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Somalia (Somali:Somaliya;aṣ-Ṣūmāl), officially theFederal Republic of Somalia (Somali:Jamhuuriyadda Federaalka Soomaaliya,Jumhūriyyat aṣ-Ṣūmāl al-Fideraaliya) and formerly known as theSomali Democratic Republic, is a country located in theHorn of Africa.
In antiquity, the region now known as Somalia was referred to as the second "Barbaria" by the Greeks and Romans;[1] similarly, Arab sources, including the geographer al Idrisi, identified it as al-Barbara.[2] The country was an important centre for commerce with the rest of the ancient world,[3][4] and according to most scholars,[5][6] it was the seat of ancientLand of Punt that thrived during bronze age.[7][8]
During the classic era until theMiddle Ages, several powerful Somali states and port towns dominated the regional trade, including theSultanate of Mogadishu and theAjuran Sultanate, both centered around the port town ofMogadishu. Additionally, the port towns ofBarawe andMerca played significant roles in this commercial network which were part of theAzania city states during classic era[citation needed]. Preceding these medieval states were ancient civilisations such as the legendaryMacrobian Kingdom, noted byHerodotus for its wealth and wisdom, and theBarbario civilisation, an early pre-Islamic civilisation that helped lay the foundations for the region's prosperous trade routes.
In the late 19th century, through a succession of treaties with these kingdoms, theItalian colonial empire gained control of parts of the coast, and established the colony ofItalian Somaliland.[9][10] In southern parts of Somalia, the Italians fought a decades-long war, dubbed theBanadir Resistance, with the Somalis around the port town ofMerca. Italy acquired full control of the northeastern, central and southern parts of the territory after successfully waging aCampaign of the Sultanates against the rulingMajeerteen Sultanate and theSultanate of Hobyo.[10] This occupation lasted until 1941 when it was replaced by a Britishmilitary administration.
In 1950, the Trust Territory of Somaliland under Italian administration was established as aUnited Nations Trusteeship, with a promise of independence after 10 years. British Somaliland, nominally independent as theState of Somaliland (nowSomaliland) for four days, merged as planned with the trust territory in 1960. Together, they formed the independentSomali Republic under a civilian government, the Somali National Assembly, headed byHaji Bashir Ismail Yusuf.[11] The administration lasted until 1969, when theSupreme Revolutionary Council led byMohamed Siad Barre, seized power in a bloodless coup and renamed the country theSomali Democratic Republic. In 1991, theSomali Civil War divided the entire country. Despite the establishment of theInterim,Transitional, andFederal governments, Somalia remains divided withSomaliland gainingde facto independence.
Somalia has been inhabited since at least thePaleolithic, when theDoian and Hargeisan cultures flourished.[12] The oldest evidence of burial customs in the Horn of Africa comes from cemeteries in Somalia dating back to the 4th millennium BC.[13] The stone implements from the Jalelo site in the north (about halfway betweenBerbera andHargeisa) were also characterized in 1909 as important artefacts demonstrating the archaeological universality during the Paleolithic between the East and the West.[14][15]
According to anautosomal DNA research in 2014 on ancient and modern populations, theAfroasiatic languages likely spread acrossAfrica and theNear East by an ancestral population(s) carrying a newly identified "non-African" (Western Eurasian) genetic component, which the researchers dub the "Ethio-Somali" component. This genetic component is most closely related to the"Maghrebi" component and is believed to have diverged from other "non-African" (Western Eurasian) ancestries at least 23,000 years ago. The "Ethio-Somali" genetic component is prevalent among modern Afroasiatic-speaking populations, and found at its highest levels amongCushitic peoples in theHorn of Africa. On this basis, the researchers suggest that the original Ethio-Somali carrying population(s) probably arrived in the pre-agricultural period (12–23 ka) from theNear East, having crossed over into northeast Africa via the Sinai Peninsula and then split into two, with one branch continuing west acrossNorth Africa and the other heading south into the Horn of Africa.[16] A similar view has already been proposed earlier, suggesting that the ancestors of Afroasiatic speakers could have been a population originating in the Near East that migrated toNortheast Africa during theLate Palaeolithic with a subset later moving back to the Near East.[17] According toAnthropologists, the ancestors of the Somali people arrived in the region during the ensuingNeolithic period.[18][19]
TheLaas Geel cave complex on the outskirts ofHargeisa in northwestern Somalia hasrock art which dates back around 5,000 years and has depicting both wild animals and decorated cows.[20] Othercave paintings are found in the northernDhambalin region, which feature one of the earliest known depictions of a hunter on horseback. The rock art is in the distinctive Ethiopian-Arabian style, dated to 1000 to 3000 BCE.[21][22] Additionally, between the towns ofLas Khorey andEl Ayo in northern Somalia liesKarinhegane, the site of numerous cave paintings of real and mythical animals. Each painting has an inscription below it, which collectively have been estimated to be around 2,500 years old.[23][24]
Ancient Somalia domesticated the camel somewhere between the third millennium and second millennium BCE from where it spread toAncient Egypt and North Africa.[25]
Ancientpyramidical structures,mausoleums,ruined cities andstone walls found in Somalia (such as theWargaade Wall) are evidence of an old sophisticated civilization that once thrived in the Somali peninsula.[26][27] The findings of archaeological excavations and research in Somalia show that this civilization enjoyed a lucrative trading relationship withAncient Egypt andMycenaean Greece since the second millennium BCE. This supports the hypothesis of Somalia and/or the adjacent Horn territories corresponding with the ancientLand of Punt.[26][28] The Puntites tradedmyrrh, spices, gold,ebony, short-horned cattle, ivory andfrankincense with the Ancient Egyptians, Phoenicians, Babylonians, Indians, Chinese and Romans through their commercial ports. An Ancient Egyptian expedition sent to Punt by the 18th dynasty QueenHatshepsut is recorded on the temple reliefs atDeir el-Bahari, during the reign of the Puntite King Parahu and Queen Ati.[26] According to Christiane Noblecourt, these expeditions were further facilitated by the existence of a common language between Egypt and Punt.[29] Traces of these ties also survive in Somali folklore. One recorded myth describes the origin of the Egyptian Pharaohs as follows:
“There were once two brothers: one tall and strong, the other short and thin; they lived in the Peninsula. One day the little one, very jealous of his brother, went north and settled in Egypt. And since he had an inferiority complex, he built great pyramids and sculpted huge statues.”[30]
One of the main scholarly work on Punt, written from a native Somali standpoint, was by Somali historian Muxamed Ibraahim Muxamed, who wrote the work:Taariikhda Soomaaliya: dalkii filka weynaa ee punt.[31]
Ancient urban centers and trade networks in Somalia have long attracted scholarly attention. Archaeological surveys in northern Somalia have identified over seventy ruined towns, including four urban centers that date to around 2,000 years ago: Salweyn (Mundus), Daamo (Cape of Spices), and two settlements in Xaafun (Opone).[32] Archaeological research indicates a culture of literacy in these city-states, as hundreds of ancient inscriptions have been uncovered, including as-yet-undeciphered indigenous scripts.[33]Little is known about the dynasties that ruled these city-states. One local tradition recounts a King of Barbary who had two daughters, “Hoobaal” and “Heelley,” stating that the king’s love for them was so great that it compelled future generations of Somali composers and poets to introduce their names at the beginning or end of their works.[30] Additionally, some depictions of rulers from these city-states, dating to roughly 2,000 years ago, have been identified, potentially offering visual evidence of their reigns.[34]
In theclassical period, theSomali city-states ofMosylon,Opone,Malao,Sarapion,Mundus,Essina and Tabae in Somalia developed a lucrativetrade network connecting with merchants fromPhoenicia,Ptolemic Egypt, Greece,Parthian Persia,Sheba,Nabataea and theRoman Empire.[34] They used the ancient Somali maritime vessel known as thebeden to transport their cargo. By around 300 BC, certain historical records identify Somali sailors as among the most active in the Indian Ocean, surpassing Arab mariners in maritime trade.[35]
