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History of Sino-Korean relations

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The Qing ambassadorAkdun being greeted byKing Gyeongjong near theYeongeunmun Gate

Thehistory of Sino-Korean relations dates back to prehistoric times, which has been marked by both periods of cooperation and antagonism. TheHan dynastyconqueredGojoseon in the 2nd century and the established of theFour Commanderies of Han in the northern portion of the Korean Peninsula. The Korean kingdom ofGoguryeo aidedSima Yi ofCao Wei led a successfulcampaign against his rivalGongsun Yuan. The alliance later broke down, starting theGoguryeo–Wei War, which ended in Cao Wei victory. Later, taking advantage of Wei weakness, Goguryeo eventually reconquered the former territories of Gojoseon. TheSui dynasty launchedfour unsuccessful campaigns in the 7th century to subdue Goguryeo; Sui's defeats in Korea contributed to the collapse of the dynasty. Goguryeo foughtfurther wars with theTang dynasty, which allied with the Korean kingdom ofSilla. Tang and Silla eventually prevailed over Goguryeo, leading Tang to establish theProtectorate General to Pacify the East.Unified Silla and Tang fought awar subsequently, in which Silla prevailed. Silla fell toGoryeo in 935.

TheKhitan-ledLiao dynasty of China fought awar with Goryeo, in which Goryeo prevailed, gaining parts of the northern Korean peninsula from Liao in exchange for submitting tribute. TheSong regarded Goryeo as a potential military ally and maintained friendly relations as equal partners. In 1115 the Jurchen founded theJin dynasty, and in 1125 Jin annihilated Liao and startedinvasion of Song, leading Goryeo to declare itself to be a tributary state of Jin in 1126. During the 13th century, theMongol Empireinvaded China and defeated the Jin and Song dynasties; the Mongol-ledYuan dynastyinvaded Korea from 1231 to 1259, with the Yuan prevailing. After Yuan rule began to destabilize,King Gongmin of Goryeo seized the opportunity to rebel and declared Goryeo's independence. Following the fall of the Yuan and the emergence of theMing dynasty in 1368, a proposed attack against the Ming resulted ina coup d'état led by GeneralYi Sŏnggye that ended the Goryeo dynasty and the establishment of theJoseon; Ming gave up competing territorial claims while Joseon accepted tributary status.

The Ming had assisted Joseon duringToyotomi Hideyoshi'sinvasion of Korea, in which theWanli Emperor sent a total of 221,500 troops. Joseon had also usedClassical Chinese as a common script alongsideKorean, and its central government was modelled after the Chinese system. TheLater Jin dynasty and its successorQing dynasty, which replaced the Ming, invaded Joseon twice, in1627 and1636, forcingInjo of Joseon into submission. Following theFirst Sino-Japanese War. the Qing dynasty lost tributary relations with Korea diplomatic relations between the Qing dynasty and theKorean Empire were established in 1899, but relations were halted in 1905 as a result of theEulsa Treaty that made Korea a Japanese protectorate and which was then annexed by theJapan in 1910. Later, the Chinese government recognized the formation of theProvisional Government of the Republic of Korea in 1919. FollowingJapan's surrender, Korea was split intoNorth Korea andSouth Korea. Bilateral diplomatic relations between South Korea and theRepublic of China were established in 1948, making the ROC the first country to recognize the Republic of Korea as the sole legitimate government of Korea. The People's Republic of China, established in 1949, recognized only the Democratic People's Republic of Korea during theCold War, and backed the country against South Korea during theKorean War. In the 1980s, relations between the PRC and South Korea warmed, and the two countries established diplomatic relations in 1992.

