament with 81 deputies, for the three radical-democratic, socialist components and Republican. With the death of Felice Cavallotti in 1898, the radical left gave up on posing the institutional problem.[16]
In Italian politics, the socialist party progressively divided into two tendencies: a maximalist one, led among others byArturo Labriola andEnrico Ferri, and supporting the use of strikes; the other, reformist and pro-government, was led byFilippo Turati. A nationalist movement emerged, led in particular byEnrico Corradini, as well as a Catholic social and democratic movement, the National Democratic League, led byRomolo Murri. In 1904,Pope Pius X authorized Catholics to participate individually in political life,[17] but in 1909 he condemned the National Democratic League created by Romolo Murri, who was excommunicated.[18] Finally, a law of 3 June 1912 marked Italy's evolution towards a certain political liberalism by establishing universal male suffrage. In 1914, at the outbreak ofWorld War I, Italy began to be counted among the world's liberal democracies.[17]
After World War I, Italian political life was animated by four great movements. Two of these movements were in favor of democratic development within the framework of existing monarchical institutions: the reformist socialists and theItalian People's Party. Two other movements challenged these institutions: the Republican Party on the one hand, and the maximalist socialists. In the 1919 elections, the parties most imbued with republican ideology (the maximalist socialists and the Republican Party) won, obtaining 165 out of 508 seats in the Chamber of Deputies.[19] In the 1921 elections, after the foundation of the Italian Communist Party, the three parties republican, maximalist socialist and communist obtained 145 deputies out of 535. Overall, at the beginning of the interwar period, less than 30% of those elected were in favor of the establishment of a republican regime.[20] In this context, the rise ofBenito Mussolini's fascist movement was based on the bitterness generated by the "mutilated victory", the fear of social unrest and the rejection of revolutionary, republican and Marxist ideology. The liberal political system and part of the aristocracy chose to erect fascism as a bulwark against, in their way of seeing, these dangers.[21]
In October 1922, the nomination of Benito Mussolini as prime minister by KingVictor Emmanuel III, following themarch on Rome, paved the way for the establishment of the dictatorship. TheAlbertine Statute was progressively emptied of its content. Parliament was subject to the will of the new government.[b] The legal opposition disintegrated. On 27 June 1924, 127 deputies left Parliament andretreated to the Aventine Hill, a clumsy maneuver which, in effect, left the field open to the fascists. They then had the fate of Italy in their hands for two decades.[21]
With the implementation of fascist laws (Royal Decree of 6 November 1926), all political parties operating on Italian territory were dissolved, with the exception of theNational Fascist Party. Some of these parties expatriated and reconstituted themselves abroad, especially in France. Thus ananti-fascist coalition was formed on 29 March 1927 in Paris, the "Concentrazione Antifascista Italiana", which brought together theItalian Republican Party, theItalian Socialist Party, theSocialist Unitary Party of Italian Workers, the Italian League for Human Rights and the foreign representation of theItalian General Confederation of Labour. Some movements remained outside, including theItalian Communist Party, the popular Catholic movement and other liberal movements.[22] This coalition dissolved on 5 May 1934 and, in August of the same year, the pact of unity of action was signed between the Italian Socialist Party and the Italian Communist Party.[23]
In the meantime, in Italy, clandestine anti-fascist nuclei were formed, in particular in Milan withFerruccio Parri and in Florence withRiccardo Bauer.[23] Under the impetus of these groups, theAction Party, Mazzini's former republican party, was re-established.[23][c] Between the end of 1942 and the beginning of 1943,Alcide De Gasperi wroteThe reconstructive ideas of Christian Democracy, which laid the foundations of the new Catholic-inspired party, theChristian Democracy. It brought together the veterans ofLuigi Sturzo'sItalian People's Party and the young people of Catholic associations, in particular of the University Federation.[24]
Not only did Victor Emmanuel III appeal to Mussolini to form the government in 1922 and allow him to proceed with the domestication of Parliament, but he did not even draw the consequences of the assassination ofGiacomo Matteotti in 1924. He accepted the title of emperor in 1936 at the end ofSecond Italo-Ethiopian War, then the alliance withNazi Germany and Italy's entry into World War II on 10 June 1940.[25]
Hostilities ended on 29 April 1945,when the German forces in Italy surrendered.Nearly half a million Italians (including civilians) died in World War II,[26] society was divided and the Italian economy had been all but destroyed; per capita income in 1944 was at its lowest point since the beginning of the 20th century.[27]
In the final phases ofWorld War II, KingVictor Emmanuel III, tainted by his former support for theFascist regime, had tried to save the monarchy by nominating his son and heirUmberto "general lieutenant of the kingdom";[28] the king promised that after the end of the war the Italian people could choose its form of government through areferendum. In April 1945, theAllies of World War II advanced in the Po plain supported by theItalian resistance movement, and defeated the fascistItalian Social Republic, apuppet state instituted byNazi Germany and headed byBenito Mussolini. Mussolini was killed by resistance fighters in April 1945. Much likeJapan andGermany, the aftermath of World War II left Italy with a destroyed economy, a divided society, and anger against the monarchy for its endorsement of the Fascist regime for the previous twenty years. These frustrations contributed to a revival of the Italian republican movement.[29]
Victor Emmanuel formally abdicated on 9 May 1946;[30] his son became king asUmberto II of Italy. The1946 Italian institutional referendum was held on 2 June.[31] The republican side won 54% of the vote and Italy officially became a republic. TheKingdom of Italy was no more. It was the first time that the wholeItalian Peninsula was under a form of republican governance since the end of the ancientRoman Republic. TheHouse of Savoy, the Italian royal family, was exiled. Victor Emmanuel left forEgypt, where he died in 1947. Umberto, who had been king for only a month, moved toPortugal. The referendum at the origin of the Italian republic was, however, the subject of some controversy, not least because of some contested results and because of a geographical divide between the North, where the Republic won a clear majority, and the South, where the monarchists were in a majority.[32]
AConstituent Assembly, formed by the representatives of all theanti-fascist forces that contributed to the defeat of Nazi and Fascist forces during theliberation of Italy,[33] was in place between June 1946 and January 1948; it wrote the newConstitution of Italy, which took effect on 1 January 1948. Thepeace treaty between Italy and theAllies of World War II was signed in Paris in February 1947. In 1946, the main Italian political parties were:[34]