After theRoman conquest of the Nabataean Empire and the Roman naval presence atAden to curb pillaging, Somali and Gulf Arab merchants by agreement barred Indian ships from trading in the free port cities of theArabian Peninsula[36] to protect the interests of Somali and Arab merchants in the extremely lucrative ancientRed Sea–Mediterranean Sea commerce.[37] However, Indian merchants continued to trade in the port cities of theSomali Peninsula, which was free from Roman interference.[38]
For centuries, the Indian merchants brought large quantities ofcinnamon fromSri Lanka andIndonesia to Somalia and Arabia. This is said to have been the best kept secret of the Somali and Gulf Arab merchants in their trade with theRoman andGreek world. The Romans and Greeks believed the source of cinnamon to have been the Somali peninsula, but in reality, the highly valued product was brought to Somalia by way of Indian ships.[39] Through collusive agreement by Somali and Gulf Arab traders, Indian/Chinese cinnamon was also exported for far higher prices to North Africa, theNear East and Europe, which made the cinnamon trade a very profitable revenue generator, especially for the Somali merchants through whose hands large quantities were shipped across ancient sea and land routes.[37]
Islam was introduced to the northern Somali coast early on from theArabian peninsula, shortly after thehijra (akamigration to Abyssinia).Zeila's two-mihrabMasjid al-Qiblatayn dates to the 7th century, and is the oldest mosque in Africa.[40] In the late 9th century,Al-Yaqubi wrote thatMuslims were living along the northern Somali seaboard.[41] He also mentioned that the Adal kingdom had its capital in the city,[41][42] suggesting thatAdal with Zeila as its headquarters dates back to at least the 9th or 10th century. Adal's history from this founding period forth would, as a vassal of theSultanate of Ifat, be characterized by a succession of battles with neighbouringAbyssinia.[42] According to Ibn al Mujawir, by 1228–9 AD emerging polities in northern Somalia had grown powerful enough to capture the Yemeni port of Aden from the 'Al Qumr' and construct its waterworks.[43]
Throughout the Middle Ages, Arab immigrants arrived in Somalia, a historical experience which would later lead to the legendary stories about Muslimsheikhs such asDaarood andIshaaq bin Ahmed (the purported ancestors of theDarod andIsaaq clans, respectively) travelling from Arabia to Somalia and marrying into the localDir clan.[44]
The Sultanate of Mogadishu's first dynasty was established by Abubakr bin Fakhr ad-Din. This ruling house was succeeded by different dynasties like the Qahtani, Hilwaani and eventually the Muzaffar dynasty and remained a powerful regional trading city-state, being the first to make use of the gold mines inSofala.[45] Eventually at the end of the 16th century the Muzaffarid dynasty allied themselves to the SomaliAjuran Empire[46] For many years,Mogadishu stood as the pre-eminent city in the بلاد البربر,Bilad-al-Barbar ("Land of the Berbers"), which was the medieval Arab term for the Somali coast.[47][48][49][50] Following his visit to the city, the 12th century Syrian historianYaqut al-Hamawi wrote that it was inhabited by "Berbers", the ancestors of the modern Somalis.[51][52][53]
The conquest of Shoa ignited a rivalry for supremacy between theChristian Solomonids and theMuslim Ifatites, which resulted in several devastating wars and ultimately ended in a Solomonic victory over theSultanate of Ifat. Parts of northwestern Somalia came under the rule of the Solomonids in medieval times, especially during the reign ofAmda Seyon I (r. 1314–1344). In 1403 or 1415 (under EmperorDawit I or EmperorYeshaq I, respectively), measures were taken against the Muslim Sultanate of Adal. The Emperor eventually captured KingSa'ad ad-Din II of theWalashma dynasty in Zeila and had him executed. The Walashma Chronicle, however, records the date as 1415, which would make the Ethiopian victor Emperor Yeshaq I. After the war, the reigning king had his minstrels compose a song praising his victory, which contains the first written record of the word "Somali". Sa'ad ad-Din II's family was subsequently given safe haven at the court of theKing of Yemen, where his sons regrouped and planned their revenge on the Solomonids.
The oldest sonSabr ad-Din II built a new capital eastwards of Zeila known asDakkar and began referring to himself as the King of Adal. He continued the war against theSolomonic Empire. Despite his army's smaller size, he was able to defeat the Solomonids at the battles of Serjan and Zikr Amhara and consequently pillaged the surrounding areas. Many similar battles were fought between the Adalites and the Solomonids with both sides achieving victory and suffering defeat but ultimatelySultan Sabr ad-Din II successfully managed to drive the Solomonic army out of Adal territory. He died a natural death and was succeeded by his brotherMansur ad-Din who invaded the capital and royal seat of the Solomonic Empire and drove EmperorDawit II to Yedaya where according toal-Maqrizi, Sultan Mansur destroyed a Solomonic army and killed the Emperor. He then advanced to the mountains of Mokha, where he encountered a 30,000 strong Solomonic army. The Adalite soldiers surrounded their enemies and for two months besieged the trapped Solomonic soldiers until a truce was declared in Mansur's favour.
Later on in the campaign, the Adalites were struck by a catastrophe when Sultan Mansur and his brother Muhammad were captured in battle by the Solomonids. Mansur was immediately succeeded by the youngest brother of the familyJamal ad-Din II. Sultan Jamal reorganized the army into a formidable force and defeated the Solomonic armies atBale, Yedeya and Jazja. Emperor Yeshaq I responded by gathering a large army and invaded the cities of Yedeya and Jazja but was repulsed by the soldiers of Jamal. Following this success, Jamal organized another successful attack against the Solomonic forces and inflicted heavy casualties in what was reportedly the largest Adalite army ever fielded. As a result, Yeshaq was forced to withdraw towards theBlue Nile over the next five months, while Jamal ad Din's forces pursued them and looted much gold on the way, although no engagement ensued.
After returning home, Jamal sent his brother Ahmad with the Christian battle-expert Harb Jaush to successfully attack the province of Dawaro. Despite his losses, Emperor Yeshaq was still able to continue field armies against Jamal. Sultan Jamal continued to advance further into the Abyssinian heartland. However, Jamal on hearing of Yeshaq's plan to send several large armies to attack three different areas of Adal (including the capital), returned to Adal, where he fought the Solomonic forces at Harjai and, according to al-Maqrizi, this is where the Emperor Yeshaq died in battle. The young Sultan Jamal ad-Din II at the end of his reign had outperformed his brothers and forefathers in the war arena and became the most successful ruler of Adal to date. Within a few years, however, Jamal was assassinated by either disloyal friends or cousins around 1432 or 1433, and was succeeded by his brotherBadlay ibn Sa'ad ad-Din. Sultan Badlay continued the campaigns of his younger brother and began several successful expeditions against the Christian empire. He recovered theKingdom of Bali and began preparations of a major Adalite offensive into theEthiopian Highlands. He successfully collected funding from surrounding Muslim kingdoms as far away as the Kingdom of Mogadishu.[54] However, these ambitious plans were thrown out the war chamber when King Badlay died during the invasion of Dawaro. He was succeeded by his sonMuhammad ibn Badlay, who sent envoys to the Sultan ofMamluk Egypt to gather support and arms in the continuing war against the Christian empire. The Adalite ruler Muhammad and the Solomonic rulerBaeda Maryam agreed to a truce and both states in the following decades saw an unprecedented period of peace and stability.
Sultan Muhammad was succeeded by his sonShams ad Din, while Emperor Baeda Maryam was succeeded by his sonEskender. During this time, period warfare broke out again between the two states and Emperor Eskender invaded Dakkar, where he was stopped by a large Adalite army, which destroyed the Solomonic army to such an extent that no further expeditions were carried out for the remainder of Eskender's reign. Adal, however, continued to raid the Christian empire unabated under the leadership of GeneralMahfuz, the leader of the Adalite war machine, who annually invaded the Christian territories. Eskender was succeeded by EmperorNa'od, who tried to defend the Christians from General Mahfuz but he too was also killed in battle by the Adalite army in Ifat.
At the turn of the 16th century, Adal regrouped and, around 1527, under the charismatic leadership of ImamAhmad ibn Ibrahim al-Ghazi (Gurey inSomali meaning "left-handed"), invaded Abyssinia. Adalite armies marched into Ethiopia and caused considerable damage on the highland state. Many historic churches, manuscripts and settlements were looted and burned during the campaigns.[56] Ahmad’s remarkable martial skill allowed the conquest of the entirety of Ethiopia, reaching as far north asTigray. The Ethiopian Emperor was forced to live as a naked outlaw hounded by the victorious Imam’s armies. The complete destruction of theSolomonic Dynasty was averted by the timely arrival of a Portuguese expedition led byCristóvão da Gama, son of the famed navigatorVasco da Gama.[57] The Portuguese had been in the area earlier – in the early 16th century, in search of the legendary priest-kingPrester John – and, although a diplomatic mission from Portugal, led by Rodrigo de Lima, had failed to improve relations between the countries, they responded to the Ethiopian pleas for help and sent a military expedition to their fellow Christians. A Portuguese fleet under the command ofEstêvão da Gama was sent fromPortuguese India and arrived atMassawa in February 1541. Here, he received an ambassador from the Emperor beseeching him to send help against the Muslims. In July, a force of 400musketeers, under the command of Cristóvão da Gama, younger brother of Estêvão, marched into the interior. Joined by Ethiopian troops, they were at first successful against the Muslims; but, they were subsequently defeated at theBattle of Wofla (28 August 1542), and their commander captured and executed. On 21 February 1543, however, a joint Portuguese-Ethiopian force defeated the Muslim army at theBattle of Wayna Daga, in which Ahmed Gurey was killed and the war won. Ahmed Gurey's widow married his nephewNur ibn Mujahid, in return for his promise to avenge Ahmed's death, who succeeded Ahmed Gurey, and continued hostilities against his northern adversaries until he killed the Ethiopian Emperor in his second invasion of Ethiopia.
TheSultanate of Adal would later be succeeded by theImamate of Awsame established byImamMuhammad Gasa after he was elected due to his illustrious lineage being related to the Imam. He would switch the capital of the Sultanate toAwsa after theOromo hordes had camped outside of the city ofHarar doing numerous raids on the city's inhabitants. The Imam would successfully defeat them from the city ofZeila to the outskirts of theImamate, and his dynasty would rule for the next 157 years until it would be over thrown by theMudaito Afar dynasty, who would kick out theMarehan immigrants fromHarar formulating a poem about their expansion. A huge contingent of Somalis remained in their regions and were absorbed by theAfar such as theMarehan,Karanle and Facaaye.[58][59]
During theage of the Ajurans, the sultanates and republics ofMerca, Mogadishu,Barawa,Hobyo and their respective ports flourished and had a lucrative foreign commerce with ships sailing to and coming from Arabia, India,Venetia,[60] Persia, Egypt, Portugal and as far away as China. Vasco da Gama, who passed by Mogadishu in the 15th century, noted that it was a large city with houses of four or five storeys and big palaces in its centre and many mosques with cylindricalminarets.[61] In the 16th century,Duarte Barbosa noted that many ships from theKingdom of Cambaya in India sailed to Mogadishu with cloths and spices, for which they in return received gold, wax and ivory. Barbosa also highlighted the abundance of meat, wheat, barley, horses, and fruit on the coastal markets, which generated enormous wealth for the merchants.[62]
Mogadishu, the center of a thriving weaving industry known astoob benadir (specialized for the markets in Egypt and Syria),[63] together with Merca and Barawa also served as transit stops forSwahili merchants fromMombasa andMalindi and for the gold trade fromKilwa.[64]Jewish merchants from theHormuz brought their Indian textile and fruit to the Somali coast in exchange for grain and wood.[65] Trading relations were established withMalacca in the 15th century[66] with cloth,ambergris andporcelain being the main commodities of the trade.[67] Giraffes, zebras and incense were exported to theMing dynasty of China, which established Somali merchants as leaders in the commerce between the Asia and Africa.[68]Hindu merchants fromSurat and Southeast African merchants fromPate, seeking to bypass both the Portuguese blockade and Omani meddling, used the Somali ports of Merca and Barawa (which were out of the two powers' jurisdiction) to conduct their trade in safety and without interference.[69]
The 16th centurySomali-Portuguese wars in East Africa meant thatgeopolitical tensions would remain high. The increased contact between Somali sailors and Ottomancorsairs worried the Portuguese, who sent multiple punitive expeditions against theAjuran Empire in order to pacify theSomali port cities. For example, the city ofBarawa was sacked by a Portuguese fleet led byTristão da Cunha in theBattle of Barawa (1507).[citation needed] In 1542, thePortuguese commander João de Sepúvelda led a small fleet on anexpedition to the Somali coast. During this expedition he briefly attacked Mogadishu, capturing an Ottoman ship and firing upon the city, which compelled the sultan of Mogadishu to sign a peace treaty with the Portuguese. Sailing on to Barawa, João de Sepúvelda again sacked that city and secured a new peace from it.[71] Ottoman-Somali cooperation against the Portuguese in the Indian Ocean reached a high point in the 1580s when Ajuran clients of the Somali coastal cities began to sympathize with the Arabs and Swahilis underPortuguese rule and sent an envoy to theTurkish corsairMir Ali Bey for a joint expedition against the Portuguese. He agreed and was joined by a Somali fleet, which began attacking Portuguese colonies inSoutheast Africa.[72] The Somali-Ottoman offensive managed to drive out the Portuguese from several important cities such as Pate, Mombasa andKilwa. However, the Portuguese governor sent envoys to India requesting a large Portuguese fleet. This request was answered and it reversed the previous offensive of the Muslims into one of defense. The Portuguese armada managed to re-take most of the lost cities and began punishing their leaders, but they refrained from attacking Mogadishu.[73]
Berbera, the main port of theIsaaq Sultanate, was the most important port in theHorn of Africa between the 18th–19th centuries.[74] For centuries,Berbera had extensive trade relations with several historic ports in theArabian Peninsula. Additionally, the Somali and Ethiopian interiors were very dependent onBerbera for trade, where most of the goods for export arrived from. During the 1833 trading season, the port town swelled to over 70,000 people, and upwards of 6,000 camels laden with goods arrived from the interior within a single day.Berbera was the main marketplace in the entire Somali seaboard for various goods procured from the interior, such aslivestock,coffee,frankincense,myrrh,acacia gum,saffron,feathers,ghee,hide (skin),gold andivory.[75]
According to a trade journal published in 1856,Berbera was described as "the freest port in the world, and the most important trading place on the whole Arabian Gulf".:
"The only seaports of importance on this coast are Feyla [Zeila] and Berbera; the former is an Arabian colony, dependent of Mocha, but Berbera is independent of any foreign power. It is, without having the name, the freest port in the world, and the most important trading place on the whole Arabian Gulf. From the beginning of November to the end of April, a large fair assembles in Berbera, and caravans of 6,000 camels at a time come from the interior loaded with coffee, (considered superior to Mocha in Bombay), gum, ivory, hides, skins, grain, cattle, and sour milk, the substitute of fermented drinks in these regions; also much cattle is brought there for the Aden market."[76]
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Historically, the port ofBerbera was controlled indigenously between themercantile Reer Ahmed Nuh and Reer Yunis Nuh sub-clans of theHabar Awal.[77]
In Somaliland, theIsaaq Sultanate was established in 1750. The Isaaq Sultanate was aSomali kingdom that ruled parts of theHorn of Africa during the 18th and 19th centuries.[78][79] It spanned the territories of theIsaaq clan, descendants of theBanu Hashim clan,[80] in modern-daySomaliland andEthiopia. The sultanate was governed by the Rer Guled branch established by the first sultan, SultanGuled Abdi, of theEidagale clan.[81][82][83] According to oral tradition, prior to the Guled dynasty theIsaaq clan-family were ruled by a dynasty of the Tolje'lo branch starting from, descendants of Ahmed nicknamed Tol Je'lo, the eldest son ofSheikh Ishaaq'sHarari wife. There were eight Tolje'lo rulers in total who ruled for centuries starting from the 13th century.[84][85] The last Tolje'lo ruler Boqor Harun (Somali:Boqor Haaruun), nicknamed Dhuh Barar (Somali:Dhuux Baraar) was overthrown by a coalition of Isaaq clans. The once strong Tolje'lo clan were scattered and took refuge amongst theHabr Awal with whom they still mostly live.[86][87][88]
In 1841, HajiSharmarke Ali Saleh, a successful and ambitious Somali merchant, successfully invadedZeila utilizing canons and Somali Musketeers. He deposed and imprisoned the port town's Arab ruler and succeeded him as the undisputed ruler of Zeila and its dependencies. Sharmarke's governorship had an instant effect on the city, as he maneuvered to monopolize as much of the regional trade as possible, with his sights set as far asHarar and theOgaden. In 1845, Sharmarke deployed a few matchlock men to wrest control of neighboringBerbera from that town's then-feuding Somali authorities.[89][90][91]
Sharmarke's influence was not limited to the coast as he had many allies in the interior of the Somali country and even further in Abyssinia. Among his allies were the Sultans ofShewa. After the Amir of HararAbu Bakr II ibn ʽAbd al-Munan arrested one of Sharmarke's agents inHarar, there was tension between the two rulers. Sharmarke persuaded the son ofSahle Selassie, ruler ofShewa, to imprison on his behalf about 300 citizens of Harar then resident in Shewa, for a length of two years.[92]
SultanYusuf Mahamud Ibrahim, the third Sultan of theHouse of Gobroon, began the Golden age of the Gobroon dynasty. In 1843, his army came out victorious during theBardheerejihad, which restored stability in the region and revitalized the East Africanivory trade. He also received presents and had cordial relations with the leaders of neighbouring and distant kingdoms such as theOmani,Wituland andYemeni sultans.