Each party had run separate candidates in the1946 general election, and the Christian Democrats won a plurality of votes. The PSI and the PCI received some ministerial posts in a Christian Democrat–led coalition cabinet. PCI's leaderPalmiro Togliatti was minister of Justice. As in France, whereMaurice Thorez and four otherCommunist ministers were forced to leavePaul Ramadier's government during theMay 1947 crisis, both the Italian Communists (PCI) and Socialists (PSI) were excluded from government the same month under pressure from US PresidentHarry Truman.[35]
Since the PSI and the PCI together received more votes than the Christian Democrats, they decided to unite in 1948 to form thePopular Democratic Front (FDP). The 1948 general elections were heavily influenced by the then flaring cold-war confrontation between the Soviet Union and the US.[36] After the Soviet-inspired February 1948 communist coup inCzechoslovakia the US became alarmed about Soviet intentions and feared that the Soviet-funded[37][38] PCI would draw Italy into the Soviet Union's sphere of influence if the leftist coalition were to win the elections. In response, in March 1948 theUnited States National Security Council issued its first document proffering recommendations to avoid such an outcome which were widely and energetically implemented. Tons of letters were sent by mostlyItalian Americans urging Italians not to vote Communist.[39] US agencies made numerous short-wave propaganda radio broadcasts and funded the publishing of books and articles, warning the Italians of the perceived consequences of a Communist victory. The CIA also funded the centre-right political parties and was accused of publishing forged letters to discredit the leaders of the PCI. The PCI itself was accused of being funded by Moscow and theCominform, and in particular via export deals to thecommunist countries.[40]
Fears in the Italian electorate of a possible Communist takeover proved crucial for the electoral outcome on 18 April; the Christian Democrats (Democrazia Cristiana, DC), under the undisputed leadership ofAlcide De Gasperi won a resounding victory with 48% of the vote, which was their best result ever and not repeated since,[41] while the FDP only received 31% of the votes. The Communist Party widely outdid the Socialists in the distribution of seats in Parliament, and gained a solid position as the main opposition party in Italy, even if it would never return in government. For almost four decades, Italian elections were successively won by the DC, acentrist party.
The photo, which later became a "symbol" of the celebrations for the outcome of the referendum, portrays the face of a young woman emerging from a copy ofIl Corriere della Sera of 6 June 1946 with the title «È nata la Repubblica Italiana» ("The Italian Republic is born").
The symbolic photo of the birth of the Republic was taken by Federico Patellani for the weeklyTempo (n. 22, 15-22 June 1946) as part of a photo shoot celebrating the Republic and the new role of women; it was also featured on the front page of theIl Corriere della Sera itself and was later reused in many campaigns and posters.[42]
Only in 2016 was the woman identified as Anna Iberti (1922–1997).[43]
Under theTreaty of Peace with Italy, 1947,Istria,Kvarner, most of theJulian March as well as theDalmatian city ofZara was annexed byYugoslavia causing theIstrian-Dalmatian exodus, which led to the emigration of between 230,000 and 350,000 of local ethnicItalians (Istrian Italians andDalmatian Italians), the others being ethnic Slovenians, ethnic Croatians, and ethnicIstro-Romanians, choosing to maintain Italian citizenship.[44] Later, theFree Territory of Trieste was divided between the two states. Italy also lost all of its colonial possessions, formally ending theItalian Empire. In 1950,Italian Somaliland was made aUnited Nations Trust Territory under Italian administration until 1 July 1960. The Italian border that applies today has existed since 1975, whenTrieste was formally re-annexed to Italy.
In the 1950s Italy became a founding member of theNATO alliance (1949), a member of the United Nations (1955) and an ally of the United States, which helped to revive the Italian economy through theMarshall Plan. In the same years, Italy also became a founding member of theECSC (1952) and of theEuropean Economic Community (1957), later developed into theEuropean Union. At the end of the 1950s, an impressive economic growth was termed "Italian economic miracle", a term that is still recognized inItalian politics. The impact of the economic miracle on Italian society was huge. Fast economic expansion induced massive inflows of migrants from rural Southern Italy to the industrial cities of the North. Emigration was especially directed to the factories of the "industrial triangle", the name for the region placed between the major manufacturing centres ofMilan andTurin and the seaport ofGenoa. Between 1955 and 1971, around 9 million people are estimated to have been involved in inter-regional migrations in Italy, uprooting entire communities and creating large metropolitan areas.[45] At the same time, the doubling of Italian GDP, which occurred between 1950 and 1962[46] Italians families used their newfound wealth to purchase consumer durables for the first time. In 1955, only 3% of households owned refrigerators and 1% washing machines; by 1975, the respective figures were 94% and 76%. In addition, 66% of all homes had come to possess cars.[47] As noted by the historian Paul Ginsborg:[48]
In the twenty years from 1950 to 1970 per capita income in Italy grew more rapidly than in any other European country: from a base of 100 in 1950 to 234.1 in 1970, compared to France's increase from 100 to 136 in the same period, and Britain's 100 to 132. By 1970 Italian per capita income, which in 1945 had lagged far behind that of the northern European countries, had reached 60 per cent of that in France and 82 per cent of that in Britain.
A gapingnorth–south divide was a major factor of socio-economic weakness,[50] a problem that still exists today, and even now there is a huge difference in official income between northern and southern regions and municipalities.[51] Christian Democracy's main support areas (sometimes known as "vote tanks") were the rural areas in South, Center and North-East Italy, whereas the industrial North-West had more left-leaning support because of the larger working class. An interesting exception were the "red regions" (Emilia Romagna, Tuscany,Umbria) where the Italian Communist Party has historically had a wide support.[52] This is considered a consequence of the particular sharecropping ("mezzadria") farming contracts used in these regions.
TheHoly See actively supported the Christian Democracy, judging it would be amortal sin for a Catholic to vote for the Communist Party and excommunicating all its supporters.[53]Giovannino Guareschi wrote his novels aboutDon Camillo describing a village,Brescello, whose inhabitants are at the same time loyal to priest Camillo and Communist mayor Peppone, who are fierce rivals.