Sultan Ibrahim's sonAhmed Yusuf succeeded him and was one of the most important figures in 19th-century East Africa. He managed to gather 20 thousand Somali troops, invaded and captured the island ofZanzibar, defeating the enemy troops and freeing theBantu slaves. Through his military dominance, Sultan Yusuf managed to exacttribute from the Omani king in the coastal town ofLamu.[93][unreliable source]
In northern and southern Somalia, the Gerad Dynasty conducted trade with Yemen and Persia and competed with the merchants of the Bari Dynasty. The Gerads and the Bari Sultans built impressive palaces, castles and fortresses and had close relations with many different empires in the Near East.
In the late 19th century, after theBerlin Conference, European powers began theScramble for Africa, which inspired theDervish leaders in the north likeMohammed Abdullah Hassan andSultan Nur Ahmed Aman to rally support from across the Horn of Africa, but alsoSheikh Abikar Gafle to start a resistance around Merca called theBanadir Resistance. Both theBanadir Resistance and Dervish Movement sparked the beginning one of the longest anti-colonial struggles on the continent.
Mohammed Abdullah Hassan'sDervish movement spread into Somalia and successfully repulsed theBritish Empire four times, forcing them to retreat to the coastal region,[94] but the Dervishes were finally defeated in 1920 by British airpower.[95]
In the 1890s, the Italian occupation of Marka sparked the beginning and outrage among theBimal clan, many of them joined theBimal resistance against Italy. An Italian resident of the city, Giacomo Trevis, was assassinated in 1904. In response Italy occupied the port town of Jazira about 30 miles south ofMogadishu.[96] In response Bimal leaders called for a grand conference mobilizing the Banadiri clans, thus it came to eventually be known as theBanadir Resistance. The resistance was spearheaded by Sheikh Abdi Gafle and Ma’alin Mursal Abdi Yusuf; two prominent local Islamic teachers in Marka from the Bimal clan. The resistance, albeit clan-based initially transformed into one with a religious fervour, mainly Bimal, (but also later on some of the Wa’dan, Hintire and other clans of the Geledi confederation joined).[97][98]
News of the incident that sparked the Dervish rebellion and the 21 years disturbance according to the consul-generalJames Hayes Sadler was spread by Sultan Nur of theHabr Yunis. The incident in question was that of a group of Somali children that were converted to Christianity and adopted by the FrenchCatholic Mission atBerbera in 1899. Whether Sultan Nur experienced the incident first hand or whether he was told of it is not clear but what is known is that he propagated the incident in theTariqa at Kob Fardod in June 1899, precipitating the religious rebellion that later morphed into the Somali Dervish.[99] In one of his letters toSultan Deria in 1899, Hassan said that the British "have destroyed our religion and made our children their children" alluding to Sultan Nur's incident with the Roman French Mission at Berbera. The Dervish soon emerged as an opposition of the Christian activities, defending their version of Islam against the Christian mission.[100] In several of his poems and speeches, Hassan insisted that the British and the ChristianEthiopians in league with the British were bent upon plundering the political and religious freedom of the Somali nation. He soon emerged as "a champion of his country's political and religious freedom, defending it against all Christian invaders." Hassan issued a religious ordinance that any Somali national who did not accept the goal of unity of Somalia and would not fight under his leadership would be considered askafir orgaal. He soon acquired weapons from the Ottoman Empire, Sudan, and other sympathetic Muslim countries, and appointed ministers and advisers to administer different areas or sectors of Somalia. In addition, Hassan gave a clarion call for Somali unity and independence, in the process organizing his follower-warriors. His Dervish movement had an essentially military character, and theDervish movement was fashioned on the model of a Salihiya brotherhood. It was characterized by a rigid hierarchy and centralization. Hassan threatened to drive the Christians into the sea; he committed the first attack by launching his first major military offensive with his 1,500 Dervish equipped with 20 modern rifles on the British soldiers stationed in the region.
He repulsed the British in four expeditions and had favorable diplomatic relations with theCentral Powers of theOttoman andGerman Empires.
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In 1920, the Dervish movement collapsed after intensive British aerial bombardments, and Dervish territories were subsequently turned into aprotectorate. The dawn of fascism in the early 1920s heralded a change of strategy for Italy, as the north-eastern sultanates were soon to be forced within the boundaries ofLa Grande Somalia according to the plan ofFascist Italy. With the arrival of GovernorCesare Maria De Vecchi on 15 December 1923, things began to change for that part ofSomaliland. Italy had access to these areas under the successive protection treaties, but not direct rule. The Fascist government had direct rule only over theBenadir territory Given the defeat of the Dervish movement in the early 1920s and the rise of fascism in Europe, on 10 July 1925,Mussolini gave the green light to De Vecchi to start the takeover of the north-eastern sultanates. Everything was to be changed and the treaties abrogated.
Governor De Vecchi's first plan was to disarm the sultanates. But, before the plan could be carried out, there had to be sufficient Italian troops in both sultanates. To make the enforcement of his plan more viable, he began to reconstitute the old Somali police corps, theCorpo Zaptié, as a colonial force.
In preparation for the invasion plan of the sultanates, theAlula Commissioner, E. Coronaro received orders in April 1924 to carry out a reconnaissance on the territories targeted for invasion. In spite of the 40-year Italian relationship with the sultanates, Italy did not have adequate knowledge of the geography. During this time, the Stefanini-Puccioni geological survey was scheduled to take place, so it was a good opportunity for the expedition of Coronaro to join with this.
Coronaro's survey concluded that theIsmaan Sultanate (Majeerteen) depended on sea traffic, therefore, if this were blocked, any resistance that could be mounted after the invasion of the sultanate would be minimal. As the first stage of the invasion plan, Governor De Vecchi ordered the two Sultanates to disarm. The reaction of both sultanates was to object, as they felt the policy was in breach of the protectorate agreements. The pressure engendered by the new development forced the two rival sultanates to settle their differences over possession ofNugaal, and form a united front against their common enemy.
TheSultanate of Hobyo was different from that of the Majeerteen in terms of its geography and the pattern of the territory. It was founded byYusuf Ali Kenadid in the middle of the 19th century in central Somalia. Its jurisdiction stretched fromCeeldheer (El Dher) through toDhusamareb in the south-west, from Galladi toGalkayo in the west, fromJariban to Garaad in the north-east, and the Indian Ocean in the east.
By 1 October, De Vecchi's plan was to go into action. The operation to invade Hobyo started in October 1925 . Columns of the new Zaptié began to move towards the sultanate. Hobyo,Ceelbuur (El Buur), Galkayo, and the territory between were completely overrun within a month. Hobyo was transformed from a sultanate into an administrative region. Sultan Yusuf Ali surrendered. Nevertheless, soon suspicions were aroused as Trivulzio, the Hobyo commissioner, reported movement of armed men towards the borders of the sultanate before the takeover and after. Before the Italians could concentrate on the Majeerteen, they were diverted by new setbacks. On 9 November, the Italian fear was realized when a mutiny, led by one of the military chiefs of Sultan Ali Yusuf,Omar Samatar, recaptured El Buur. Soon the rebellion expanded to the local population. The region went into revolt as El-Dheere also came under the control of Omar Samatar. The Italian forces tried to recapture El Buur, but they were repulsed. On 15 November, the Italians retreated to Bud Bud and on the way they were ambushed and suffered heavy casualties.
While a third attempt was in the last stages of preparation, the operation's commander, Lieutenant-Colonel Splendorelli, was ambushed between Bud Bud and Buula Barde. He and some of his staff were killed. As a consequence of the death of the commander of the operations and the effect of two failed operations intended to overcome the El Buur mutiny, the spirit of Italian troops began to wane. The Governor took the situation seriously and, to prevent any more failure, he requested two battalions fromEritrea to reinforce his troops, and assumed lead of the operations. Meanwhile, the rebellion was gaining sympathy across the country, and as far afield asWestern Somalia.
The fascist government was surprised by the setback in Hobyo. The whole policy of conquest was collapsing under its nose. The El-Buur episode drastically changed the strategy of Italy as it revived memories of theAdwa fiasco when Italy had been defeated by Abyssinia. Furthermore, in the Colonial Ministry in Rome, senior officials distrusted the Governor's ability to deal with the matter. Rome instructed De Vecchi that he was to receive the reinforcement from Eritrea, but that the commander of the two battalions was to temporarily assume the military command of the operations and De Vecchi was to stay in Mogadishu and confine himself to other colonial matters. In the case of any military development, the military commander was to report directly to the Chief of Staff in Rome.
While the situation remained perplexing, De Vecchi moved the deposed sultan to Mogadishu. Fascist Italy was poised to re-conquer the sultanate by whatever means. To maneuver the situation within Hobyo, they even contemplated the idea of reinstating Ali Yusuf. However, the idea was dropped after they became pessimistic about the results.
To undermine the resistance, however, and before the Eritrean reinforcement could arrive, De Vecchi began to instill distrust among the local people by buying the loyalty of some of them. In fact, these tactics had better results than the military campaign had, and the resistance began gradually to wear down. Given the anarchy that would follow, the new policy was a success.
On the military front, Italian troops finally overran El Buur on 26 December 1925, and the forces of Omar Samatar were compelled to retreat to Western Somaliland.
By neutralising Hobyo, the fascists could concentrate on the Majeerteen. In early October 1924, E. Coronaro, the new Alula commissioner, presented Boqor (king)Osman Mahamuud with an ultimatum to disarm and surrender. Meanwhile, Italian troops began to pour into the sultanate in anticipation of this operation. While landing at Haafuun and Alula, the sultanate's troops opened fire on them. Fierce fighting ensued and to avoid escalating the conflict and to press the fascist government to revoke their policy, Boqor Osman tried to open a dialogue. However, he failed, and again fighting broke out between the two parties. Following this disturbance, on 7 October, the Governor instructed Coronaro to order the Sultan to surrender; to intimidate the people he ordered the seizure of all merchant boats in the Alula area. AtHafun, Arimondi bombarded and destroyed all the boats in the area.
On 13 October, Coronaro was to meet Boqor Osman atBaargaal to press for his surrender. Under siege already, Boqor Osman was playing for time. However, on 23 October, Boqor Osman sent an angry response to the Governor defying his order. Following this a full-scale attack was ordered in November. Baargaal was bombarded and destroyed to the ground. This region was ethnically compact, and was out of range of direct action by the fascist government of Muqdisho. The attempt of the colonizers to suppress the region erupted into explosive confrontation. The Italians were meeting fierce resistance on many fronts. In December 1925, led by the charismatic leaderHersi Boqor, son of Boqor Osman, the sultanate forces drove the Italians out of Hurdia and Hafun, two strategic coastal towns. Another contingent attacked and destroyed an Italian communications centre at Cape Guardafui, at the tip of the Horn. In retaliation theBernica and other warships were called on to bombard all main coastal towns of the Majeerteen. After a violent confrontation Italian forces capturedEyl (Eil), which until then had remained in the hands of Hersi Boqor. In response to the unyielding situation, Italy called for reinforcements from their other colonies, notably Eritrea. With their arrival at the closing of 1926, the Italians began to move into the interior where they had not been able to venture since their first seizure of the coastal towns. Their attempt to capture Dharoor Valley was resisted, and ended in failure.
De Vecchi had to reassess his plans as he was being humiliated on many fronts. After one year of exerting full force he could not yet manage to gain a result over the sultanate. In spite of the fact that the Italian navy sealed the sultanate's main coastal entrance, they could not succeed in stopping them from receiving arms and ammunition through it. It was only early 1927 when they finally succeeded in shutting the northern coast of the sultanate, thus cutting arms and ammunition supplies for the Majeerteen. By this time, the balance had tilted to the Italians' side, and in January 1927 they began to attack with a massive force, capturingIskushuban, at the heart of the Majeerteen. Hersi Boqor unsuccessfully attacked and challenged the Italians at Iskushuban. To demoralise the resistance, ships were ordered to target and bombard the sultanate's coastal towns and villages. In the interior, the Italian troops confiscated livestock. By the end of the 1927, the Italians had taken full control of the sultanate. Hersi Boqor and his troops retreated to Ethiopia in order to rebuild their forces, but were unable to retake their territories, effectively ending theCampaign of the Sultanates.
On 9 May 1936, Mussolini proclaimed the creation of theItalian Empire, calling it theAfrica Orientale Italiana (A.O.I.) and formed byEthiopia,Eritrea andItalian Somaliland (called officially "Somalia italiana"). The Italians added to Somalia theOgaden (taken from the conquered Ethiopia).
In the 1930s the Italians made many new investments in infrastructure in the region, such as theStrada Imperiale ("imperial road") betweenAddis Ababa and Mogadishu and the railway Mogadishu-Villabruzzi of 114 km.
Over the course of Italian Somaliland's existence, many Somali troops fought in the so-calledRegio Corpo Truppe Coloniali. The soldiers were enrolled not only as regular soldiers (like in the twoItalian Somali Divisions (101 and 102)) but also asDubats,Zaptié andBande irregolari. DuringWorld War II, these troops were regarded as a wing of the Italian Army's Infantry Division, as was the case inLibya andEritrea. The Zaptié provided a ceremonial escort for the ItalianViceroy (Governor) as well as the territorial police. There were already more than one thousand such soldiers in 1922.