In 1953, a Parliamentary Commission on poverty estimated that 24% of Italian families were either "destitute" or "in hardship", 21% of dwellings were overcrowded, 52% of homes in the south had no running drinking water, and only 57% had a lavatory.[54] In the 1950s, several important reforms were launched: e.g., agrarian reform (legge Scelba), fiscal reform (legge Vanoni), and the country enjoyed a period of extraordinary economic development (Italian:miracolo economico,lit. 'economic miracle'). In this period of time, a massive population transfer, from the impoverished South to the booming industrial North, took place. This however exacerbated social contrasts, including between the old-established "worker aristocracy" and the new less qualified immigrants ("operaio-massa") of Southern origin. In addition, a wide gap between rich and poor continued to exist. By the end of the Sixties, it was estimated that 4 million Italians (out of a population of 54.5 million) were unemployed, underemployed, and casual labourers. As noted by the historian Paul Ginsborg, the affluent society to this section of the Italian population "might have meant a television set but precious little else".[48]
During the First Republic, the Christian Democracy slowly but steadily lost support, as society modernised and the traditional values at its ideological core became less appealing to the population. Various options of extending the parliamentary majority were considered, mainly an opening to the left (apertura a sinistra), i.e., to theSocialist Party (PSI), which after the1956 events in Hungary had moved from a position of total subordination to the Communists to an independent position.[55] Proponents of such a coalition proposed a series much-needed "structural reforms" that would modernize the country and create a modern social-democracy. In 1960, an attempt by the right wing of the Christian Democrats to incorporate the neo-fascistItalian Social Movement (MSI) in theTambroni government led to violent and bloody riots (Genoa, Reggio Emilia), and was defeated.[56]
Up until the Nineties, two types of governmental coalitions characterised the politics of post-war Italy. The first were "centrist" coalitions led by the Christian Democracy party together with smaller parties: the PSDI, the PRT, and the PLI. The first democratic government (1947) excluded both the PCI and the PSI, which brought about the political period known as "centrist government", which ruled over Italian politics from 1948 to 1963. The centre-left coalition (DC-PRI-PSDI-PSI) was the second type of coalition that characterised Italian politics, coming about in 1963 when the PSI (formerly the opposition party) went into government with the DC. This coalition lasted in parliament throughout the Sixties and Seventies and then experienced a revival in the Eighties that lasted until the start of the Nineties.[57]
The PSI entered government in 1963. During the first year of the new Centre-Left Government, a wide range of measures were carried out which went some way towards the Socialist Party's requirements for governing in coalition with the Christian Democrats. These included taxation of real estate profits and of share dividends (designed to curb speculation), increases in pensions for various categories of workers, a law on school organisation (to provide for a unified secondary school with compulsory attendance up to the age of 14), the nationalisation of the electric-power industry, and significant wage rises for workers (including those in the newly nationalised electric-power industry), which led to a rise in consumer demand. Urged on by the PSI, the government also made brave attempts to tackle issues relating to welfare services, hospitals, the agrarian structure, urban development, education, and overall planning.[58] For instance, during the Centre-Left Government's time in office, social security was extended to previously uncovered categories of the population.[59] In addition, entrance to university by examination was abolished in 1965.[48] Despite these important reforms, however, the reformist drive was soon lost, and the most important problems (including the mafia, social inequalities, inefficient state/social services, north–south imbalance) remained largely untackled.
The Italian Parliament voted, in December 1962, a law which created anAntimafia Commission. Any question about the need for such a law was obviated by theCiaculli massacre in June of the following year, in which seven policemen and soldiers were killed attempting to defuse a car bomb in the suburbs of Palermo. The existence of the bomb had been disclosed by an anonymous telephone call. The massacre took place in the frame of theFirst Mafia War in the 1960s, with the bomb intended forSalvatore Greco, head of theSicilian Mafia Commission formed in the late 1950s. The Mafia was fighting for the control of the profitable opportunities brought about by rapidurban growth and the heroin trade to North America.[60] The ferocity of the struggle was unprecedented, reaping 68 victims from 1961 to 1963. The Antimafia Commission submitted its final report in 1976. The Mafia had created ties with the political world. The period 1958–1964, whenSalvo Lima (DC) was mayor of Palermo andVito Ciancimino (DC) was assessor for public works, was later referred to as the "Sack of Palermo".
In 1965, theSIFAR intelligence agency was transformed into theSID following an abortedcoup d'état,Piano Solo, which was to give the power to theCarabinieri, then headed by GeneralDe Lorenzo.
The difficult equilibrium of Italian society was challenged by a risingleft-wing movement, in the wake of 1968 student unrest (Sessantotto). This movement was characterized by such heterogeneous events as revolts by jobless farm workers (Avola, Battipaglia 1969), occupations of universities by students, social unrest in the large Northern factories (1969 hot autumn,autunno caldo). While conservative forces tried to roll back some of the social advances of the 1960s, and part of the military indulged in "sabre rattling" to intimidate progressive political forces, numerous left-wing activists became increasingly frustrated at social inequalities, while the myth of guerrilla (Che Guevara, the Uruguayan Tupamaros) and of the Chinese Maoist "cultural revolution" increasingly inspired extreme left-wing violent movements.[61]
Social protests, in which the student movement was particularly active, shook Italy during the 1969 Hot Autumn (autunno caldo), leading to theoccupation of theFiat factory in Turin. In March 1968, clashes occurred at La Sapienza university in Rome, during the "Battle of Valle Giulia".Mario Capanna, associated with theNew Left, was one of the figures of the student movement, along with the members ofPotere Operaio andAutonomia Operaia such asAntonio Negri,Oreste Scalzone,Franco Piperno and ofLotta Continua such asAdriano Sofri.
The period of the late 1960–1970s came to be known as theOpposti Estremismi, (fromleft-wing andright-wing extremists riots), later renamed Years of Lead (anni di piombo) because of a wave of bombings and shootings – the first victim of this period wasAntonio Annarumma, a policeman, killed on 12 November 1969 in Milan during a left-wing demonstration.[62]
In December, four bombings struck in Rome theMonument of Vittorio Emanuele II (Altare della Patria), theBanca Nazionale del Lavoro, and in Milan theBanca Commerciale and theBanca Nazionale dell'Agricoltura. The later bombing, known as thePiazza Fontana bombing of 12 December 1969, killed 16 and injured 90. The bombing was the work of the right-wing groupOrdine Nuovo ("New Order"), whose aim was to prevent the country from falling into the hands of the left wing by duping the public into believing the bombings were part of a communist insurgency.[63]
On 17 May 1972, police officerLuigi Calabresi, who was subsequently awarded a gold medal of the Italian Republic for civil valour, was assassinated in Milan. Sixteen years later,Adriano Sofri,Giorgio Pietrostefani and Ovidio Bompressi and Leonardo Marino were arrested in Milan, accused by the confession of Leonardo Marino, one of the participants in the assassination. Highly controversial, the trial concluded, after an alternance of convictions and acquittals, to their guilt.