In 1941, in Italian Somaliland and Ethiopia, 2,186 Zaptié plus an additional 500 recruits under training officially constituted a part of theCarabinieri. They were organised into a battalion commanded by MajorAlfredo Serranti that defendedCulqualber (Ethiopia) for three months until this military unit was destroyed by theAllies. After heavy fighting, the Somali troops and the Italian Carabinieri received full military honors from the British.[101]
In the first half of 1940, there were 22,000 Italians living in Somalia and the colony was one of the most developed in East Africa in terms of the standard of living of the colonists and of the Somalis, mainly in the urban areas. More than 10,000 Italians were living inMogadishu, the administrative capital of theAfrica Orientale Italiana, and new buildings were erected in the Italian architectural tradition.[102] By 1940, theVillaggio Duca degli Abruzzi (nowJowhar) had a population of 12,000 people, of whom nearly 3,000 wereItalian Somalis, and enjoyed a notable level of development with a small manufacturing area with agricultural industries (sugar mills, etc.).[103]
In the second half of 1940, Italian troops invadedBritish Somaliland[104] and ejected the British. The Italians also occupied parts of the BritishEast Africa Protectorate borderingJubaland around the towns of Moyale andBuna.[105]
Mussolini boasted in front of a group of Somalis leaders -in late summer 1940- that he had created the "Greater Somalia" (dreamed by the Somali population) after the union of British Somaliland to hisSomalia Governorate.[106]
DuringWorld War II, Britain regained control of British Somaliland and conquered Italian Somaliland, administering both militarily asprotectorates. In November 1945, during thePotsdam Conference, the United Nations granted Italy trusteeship of Italian Somaliland, but only under close supervision and on the condition—first proposed by theSomali Youth League (SYL) and other nascent Somali political organizations, such asHizbia Digil Mirifle Somali (HDMS) and theSomali National League (SNL)—that Somalia achieve independence within ten years.[107][108] British Somaliland remained a protectorate of Britain until 1960.[109]
To the extent that Italy held the territory by UN mandate, the trusteeship provisions gave the Somalis the opportunity to gain experience in political education and self-government. These were advantages that British Somaliland, which was to be incorporated into the new Somali state, did not have. Although, in the 1950s, British colonial officials attempted, through various administrative development efforts, to make up for past neglect, the protectorate stagnated. The disparity between the two territories in economic development and political experience would cause serious difficulties when it came time to integrate the two parts.[110]Britain included the proviso that the Somali nomads would retain their autonomy, but Ethiopia immediately claimed sovereignty over them.[107] This prompted an unsuccessful bid by Britain in 1956 to buy back the Somali lands it had turned over.[107] Britain also granted administration of the almost exclusively Somali-inhabited[111]Northern Frontier District (NFD) to Kenyan nationalists despite an informalplebiscite demonstrating the overwhelming desire of the region's population to join the newly formed Somali Republic.[112]
Areferendum was held in neighboringDjibouti (then known asFrench Somaliland) in 1958, on the eve of Somalia's independence in 1960, to decide whether or not to join the Somali Republic or to remain with France. The referendum turned out in favour of a continued association with France, largely due to a combined yes vote by the sizableAfar ethnic group and resident Europeans.[113] There was also allegations of widespreadvote rigging, with the French expelling thousands of Somalis before the referendum reached the polls.[114] The majority of those who voted "no" were Somalis who were strongly in favour of joining a united Somalia, as had been proposed byMahmoud Harbi, Vice President of the Government Council. Harbi was killed in a plane crash two years later.[113] Djibouti finally gained its independence from France in 1977, andHassan Gouled Aptidon, a Somali who had campaigned for a yes vote in the referendum of 1958, eventually wound up as Djibouti's first president (1977–1991).[113]
On 1 July 1960, the two territories united to form theSomali Republic, albeit within boundaries drawn up by Italy and Britain.[115][116] A government was formed byAbdullahi Issa Mohamud andMuhammad Haji Ibrahim Egal and other members of the trusteeship and protectorate governments, with the Speaker of the Somali Union ActHaji Bashir Ismail Yusuf as President of theSomali National Assembly,Aden Abdullah Osman Daar asPresident of Somali Republic, andAbdirashid Ali Shermarke asPrime Minister (later to become president from 1967 to 1969). On 20 July 1961 and through apopular referendum, the people of Somalia ratified a newconstitution, which was first drafted in 1960.[117] In 1967,Muhammad Haji Ibrahim Egal became Prime Minister, a position to which he was appointed by Shermarke. Egal would later become the President of the autonomousSomaliland region in northwestern Somalia.
On 15 October 1969, while paying a visit to the northern town ofLas Anod, Somalia's then President Abdirashid Ali Shermarke was shot dead by a policeman. His assassination was quickly followed by amilitary coup d'état on 21 October 1969 (the day after his funeral), in which theSomali Army seized power without encountering armed opposition – essentially a bloodless takeover. The putsch was spearheaded by Major GeneralMohamed Siad Barre, who at the time commanded the army.[118]
Alongside Barre, theSupreme Revolutionary Council (SRC) that assumed power after President Sharmarke's assassination was led by Lieutenant ColonelSalaad Gabeyre Kediye and Chief of PoliceJama Korshel. Kediye officially held the title of "Father of the Revolution," and Barre shortly afterwards became the head of the SRC.[119] The SRC subsequently renamed the country theSomali Democratic Republic,[120][121] dissolved the parliament and the Supreme Court, and suspended the constitution.[122]
The revolutionary army established large-scale public works programs and successfully implemented an urban and ruralliteracy campaign, which helped dramatically increase the literacy rate. In addition to a nationalization program of industry and land, the new regime's foreign policy placed an emphasis on Somalia's traditional and religious links with theArab world, eventually joining theArab League (AL) in 1974.[123] That same year, Barre also served as chairman of theOrganization of African Unity (OAU), the predecessor of theAfrican Union (AU).[124]
In July 1976, Barre's SRC disbanded itself and established in its place theSomali Revolutionary Socialist Party (SRSP), a one-party government based onscientific socialism and Islamic tenets. The SRSP was an attempt toreconcile the official state ideology with the official state religion by adapting Marxist precepts to local circumstances. Emphasis was placed on the Muslim principles of social progress, equality and justice, which the government argued formed the core of scientific socialism and its own accent on self-sufficiency, public participation and popular control, as well as direct ownership of the means of production. While the SRSP encouraged private investment on a limited scale, the administration's overall direction was essentiallycommunist.[122]
In July 1977, theOgaden War broke out after Barre's government sought to incorporate the predominantly Somali-inhabitedOgaden region of Ethiopia into a Pan-SomaliGreater Somalia. In the first week of the conflict, Somali armed forces seized the southern and central parts of the Ogaden. The units in the Godey Front were led by ColonelAbdullahi Ahmed Irro.[125] For most of the war, the Somali army scored continuous victories on the Ethiopian army, following it as far asSidamo. By September 1977, Somalia controlled 90% of the Ogaden and captured strategic cities such asJijiga and put heavy pressure onDire Dawa, threatening the train route from the latter city to Djibouti. After the siege ofHarar, a massive unprecedented Soviet intervention consisting of 20,000 Cuban forces and several thousand Soviet experts came to the aid of Ethiopia's communistDerg regime. By 1978, the Somali troops were ultimately pushed out of the Ogaden. This shift in support by the Soviet Union motivated the Barre government to seek allies elsewhere. It eventually settled on the Soviets'Cold War arch-rival, the United States, which had been courting the Somali government for some time. All in all, Somalia's initial friendship with the Soviet Union and later partnership with the United States enabled it to build the largest army in Africa.[126]
Isaaq genocide[127][128] was the systematic, state-sponsored massacre ofIsaaq civilians between 1987 and 1989 by theSomali Democratic Republic under the dictatorship ofSiad Barre.[129] The number of civilian deaths in this massacre is estimated to be between 50,000 and 100,000 according to various sources,[130][131][132][133] whilst local reports estimate the total civilian deaths to be upwards of 200,000 Isaaq civilians.[134] This genocide also included the levelling and complete destruction of the second and third largest cities in Somalia,Hargeisa (which was 90 percent destroyed)[135] andBurao (70 per cent destroyed) respectively,[136] and had caused up to 500,000[137][138] Somalis (primarily of the Isaaq clan)[139] to flee their land and cross the border to Hartasheikh in Ethiopia as refugees, in what was described as "one of the fastest and largest forced movements of people recorded in Africa",[137] and resulted in the creation of the world's largest refugee camp then (1988),[140] with another 400,000 being displaced.[141][142][143] The scale of destruction led to Hargeisa being known as the 'Dresden of Africa'.[137] The killings happened during theSomali Civil War and have been referred to as a "forgotten genocide".
A new constitution was promulgated in 1979 under which elections for a People's Assembly were held. However, Barre's Somali Revolutionary Socialist Partypolitburo continued to rule.[121] In October 1980, the SRSP was disbanded, and the Supreme Revolutionary Council was re-established in its place.[122]
In May 1986, President Barre suffered serious injuries in a life-threatening automobile accident near Mogadishu, when the car that was transporting him smashed into the back of a bus during a heavy rainstorm.[144] He was treated in a hospital inSaudi Arabia for head injuries, broken ribs and shock over a period of a month.[145][146] Lieutenant GeneralMohamed Ali Samatar, then Vice President, subsequently served as de facto head of state for the next several months. Although Barre managed to recover enough to present himself as the sole presidential candidate for re-election over a term of seven years on 23 December 1986, his poor health and advanced age led to speculation about who would succeed him in power. Possible contenders included his son-in-law General Ahmed Suleiman Abdille, who was at the time the Minister of the Interior, in addition to Barre's Vice President Lt. Gen. Samatar.[144][145]
By that time, Barre's government had become increasingly unpopular. Many Somalis had become disillusioned with life under military dictatorship. The regime was weakened further in the 1980s as the Cold War drew to a close and Somalia's strategic importance was diminished. The government became increasinglytotalitarian, andresistance movements, encouraged by Ethiopia, sprang up across the country, eventually leading to theSomali Civil War. Among the militia groups were theSomali Salvation Democratic Front (SSDF),United Somali Congress (USC),Somali National Movement (SNM) and theSomali Patriotic Movement (SPM), together with the non-violent political oppositions of theSomali Democratic Movement (SDM), theSomali Democratic Alliance (SDA) and the Somali Manifesto Group (SMG).