During a ceremony in honour of Luigi Calabresi on 17 May 1973, where the Interior MinisterMariano Rumor was present, ananarchist, Gianfranco Bertoli, threw a bomb killing four and injuring 45.[64]
CountEdgardo Sogno revealed in his memoirs that in July 1974, he visited the CIA station chief in Rome to inform him of the preparation of aneo-fascist coup. Asking him what the US government would do in case of such an operation, Sogno wrote that the CIA officer responsible for Italy answered him that "the United States would have supported any initiative tending to keep the communists out of government." General Maletti declared, in 2001, that he had not known about Sogno's relations to the CIA and had not been informed of theright-wing coup, known asGolpe Bianco (White Coup), and prepared withRandolfo Pacciardi.[65]
GeneralVito Miceli, chief of theSIOS military intelligence agency from 1969 on, and head of the SID from 1970 to 1974, was arrested in 1974 on charges of "conspiracy against the state".[66] Following his arrest, the Italian secret services were reorganized with a 24 October 1977 law in a democratic attempt to regain civilian and parliamentary control of them. The SID was divided into the currentSISMI, theSISDE and theCESIS, which had a coordination role and was directly led by thepresident of the Council. Furthermore, aParliamentary Committee on Secret services control (Copaco) was created at the same occasion. 1978 was the year with the most terrorist actions.[67]
Christian DemocratAldo Moro was assassinated in May 1978 by theRed Brigades, a terrorist leftist group then led byMario Moretti. Before his murder, Aldo Moro, a central figure in the Christian Democrat Party, several times prime minister, was trying to include the Communist Party, headed byEnrico Berlinguer, in the parliamentary majority, an operation called theHistoric Compromise. At this point, the PCI was the largest communist party in western Europe; this was largely due to its reformist orientation, to its growing independence from Moscow and to the newEurocommunism doctrine.[68]
In the period of terror attacks of the late 1970s and early 1980s, the parliamentary majority was composed by the parties of thearco costituzionale, i.e., all parties supporting the Constitution, including the Communists, who took a very strong stance against the Red Brigades and other terrorist groups; however, the Communists never took part in the government itself, which was composed by the "Pentapartito" (Christian Democrats, Socialists, Social Democrats, Liberals, and Republicans).[69][70]
Although the 1970s in Italy was marked by violence, it was also a time of great social and economic progress. Following the civil disturbances of the 1960s, Christian Democracy and its allies in government (including the PSI) introduced a wide range of political, social, and economic reforms. Regional governments were introduced in the spring of 1970, with elected councils provided with the authority to legislate in areas like public works, town planning, social welfare, and health. Spending on the relatively poor South was significantly increased, while new laws relating to index-linked pay, public housing, and pension provision were also passed. In 1975, a law was passed entitling redundant workers to receive at least 80% of their previous salary for up to a year from a state insurance fund.[71] Living standards also continued to rise, with wages going up by an average of about 25% a year from the early 1970s onwards, and between 1969 and 1978, average real wages rose by 72%. Various fringe benefits were raised to the extent that they amounted to an additional 50% to 60% on wages, the highest in any country in the Western world. In addition, working hours were reduced so that by the end of the decade they were lower than any other country apart from Belgium. Some categories of workers who were laid off received generous unemployment compensation which represented only a little less than full wages, often years beyond eligibility. Initially, these benefits were primarily enjoyed by industrial workers in northern Italy where the "Hot Autumn" had its greatest impact, but these benefits soon spread to other categories of workers in other areas. In 1975, the escalator clause was strengthened in wage contracts, providing a high proportion of workers with nearly 100% indexation, with quarterly revisions, thereby increasing wages nearly as fast as prices.
A statute of worker's rights that was drafted and pushed into enactment in 1970 by the Socialist labour ministerGiacomo Brodolini, greatly strengthened the authority of the trade unions in the factories, outlawed dismissal without just cause, guaranteed freedom of assembly and speech on the shop floor, forbade employers to keep records of the union or political affiliations of their workers, and prohibited hiring except through the state employment office.[72]
From 1957, Italian workers had partly been sheltered from the falling value of money by what was termed a "moving staircase", which automatically raised wages as prices increased. In 1975, this provision was extended so that all workers received a flat fee that automatically compensated them for as much as 75% of the previous three months' price increases. This meant in practice that money wages rose faster than the cost of living, because better-paid groups fought for extra sums to maintain their differentials, and also because various industries negotiated local and national wage deals in addition to the increments that all workers received. By 1985, the average Italian was twice as rich in real terms as he was in 1960.[54]
By the mid-1970s, Italy had the most generous welfare provisions in Europe, while average Italian workers were among the best paid, most protected, and best treated on the continent.[71]
Because of reforms carried out in the Seventies, Italian families in the Eighties had access to a far wider range of state services than before, such as recreational and sports facilities, subsidies for medicines, proper medical care, and kindergarten schools. In addition, the growth in the income of most Italian families during the Seventies and Eighties was so significant thatGiuseppe De Rita wrote of this period as a "watershed in the history of the Italian family".[48]
Despite these achievements, socio-economic inequalities continued to pervade Italy by the early Eighties. In 1983, it was estimated that over 18% of the population of the South lived below the official poverty line, compared with 6.9% of the population of the North and Centre.[48]
The economic recession went on into the mid-1980s until a set of reforms led to the independence of theBank of Italy[73] and a big reduction of the indexation of wages[74] that strongly reduced inflation rates, from 20.6% in 1980 to 4.7% in 1987.[75] The new macroeconomic and political stability resulted in a second, export-led "economic miracle", based onsmall and medium-sized enterprises, producing clothing, leather products, shoes, furniture, textiles, jewelry, and machine tools. As a result of this rapid expansion, in 1987 Italy overtook the UK's economy (an event known asil sorpasso), becoming the fourth richest nation in the world, after the US, Japan andWest Germany.[76] TheMilan stock exchange increased its market capitalization more than fivefold in the space of a few years.[77]
Meanwhile, the PSI, which was at an all-time low, squeezed in the pincer of the historic compromise attempt between the two major parties, called on the new secretaryBettino Craxi to revive his fortunes, whose political rise represented a factor of innovation in the system of First Republic, now unable to give adequate responses to the changes taking place in Italian society.[78]
In the 1980s, for the first time since 1945, two governments were led by non-Christian Democrat Premiers: RepublicanGiovanni Spadolini and SocialistBettino Craxi.[79] The DC remained, however, the main force supporting the government.