With the political situation deteriorating, Barre's long-standing government in 1991 eventually collapsed under the pressure. The national army disbanded shortly afterwards.
United Nations Security Council Resolution 794 was unanimously passed on 3 December 1992, which approved a coalition ofUnited Nations peacekeepers led by the United States. Forming theUnified Task Force (UNITAF), the force was tasked with assuring security until humanitarian efforts aimed at stabilizing the situation were transferred to the UN. Landing in 1993, the UN peacekeeping coalition started the two-yearUnited Nations Operation in Somalia II (UNOSOM II) primarily in the south to provide humanitarian relief.
Some militias that had seized power after the oust of Barre regime's interpreted the UN troops' presence as a threat to their hegemony. Consequently, several gun battles took place in Mogadishu between local gunmen and peacekeepers. Among these was theBattle of Mogadishu, an unsuccessful attempt by US troops to apprehend faction leaderMohamed Farah Aidid. The UN soldiers eventually withdrew altogether from the country on 3 March 1995, having incurred more significant casualties.
Following the outbreak of the civil war and the ensuing collapse of the central government, Somalia's residents reverted to local forms of conflict resolution, either secular, traditional or Islamic law, with a provision for appeal of all sentences. The legal structure in Somalia is thus divided along three lines:civil law,religious law andcustomary law.[147]
While Somalia's formal judicial system was largely destroyed after the fall of theSiad Barre regime, it was later gradually rebuilt and administered under different regional governments, such as the autonomousPuntland andSomaliland macro-regions. In the case of the laterTransitional Federal Government, a new interim judicial structure was formed through various international conferences.
Despite some significant political differences between them, all of these administrations share similar legal structures, much of which are predicated on the judicial systems of previous Somali administrations. These similarities in civil law include:
Islamicshari'a has traditionally played a significant part in Somali society. In theory, it has served as the basis for all national legislation in every Somali constitution. In practice, however, it only applied to common civil cases such as marriage, divorce,inheritance and family matters. This changed after the start of the civil war when a number of new shari'a courts began to spring up in many different cities and towns across the country. These new shari'a courts serve three functions; namely, to pass rulings in both criminal and civil cases, to organize a militia capable of arresting criminals, and to keep convicted prisoners incarcerated.[148]
The shari'a courts, though structured along simple lines, feature a conventional hierarchy of a chairman, vice-chairman and four judges. A police force that reports to the court enforces the judges' rulings, but also helps settle community disputes and apprehend suspected criminals. In addition, the courts manage detention centers where criminals are kept. An independent finance committee is also assigned the task of collecting and managing tax revenue levied on regional merchants by the local authorities.[148]
Somalis have for centuries practiced a form of customary law, calledXeer (pronounced /ħeːr/). Xeer is apolycentric legal system where there is no monopolistic institution or agent that determines what the law should be or how it should be interpreted.
The Xeer legal system is assumed to have developed exclusively in the Horn of Africa since approximately the 7th century. There is no evidence that it developed elsewhere or was greatly influenced by any foreign legal system. Its legal terminology is practically devoid ofloan words from foreign languages, suggesting that it is truly indigenous.[149]
The Xeer legal system also requires a certain amount ofspecialization of different functions within the legal framework. Thus, one can findodayaal (judges),xeerbogeyaal (jurists),guurtiyaal (detectives),garxajiyaal (attorneys),markhaatiyal (witnesses) andwaranle (police officers) to enforce the law.[150]
Xeer is defined by a few fundamental tenets that are immutable and which closely approximate the principle ofjus cogens ininternational law: These precepts include: a) payment ofblood money (locally referred to asdiya) for libel, theft, physical harm, rape and death, as well as supplying assistance to relatives; b) assuring good inter-clan relations by treating women justly, negotiating with "peace emissaries" in good faith, and sparing the lives of socially protected groups "Birr Magaydo," (e.g. children, women, the pious, poets, messengers, sheikhs, and guests); c) family obligations such as the payment ofdowry, and sanctions for eloping; d) rules pertaining to the management of resources such as the use of pasture land, water, and other natural resources; e) providing financial support to married female relatives and newlyweds; f) donating livestock and other assets to the poor.[148]
In 2000,Abdiqasim Salad Hassan was selected as the President of the nation's newTransitional National Government (TNG), an interim administration formed to guide Somalia to its third permanent republican government.
On 10 October 2004, in a session held by theTransitional Federal Parliament (TFP),Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed was elected as President of the succeedingTransitional Federal Government (TFG), an interim federal administrative body that he had helped establish earlier in the year.[151] He received 189 votes from the TFG Parliament, while the closest contender, erstwhile Somali ambassador to WashingtonAbdullahi Ahmed Addou, got 79 votes in the third round of voting. The then incumbent President of Somalia, Abdiqasim Salad Hassan, peacefully withdrew his candidature.[152][153] Ahmed was sworn in a few days later on 14 October 2004.[153]
TheTransitional Federal Government (TFG) was the internationally recognised government of Somalia until 20 August 2012, when its tenure officially ended.[154] It was established as one of theTransitional Federal Institutions (TFIs) of government as defined in theTransitional Federal Charter (TFC) adopted in November 2004 by theTransitional Federal Parliament (TFP).
The Transitional Federal Government officially comprised the executive branch of government, with the TFP serving as thelegislative branch. The government was headed by thePresident of Somalia, to whom the cabinet reported through thePrime Minister. However, it was also used as a general term to refer to all three branches collectively.
In 2006, theIslamic Courts Union (ICU), anIslamist organization, assumed control of much of the southern part of the country and promptly imposedShari'a law. The Transitional Federal Government sought to reestablish its authority, and, with the assistance ofEthiopian troops,African Union peacekeepers and air support by the United States, managed to drive out the rival ICU and solidify its rule.[155]
On 8 January 2007, as theBattle of Ras Kamboni raged, TFG President and founder Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, a former colonel in theSomali Army and decorated war hero, entered Mogadishu for the first time since being elected to office. The government then relocated toVilla Somalia in the capital from its interim location inBaidoa. This marked the first time since the fall of the Siad Barre regime in 1991 that the federal government controlled most of the country.[156]
Following this defeat, the Islamic Courts Union splintered into several different factions. Some of the more radical elements, includingAl-Shabaab, regrouped to continue their insurgency against the TFG and oppose the Ethiopian military's presence in Somalia. Throughout 2007 and 2008, Al-Shabaab scored military victories, seizing control of key towns and ports in both central and southern Somalia. At the end of 2008, the group had captured Baidoa but not Mogadishu. By January 2009, Al-Shabaab and other militias had managed to force the Ethiopian troops to retreat, leaving behind an under-equipped African Union peacekeeping force to assist the Transitional Federal Government's troops.[157]
Owing to a lack of funding and human resources, anarms embargo that made it difficult to re-establish a national security force, and general indifference on the part of the international community, President Yusuf found himself obliged to deploy thousands of troops from Puntland to Mogadishu to sustain the battle against insurgent elements in the southern part of the country. Financial support for this effort was provided by the autonomous region's government. This left little revenue for Puntland's own security forces and civil service employees, leaving the territory vulnerable to piracy and terrorist attacks.[158][159]
On 29 December 2008, Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed announced before a united parliament in Baidoa his resignation asPresident of Somalia. In his speech, which was broadcast on national radio, Yusuf expressed regret at failing to end the country's seventeen-year conflict as his government had mandated to do.[160] He also blamed the international community for its failure to support the government, and said that the speaker of parliament would succeed him in office per theCharter of the Transitional Federal Government.[161]
Between May 31 and June 9, 2008, representatives of Somalia's federal government and the moderateAlliance for the Re-liberation of Somalia (ARS) group of Islamist rebels participated in peace talks inDjibouti brokered by the former United Nations Special Envoy to Somalia,Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah. The conference ended with a signed agreement calling for the withdrawal of Ethiopian troops in exchange for the cessation of armed confrontation. Parliament was subsequently expanded to 550 seats to accommodate ARS members, which then electedSheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, the former ARS chairman, to office. President Sharif shortly afterwards appointedOmar Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke, the son of the assassinated former PresidentAbdirashid Ali Sharmarke, as the nation's new Prime Minister.[147]