With the end of the Years of Lead, the PCI gradually increased their votes under the leadership ofEnrico Berlinguer. TheSocialist Party (PSI), led byBettino Craxi, became more and more critical of the Communists and of the Soviet Union; Craxi himself pushed in favour of US PresidentRonald Reagan's positioning ofPershing II missiles in Italy, a move the Communists hotly contested.[80]
As the Socialist Party moved to more moderate positions, the ranks of the PCI increased in numbers, and the Communist Party surpassed the Christian Democracy (DC) in theEuropean election of 1984, barely two days after Berlinguer's death, that likely drew sympathy in the population.[81] Huge crowds attended Berlinguer's funeral. That was to be the only time the Christian Democracy was not the largest party in a nationwide election they participated in.[81] In 1984, the Craxi government revised the 1929Lateran Pacts with the Vatican, which concluded the role ofCatholicism as Italy'sstate religion.
With theMani Pulite investigation, starting just one year after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the discovery of the extent of corruption, which involved most of Italy's important political parties, apart from the PCI, led the whole power structure to falter. The scandal became known asTangentopoli, and seemingly indestructible parties like the DC and the PSI disbanded. The Communist Party, although it had not been much worried by legal investigations, changed its name toDemocratic Party of the Left. Observing the fall of the Soviet Union, it took the role of being essentially just one more democratic party in Italy.[82] What was to follow was then called the transition to theSecond Republic.
Economic prosperity rose during the 1980s, with rises in the ownership of goods such as color televisions, cars, washing machines, telephones and refrigerators. Home ownership reached over 66% of Italian families, while over 5 million also had holiday homes as well. Homelessness was also rare.[83] In addition, per capita income rose to $15,120 by 1989; higher than that of Britain's (which stood at $14,610) but lower than that of the United States ($20,630).[84]
Italy faced several terror attacks between 1992 and 1993 perpetrated by theSicilian Mafia as a consequence of several life sentences pronounced during the "Maxi Trial", and of the new anti-mafia measures launched by the government. In 1992, two major dynamite attacks killed the judgesGiovanni Falcone (23 May in theCapaci bombing) andPaolo Borsellino (19 July in theVia D'Amelio bombing).[85] One year later (May–July 1993), tourist spots were attacked, such as theVia dei Georgofili in Florence,Via Palestro in Milan, and the PiazzaSan Giovanni in Laterano and Via San Teodoro in Rome, leaving 10 dead and 93 injured and causing severe damage to cultural heritage such as theUffizi Gallery. The Catholic Church openly condemned the Mafia, and two churches were bombed and an anti-Mafia priest shot dead in Rome.[86][87]
From 1992 to 1997, Italy faced significant challenges as voters (disenchanted with past political paralysis, massive government debt, extensive corruption, and organized crime's considerable influence collectively calledTangentopoli after being uncovered byMani pulite – "Clean hands") demanded political, economic, and ethical reforms. The scandals involved all major parties, but especially those in the government coalition: between 1992 and 1994 theDC underwent a severe crisis and was dissolved, splitting up into several pieces, among which were theItalian People's Party and theChristian Democratic Center. ThePSI (and the other governing minor parties) completely dissolved. This "revolution" of the Italian political landscape, happened at a time when some institutional reforms (notably changes in the electoral laws intended to diminish the power of political parties) were taking place.
In theItalian referendums of 1993, voters approved substantial changes, including moving from aproportional to partially compensatorymixed member majoritarian (not mixed-member proportional representation) system (with the requirement to obtain a minimum of 4% of the national vote to obtain representation) which is largely dominated by amajoritarian electoral system and the abolishment of some ministries (some of which have however been reintroduced with only partly modified names, as theMinistry of Agriculture being renamed the Ministry of Agricultural Resources).[88]
Major political parties, beset by scandal and loss of voter confidence, underwent far-reaching changes. The main changes in the political landscape were:
Berlusconi managed to ally himself toboth the National Alliance and the Northern League, without these being allied with each other. Forza Italia teamed up with the League in the North, where they competed against National Alliance, and with National Alliance in the rest of Italy, where the League was not present. This unusual coalition configuration was caused by the deep hate between the League, which had many supporters who wanted to separate from the rest of Italy and held Rome in deep contempt, and thenationalist post-fascists; on one occasion, Bossi encouraged his supporters to go find National Alliance supporters "house by house," seemingly suggesting alynching (which however did not actually take place).[92]
The left-wing parties formed a coalition, theProgressisti, which however did not have as clear a leader as Berlusconi.Achille Occhetto, secretary of theDemocratic Party of the Left, was however considered to be its main figure.
The remains of the Christian Democracy formed a third, centrist coalition, proposing reformistMario Segni as their prime minister candidate. The Christian Democracy reverted to the old name "Popular Party," first used at the beginning of the 20th century, and was led byMino Martinazzoli.
The election saw a major turnover in the new parliament, with 452 out of 630 deputies and 213 out of 315 senators elected for the first time.[93]
The 1994 elections marks the beginning of the Second Republic.[94] They were the first elections to use the newMattarellum majoritarian voting system, adopted in 1993 to replace the proportional representation system that had been in use since 1946. The transition from the first to the second Republic represented a change within the political system, rather than an overhaul of the constitution, as happened in France, as the republican constitution and most of the institutions but the voting system remained the same in force since 1948. The term is commonly used, at a journalistic[95] but also a scientific level,[96] to emphasize the comparison of the Italian institutional political structure before and after the period 1992–1994, but also its reflection on important economic aspects.[97]
The 1994 elections also swept media magnateSilvio Berlusconi (leader of thePole of Freedoms coalition, which includedForza Italia, the regionalist far-rightLega Nord party and the far-rightNational Alliance), into office as prime minister; however, Berlusconi was forced to step down in December 1994 when Lega Nord withdrew support because they disagreed on the pension reform.[98] The Berlusconi government was succeeded by atechnical government headed byLamberto Dini, who left office in early 1996.
.jpg)
A series ofcentre-left coalitions dominated Italy's political landscape between 1996 and 2001, which introduced a number of progressive reforms in areas such as social security.[99][100][101]In April 1996, national elections led to the victory of a centre-left coalition under the leadership ofRomano Prodi. TheOlive Tree includedPDS,PPI (the largest surviving piece of the former DC), and other small parties, with "external support" from theCommunist Refoundation Party (voting confidence but not entering government). Prodi's government became the third-longest to stay in power before he narrowly lost a vote of confidence, by three votes, in October 1998. Prodi's programme consisted in restoring the country's economic health, to pursue the then seemingly unreachable goal of leading the country within the strictEuro convergence criteria set atMaastricht and make the country join theEuro. He succeeded in this in little more than six months.
His government fell in 1998 when the Communist Refoundation Party withdrew its support. This led to the formation of a new government led byMassimo D'Alema as prime minister. As the result of a vote of no confidence in Prodi's government, D'Alema's nomination was passed by a single vote, with the support of a loyal Communist faction (PdCI) and of some centrist MPs (UDR) led by former president of the RepublicFrancesco Cossiga. While D'Alema was prime minister, Italy took part in theNATO bombing of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1999. The attack was supported bySilvio Berlusconi and the centre-right opposition, but thefar left strongly contested it.[102] It was a very important test about the government loyalty to NATO and the country's foreign policy, as it concerned the first post-Communist leader of Italy and the first military action formally outside a UN mandate.[103]
In May 1999, the Parliament selectedCarlo Azeglio Ciampi as thepresident of the Italian Republic. Ciampi, a former prime minister and Minister of the Treasury, and before the governor of theBank of Italy, was elected on the first ballot with an easy margin over the required two-thirds votes.[104] In April 2000, following poor performance by his coalition inregional elections, D'Alema resigned.The succeeding caretaker centre-left government, including most of the same parties, was headed byGiuliano Amato (who previously served as prime minister in 1992–93) until the2001 election. Aconstitutional referendum in 2001 confirmed aconstitutional amendment to introduceearly federalization, with residual legislative competence upon the Regions instead than upon the State.
TheMay 2001 election, where both coalitions useddecoy lists to undermine the proportional-compensation part of the electoral system, ushered a refashionedcentre-right coalition,House of Freedoms dominated by Berlusconi's party, Forza Italia (29.2%) and includingAlleanza Nazionale (12.5%), theLega Nord, theChristian Democratic Center and theUnited Christian Democrats. TheOlive Tree coalition (The Daisy (14.5%) and theDemocrats of the Left (16.7%)) sat in the opposition.
Berlusconi's II foreign policy was characterised by a strongatlanticist trend, coupled with a positive attitude towards Putin's Russia and Erdogan's Turkey. Berlusconi advocated theaccession of Turkey to the EU (notwithstanding the opposition of coalition partnerLega Nord) and at the2002 Rome summit aNATO-Russia Council was set up. InUN reform issues, Italy took the lead of theUniting for Consensus group, aiming at blocking a new German seat at theUN Security Council, while advocating for a unitaryEU seat
The27th G8 summit, held inGenoa in July 2001 represented the first international task of the government. The huge protest, mounting to 200,000 demonstrators from all over Europe, was countered by strong police repression.[105] Dozens were hospitalized following clashes with police and night raids by security forces on two schools housing activists and independent journalists. People taken into custody after the raids have alleged severe abuse at the hands of police.One demonstrator was shot dead.
Berlusconi made Italy take part in theAfghanistan war (2001) and in theUS-led military coalition in Iraq in 2003, although always stressing that Italy was taking part in a "peace operation" and not in a war operation outside the UN framework (prohibited by art.11 of the Italian Constitution). The move was widely unpopular (especially in the case of Iraq), and was met by protests and manifestations.[106]
Italy's participation in the Iraq war, with the control over theNassiriya sector was marked by the2003 Nasiriyah bombing, in which 17 soldiers were killed, and by an incident with the US, concerning the death, byfriendly fire, of aSISMI agent,Nicola Calipari, during the March 2005rescue of Giuliana Sgrena, a reporter fromIl Manifesto.
Inlabour law, the government introduced extensive flexibility through the 30/2003 Act. In the field of justice, a reform of theRight of self-defense Act was introduced to please theLega Nord. The 2002Bossi-Fini Act represented a restrictive approach to immigration, while the 2006Fini-Giovanardi Act strengthened theprohibitionary approach to drug policy. Apoint-system driver's licence was introduced in 2003, and compulsoryconscription wasreplaced by a professional army since 2005.[107] Aconstitutional reform includingfederalization and strengthened executive powers, passed in the Parliament, was rejected by aconfirmation referendum in 2006.
Berlusconi's term was widely criticised for the approval ofad personam (personal) laws (usually named from the rapporteur minister or MP), especially in the field of justice,[108] such as:
Internally, Berlusconi set up theMitrokhin Commission, directed by senatorPaolo Guzzanti (Forza Italia), to investigate on alleged KGB ties by left-wing (then-opposition) politicians. The commission, closed in March 2006 without producing a final report, was very controversial, in particular after claiming thatRomano Prodi, at that time Prime Minister of Italy, and formerpresident of the European Commission, had been "KGB's man in Italy."[109] One of the Senator Guzzanti's informants,Mario Scaramella, was arrested at the end of December 2006 for defamation and arms-trade.