With the help of a small team ofAfrican Union troops, the coalition government also began acounteroffensive in February 2009 to assume full control of the southern half of the country. To solidify its rule, the TFG formed an alliance with theIslamic Courts Union, other members of theAlliance for the Re-liberation of Somalia, andAhlu Sunna Waljama'a, a moderateSufi militia.[162] Furthermore, Al-Shabaab andHizbul Islam, the two main Islamist groups in opposition, began to fight amongst themselves in mid-2009.[163]
As a truce, in March 2009, Somalia's coalition government announced that it would re-implement Shari'a as the nation's official judicial system.[164] However, conflict continued in the southern and central parts of the country. Within months, the coalition government had gone from holding about 70% of south-central Somalia's conflict zones, territory which it had inherited from the previous Yusuf administration, to losing control of over 80% of the disputed territory to the Islamist insurgents.[156]
On 14 October 2010, diplomatMohamed Abdullahi Mohamed (Farmajo) was appointed the new Prime Minister of Somalia. The former Premier Omar Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke resigned the month before following a protracted dispute with President Sharif over a proposed draft constitution.[165]
Per theTransitional Federal Government's (TFG)Charter,[166] Prime Minister Mohamed named a new Cabinet on 12 November 2010,[167] which has been lauded by the international community.[168][169] As had been expected, the allotted ministerial positions were significantly reduced in numbers, with only 18 administrative posts unveiled versus the previous government's bloated 39 portfolios.[167][170] Only two Ministers from the previous Cabinet were reappointed: Hussein Abdi Halane, the former Minister of Finance and a well-regarded figure in the international community, was put in charge of a consolidated Ministry of Finance and Treasury; and Dr. Mohamud Abdi Ibrahim was reassigned to the Ministry of Commerce and Industry.[171]Ahlu Sunna Waljama'a, a moderateSufi group and an important military ally of the TFG, was also accorded the key Interior and Labour ministries.[170][171] The remaining ministerial positions were largely assigned to technocrats new to the Somali political arena.[172]
In its first 50 days in office, Prime Minister Mohamed's new administration completed its first monthly payment of stipends to government soldiers, and initiated the implementation of a full biometric register for the security forces within a window of four months. Additional members of the Independent Constitutional Commission were also appointed to engage Somali constitutional lawyers, religious scholars and experts in Somali culture over the nation's upcoming new constitution, a key part of the government's Transitional Federal Tasks. In addition, high level federal delegations were dispatched to defuse clan-related tensions in several regions. According to the prime minister of Somalia, to improve transparency, Cabinet ministers fully disclosed their assets and signed acode of ethics.[173]
An Anti-Corruption Commission with the power to carry out formal investigations and to review government decisions and protocols was also established so as to more closely monitor all activities by public officials. Furthermore, unnecessary trips abroad by members of government were prohibited, and all travel by ministers now require the Premier's consent.[173][174] A budget outlining 2011's federal expenditures was also put before and approved by members of parliament, with the payment of civil service employees prioritized. In addition, a full audit of government property and vehicles is being put into place. On the war front, the new government and its AMISOM allies also managed to secure control of 60% of Mogadishu, where 80% of the capital's population now lives. According to theAfrican Union and Prime Minister Mohamed, with increasing troop strength the pace of territorial gains is expected to greatly accelerate.[173][175]
On 19 June 2011, Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed resigned from his position as Prime Minister of Somalia. Part of the controversial Kampala Accord's conditions, the agreement would also see the mandates of the President, the Parliament Speaker and Deputies extended until August 2012, after which point new elections are to be organized.[176]Abdiweli Mohamed Ali, Mohamed's former Minister of Planning and International Cooperation, was later named permanent Prime Minister.[177]
As part of the official "Roadmap for the End of Transition", a political process which provided clear benchmarks leading toward the formation of permanent democratic institutions in Somalia, the Transitional Federal Government's interim mandate ended on 20 August 2012.[178] TheFederal Parliament of Somalia was concurrently inaugurated, ushering in theFederal Government of Somalia, the first permanent central government in the country since the start of the civil war.[154]
On 10 September 2012, parliament electedHassan Sheikh Mohamud as the new President of Somalia.[179] President Mohamud later appointedAbdi Farah Shirdon as the new Prime Minister on 6 October 2012,[180] who was succeeded in office byAbdiweli Sheikh Ahmed on 21 December 2013.[181]
In April 2013, Hassan resumed national reconciliation talks between the central government inMogadishu and the secessionistSomaliland authorities. Organized by the government ofTurkey inAnkara, the meeting ended with a signed agreement between Hassan andAhmed Mahamoud Silanyo, President of Somaliland, agreeing to allocate fairly to the Somaliland its portion of the development aid earmarked for Somalia as a whole and to cooperate on security.[182]
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In August 2013, the Somali federal government signed a national reconciliation agreement inAddis Ababa with the autonomousJubaland administration based in southern Somalia. Endorsed by the federal State Minister for the Presidency Farah Abdulkadir on behalf of Hassan, the pact was brokered by the Foreign Ministry ofEthiopia and came after protracted bilateral talks. Under the terms of the agreement, Jubaland will be administered for a two-year period by a Juba Interim Administration and led by the region's incumbent president,Ahmed Mohamed Islam (Madobe). The regional president will serve as the chairperson of a new Executive Council, to which he will appoint three deputies. Management ofKismayo's seaport and airport will also be transferred to the Federal Government after a period of six months, and revenues and resources generated from these infrastructures will be earmarked for Jubaland's service delivery and security sectors as well as local institutional development. Additionally, the agreement includes the integration of Jubaland's military forces under the central command of theSomali National Army (SNA), and stipulates that the Juba Interim Administration will command the regional police.[183][184] UN Special Envoy to Somalia Nicholas Kay hailed the pact as "a breakthrough that unlocks the door for a better future for Somalia,"[185]
In August 2014, the Somali-government-ledOperation Indian Ocean was launched against theAl-Shabaab militant group to clean up the remaining insurgent-held pockets in the countryside.[186]
On 17 December 2014, former PremierOmar Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke was reappointed Prime Minister.[187]
In February 2015, Hassan chaired a three-day consultation forum inMogadishu with presidentsAbdiweli Mohamed Ali,Ahmed Mohamed Islam andSharif Hassan Sheikh Adan of thePuntland,Jubaland andSouth West State regional administrations, respectively. Under the rubric of the New Deal for Somalia, Hassan held additional national reconciliation talks with the regional leaders inGarowe in April and May of the year.[188] The officials therein signed a seven-point agreement inGarowe authorizing the immediate deployment of the 3,000 troops from Puntland toward the Somali National Army.[189] They also agreed to integrate soldiers from the other regional states into the SNA.[190]
On 8 February 2017, Somali MPs elected Ex-Prime MinisterMohamed Abdullahi "Farmajo" Mohamed in a surprise result.[191] On 23 February 2017, President Mohamed appointed former humanitarian worker and businessmanHassan Khaire as his Prime Minister.
When President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed's term expired in February 2021, dates had not been set for the election of a successor, and fighting subsequently broke out in Mogadishu. This fighting continued until May 2021, when the government and opposition agreed to hold elections within 60 days;[192] after further negotiation, the presidential election was scheduled for October 10.[193]
In December 2021, Mohamed revoked the authority of prime ministerMohamed Hussein Roble to organize upcoming elections and suggested that a new committee should be formed to oversee them. This prompted Roble to accuse Mohamed of sabotaging the electoral process on 26 December 2021. On 27 December, Mohamed announced that he was suspending Roble over alleged obstruction of corruption allegations.[194]
All ofMohamed Abdullahi Farmajo accusations described obstructing the elections, as the outgoing president had plunged the country into chaos because of his greed to extend his power[195]
On 15 May 2022,Hassan Sheikh Mohamud was againelected as President of Somalia.
On June 25, Prime MinisterMohamed Hussein Roble's work came to an end, andHamza Abdi Barre currently serves as the Prime Minister of Somalia beside PresidentHassan Sheikh Mohamud.[196][197]
My prediction is that Africa will turn out to be the cradle of Afroasiatic, though the speakers of Proto-Afroasiatic were a reflux population from Southwest Asia.
Siad barre's holocaust.
Media related toHistory of Somalia at Wikimedia Commons