A new electoral law was established in 2005 by theCalderoli Law, and it is a form ofsemi-proportional representation. A party presents its ownclosed list and it can join other parties in alliances. The coalition which receives aplurality automatically wins at least 26 seats. Respecting this condition, seats are divided between coalitions, and subsequently to party lists, using thelargest remainder method with aHare quota. To receive seats, a party must overcome the barrage of 8% of the vote if it contests a single race, or of 3% of the vote if it runs in alliance. The change in the electoral law was strongly requested by theUDC, and finally agreed by Berlusconi, although criticised (including by political scientistGiovanni Sartori[110]) for its comeback toproportionalism and its timing, less than one year before general elections.Provision was also included, on the input ofMirko Tremaglia, to ease the vote of Italians resident abroad; paradoxically, Italians abroad proved crucial in securing centre-left victory in 2006 elections.[111]
Romano Prodi, with a centre-left coalition (The Union), won theApril 2006 general election by a very narrow margin due toCalderoli new electoral law, althoughSilvio Berlusconi first refused to acknowledge defeat.[112] Prodi's coalition proved to be extremely frail, as the two-vote margin in the Senate allowed almost any party in the coalition to veto legislation and political views inside the coalition spanned from the left-wingcommunist parties to the centrist Christian Democrats.[113]
In foreign policy, the Prodi II Cabinet continued theengagement in Afghanistan, under UN command, while withdrawing troops frompost-invasion Iraq. The major effort of foreign ministerMassimo D'Alema concerned the aftermath of the2006 Lebanon War, being the first to offer troops to the UN for the constitution of theUNIFIL force, and assuming its command in February 2007.[114] Less than a year after he had won the elections, on 21 February 2007, Prodi tendered his resignation to Head of State Giorgio Napolitano after the government was defeated in the Senate by 2 ballots in a vote on foreign policy. On 24 February, President Napolitano invited him to return to office and face a vote of confidence.
Major causes of friction inside the coalition were, the 2006pardon Act (criticised by the right and by theIDV party), a draft bill to establishcivil unions (vetoed by Christian Democrats), Italy's continuedinvolvement in Afghanistan (strongly opposed by left-wing parties), and finally the much publicized house-arrest ofClemente Mastella's wife (then a prominent politician at the regional level) over a corruption scandal. Mastella's party,UDEUR, held just enough seats in the Senate that his eventual decision to withdraw its support for the government meant the end of the legislature on 6 February 2008. Mastella, who also resigned from his office as Minister of Justice, cited the lack of personal support from his coalition partners' as one of the reasons behind his decision,[115] together with a proposed reform of the electoral system which would have made it difficult for small parties like his own to gain seats in the Italian Parliament.
_cropped.jpg)
Berlusconi won the lastsnap elections in 2008, with thePeople of Freedom party (fusion of his previousForza Italia party and of Fini'sAlleanza Nazionale) againstWalter Veltroni of theDemocratic Party.
The electoral campaign was waged by Berlusconi on the tones of criminal insecurity brought in the country by the 2006pardon act, on theNaples waste management issue (although this will remain haunting the government in the following years), on the need to avoid bankruptcy ofAlitalia or its takeover byAir France, on the need to limit the use ofwiretapping byprosecutors andmagistrates to avoid judicial prosecution of citizens, and on the abolition of the local council property tax.[116]
The 2008Lodo Alfano Act (declared unconstitutional in 2009) granted immunity from prosecution to the four highest political offices in Italy, including Berlusconi. The 2009Maroni decree (dubbedsecurity package) includes a set of measures against criminality andillegal immigration, allowing for the use of private patrols (however with modest actual impact), criminalisation ofstalking and compulsoryincarceration for sex offenses. The 2009fiscal shield provided for the regularisation of capitals illegally detained abroad;[117] local council property tax was abolished the same year.
A Treaty of Friendship was signed between Italy andLibya in 2008 inBenghazi. The treaty provides for the closure of colonial contentious, upon investments from Italy for 5 bln € in 20 years in infrastructure in Libya; for the mutual commitment not to act in a hostile way (criticised as not legally compliant with Italy'sNATO obligations). Libyan DictatorMuammar al-Gaddafi subsequently visited Rome in June, July and August 2009, sparkling controversies for his initiatives and speeches. The Berlusconi government was criticised for the lack of firmness toward the Libyan autocracy and the lack of requests of respect of human rights.[118]
The case ofEluana Englaro (who had been comatose for 17 years) re-ignited the debate on theright to die in Italy. After the family ofEluana Englaro succeeded in having herright to die recognised by the judges and getting doctors to stop her forced feeding in the way established by the court, the government issued a legally controversial decree to stop the doctor from letting her die,[119] thrusting Italy into a constitutional crisis when thepresident Giorgio Napolitano refused to sign the decree.[120] The crisis was defused by Eluana's final death.
The2009 L'Aquila earthquake caused the death of 308 persons and made about 65,000 homeless. Berlusconi made a point of honour of the reconstruction, although this was accompanied by criticisms, especially by the inhabitants ofL'Aquila. The35th G8 summit of 2009 was hastily moved fromLa Maddalena toL'Aquila in an effort to promote reconstruction.[121]
On 13 December 2009, Berlusconi was hit in the face with an alabaster[122] statuette ofMilan Cathedral after a rally inMilan'sPiazza Duomo, suffering facial and teeth injuries. The attacker was found to have a history of mental illness but no previous criminal record.[123][124] Between 2009 and 2010, Berlusconi was involved in aprostitution scandal leading to his divorce: he was revealed to having had close acquaintance with pre-18-year-old girls, and severalcall girls presented proofs of having had sex with him and having been paid for that. In one case, Berlusconi was accused of using his influence to obtain the release of a 17-year-old Moroccan girl, of his acquaintance, who was arrested for theft; Berlusconi pretended she was a close relative ofHosni Mubarak.[121]
In 2010, Berlusconi's party saw the splintering ofGianfranco Fini's new faction, which formed a parliamentary group and voted against him in a no-confidence vote on 14 December 2010. Berlusconi's government was able to avoid no-confidence thanks to support from sparse MPs, but lost a consistent majority in the lower Chamber.[125] A controversial university reform was passed in late 2010 and carries the name of Education ministerMariastella Gelmini. Berlusconi's already low international credibility fell further in 2011 during theEuropean sovereign-debt crisis. Financial markets showed their disapproval through an unsustainable increase ofspreads between Italian and German government bond yields. Berlusconi resigned in November 2011; he later blamed German chancellorAngela Merkel.[126]
On 12 November 2011,Mario Monti was invited by President Giorgio Napolitano to form a new technocratic government following Berlusconi's resignation. Monti's government was made up of non-political figures but received very wide support in Parliament, both on the centre-right and on the centre-left; the Northern League was in opposition.[127] Monti proceeded to implement structural reforms and to cut government expenses.[128]
After thegeneral election held on 24 and 25 February 2013, the centre-left allianceItaly Common Good led by theDemocratic Party obtained a clear majority of seats in the Chamber of Deputies, thanks to a majority bonus that has effectively trebled the number of seats assigned to the winning force, while in the popular vote it narrowly defeated the centre-right alliance of former prime ministerSilvio Berlusconi. Close behind, the new anti-establishmentFive Star Movement of comedianBeppe Grillo became the third force, clearly ahead of the centrist coalition of outgoing Prime MinisterMario Monti. In theSenate, no political group or party won an outright majority, resulting in ahung parliament.[129]
On 22 April 2013, the President of the Republic,Giorgio Napolitano, after hisre-election and consultations with the political forces, gave to thevice-secretary of the Democratic Party,Enrico Letta, the task of forming a government, becausePier Luigi Bersani, leader of the winning centre-left coalitionItaly Common Good, could not form a government because it did not have a majority in the Senate.[130]
In theEuropean migrant crisis of the 2010s, Italy was the entry point and leading destination for most asylum seekers entering the EU. From 2013 to 2018, the country took in over 700,000 migrants and refugees,[131] mainly from sub-Saharan Africa,[132] which caused strain on the public purse and a surge in the support forfar-right orEurosceptic political parties.[133][134]
Letta's cabinet lasted until 22 February 2014, as the government fell apart after the Democratic Party retired its support of Letta in favour ofMatteo Renzi, the mayor of Florence and nicknamedil Rottamatore ("The Scrapper", or "The Wrecker"). Renzi succeeded Letta as prime minister at the head of a newgrand coalitiongovernment with Democratic Party,New Centre-Right,Civic Choice, and a number of minor parties. TheRenzi Cabinet is the youngest government of Italy up to date, with an average age of 47.[135] In addition, it is also the first in which the number of female ministers is equal to the number of male ministers.[136]
On 31 January 2015Sergio Mattarella, judge of theConstitutional Court, former DC minister and former member of the PD, waselectedPresident of the Italian Republic at the fourth ballot with 665 votes out of 1,009, with support from the government parties,Left Ecology Freedom, and non-party independents.[137][138]Mattarella was officially endorsed by the Democratic Party, after his name was put forward by the Prime MinisterMatteo Renzi.[139] Mattarella replacedGiorgio Napolitano, who had served for nine years, the longest presidency in the history of the Italian Republic.
The Renzi cabinet had several new laws passed: labour was reformed (Jobs act),same-sex unions were recognized, and a new electoral system was approved (labelledItalicum). The latter, however, was eventually abolished by theConstitutional Court.[140] The government also tried to amend the Constitution to reform the composition and powers of the Parliament: however, when the voters were called to confirm or reject the reform throughreferendum, the majority (59%) voted against it.
Renzi and his government resigned and President Mattarella appointed new prime minister, Renzi'sminister of Foreign AffairsPaolo Gentiloni, who led Italy until the2018 Italian general election, where the first party of Parliament become theanti-establishmentFive Star Movement.
Through an alliance withMatteo Salvini's euroscepticalLega Nord,Five Star Movement proposed to President Mattarella the appointment ofGiuseppe Conte as new prime minister of a coalition government. After a failed attempt, caused by the veto of President Mattarella to the appointment ofPaolo Savona asMinister of Finance,[141] Conte formed the new government (Conte I Cabinet). In August 2019, after the2019 European Parliament election where Lega Nord exceeded the Five Star Movement, and the increase of the tension between the political parties, Lega Nord proposed ano-confidence vote versus Conte,[142] so the Prime Minister resigned. After new consultations, President Mattarella reappointed Conte as prime minister in a coalition government between the Five Star Movement and the Democratic Party, led by the new SecretaryNicola Zingaretti (Conte II Cabinet).
In 2020, Italy was hit by theCOVID-19 pandemic, along with several other countries. The Italian government implementedrestrictive measures of social distancing and lockdown with the aim to slow down contagion. In January 2021, after some week of tension, the Conte II government lost the support ofItalia Viva, the political party of former prime minister Renzi. Conte, after some attempts to remain at the head of government, was therefore forced to resign.
President Mattarella, because of the severe nature of the economic and pandemic crises, appointed a new prime minister of a grand coalition government, former president of the European Central Bank,Mario Draghi, who led a cabinet with the support of all political parties in Parliament, except the right-wing partyBrothers of Italy.
Thanks to a massive influx of vaccine doses, it was possible to accelerate the vaccination campaign against COVID-19 pandemic (with 85% of the population over-12 vaccinated at the end of December 2021).[143] The National Recovery and Resilience Plan (PNRR) was also drawn up and started to apply, a document that established the intended use of theNext Generation EU funds and loans due to Italy.[144]
In January 2022, Italian President Sergio Mattarella was re-elected to serve a second consecutive seven-year term.[145] On 21 July 2022, following agovernment crisis which ended with FI, League and the M5S deciding to withdraw their support to the government, Prime Minister Draghi resigned. PresidentSergio Mattarella consequently dissolved the Parliament[146] and called asnap election, which resulted in thecentre-right coalition gaining an absolute majority of seats.[147]
.jpg)
On 22 October 2022,Giorgia Meloni was sworn in as Italy's first female prime minister. HerBrothers of Italy party formed a right-wing government with the far-rightLeague and centre-rightForza Italia of ex-prime ministerSilvio Berlusconi.[148] TheMeloni government is the 68th government of theItalian Republic. The government was announced on 21 October 2022 and was officially sworn in on the next day.[149][150] It was one of the fastest government formations in the history of the Italian Republic.[151] It was variously described as a shift to thepolitical right,[152] as well as the firstfar-right-led coalition in Italy sinceWorld War II.[153][154]
{{cite news}}: CS1 maint: postscript (link){{cite news}}: CS1 maint: postscript (link)| History |
| ||||||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Geography | |||||||||||||||||
| Politics | |||||||||||||||||
| Economy | |||||||||||||||||
| Society |
| ||||||||||||||||