Han and Gojoseon

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According toSamguk yusa,Dangun Joseon was the first state that represented Korean cultural identity.[1] Although controversial, a legend tells that in around 1100 BC a Chinese sage namedJizi (Gija) and his intellectuals fled from theShang dynasty to avoid political turmoil and sought asylum inGojoseon, and active cultural trades ensued after. The "Monograph on Geography" (Dili zhi 地理志) of theBook of Han (1st century AD) claims that Jizi had taught the people of Joseonagriculture,sericulture, andweaving, as well as properceremony.[2] Jae-hoon Shim interprets the following sentence in that section of theHanshu as claiming that Jizi also introduced the law of "Eight Prohibitions" (犯禁八條) in Joseon.[3] TheRecords of Three Kingdoms (first published in the early fifth century) claims that the descendants of Jizi reigned as kings of Joseon for forty generations until they were overthrown byWei Man, a man from thestate of Yan, in 194 BC.[4]

According to his commentary to theShiji,Du Yu (first half of the 3rd century) states that the tomb of Jizi was located in Meng Prefecture of the State of Liang (modern-day Henan). This suggests that the story of Jizi's association with Joseon was not necessarily prevailing although the narrative seen in theHanshu later became common.[citation needed]

As historian Jae-hoon Shim concludes, only during the Han dynasty (206 BC – 220 AD) did Jizi begin to be associated with Joseon, and only after the Han were his descendants identified as the Joseon royal family.[5] Jizi remains a controversial figure, due in part to the difficulty of verifying his existence. Only in the thirteenth century did Korean texts start to integrate Gija more fully into Korean history. TheSamguk yusa (1281) explained that after being enfeoffed byKing Wu of Zhou, Gija replacedDangun's descendants as the ruler ofJoseon, whereasJewang Ungi (1287) identified Dangun and Gija as the first rulers of former and latter Joseon respectively.[6] Most premodern Korean historians after that accepted that Jizi had replaced another indigenous power (represented by Dangun) inOld Joseon.[6] Nonetheless, the Jizi Mythology plays a defining role in explaining the pre-modern relationship between Korea and China.

In 194 BC,Wei Man, a Chinese general fromYan state, sought refugee along with Yan immigrants in Gojoseon followingQin's wars of unification that ended the centuries longWarring States period and established the first highly centralized, unified state in Chinese history. Wi Man was given a duty to guard borders in theLiaodong Peninsula by Gojoseon. Wei Man eventually became a leader of new immigrants and indigenous population as his Chinese refugee population introduced Chinese technology into Gojoseon while adopting Korean traditions and clothing.[7] Eventually his growing popularity allowed him to usurp the throne ofKing Jun who fled south toJin.[8] The expanding military might and technological growth of Wiman Joseon soon threatened Han China, and the diplomatic relationship between the two countries deteriorated quickly. Wi Man's grandson, KingUgeo of Gojoseon, sparked conflict when he refused to let Gojoseon's southern neighboring state,Jin, send its ambassadors through Gojoseon's territory in order to reach the Han dynasty.

TheGojoseon–Han War occurred around 109 BC(2nd Century ADE). When EmperorWu of Han sent an ambassador She He (涉何) toWanggeom-seong to negotiate Jin's right of passage through Gojoseon. King Ugeo refused and had his son, PrinceWi Jang (長降) whose task was to escort the ambassador back home. However, when they got close to Han's borders, the ambassador assassinatedWi Jang (長降) and claimed to Emperor Wu that he had defeated Joseon in battle. Emperor Wu, unaware of this deception, made him the military commander of the Commandery of Liaodong. The outraged King Ugeo made a raid on Liaodong(province in Northeast China) and killed She He. Scholars also hypothesize that the initiation of war may also have been because the Han dynasty was concerned that Gojoseon would ally with theXiongnu against the Han.[9]

As a result, the Han dynasty launched a two-pronged attack, one by land and one by sea, against Gojoseon which totaled to at least 50,000 soldiers.[7] The two forces attacking Gojoseon were unable to coordinate well with each other and the majority of the 50,000 strong force was destroyed.[7] When Emperor Wu received news of these defeats, he wished to reestablish peaceful relations between Han and Gojoseon which King Ugeo agreed to. King Ugeo sent his son and a gift of 5,000 horses to the Han court to pay tribute and bring about peaceful negotiations. However, when the prince and his escort of 10,000 soldiers reached the Yalu River, Han General Xun Zhi reasoned that they should lay down arms. The prince suspected that Xun Zhi was planning on murdering him and so went back to Wanggeom-seong, resuming the war.[10]

The second Han invasion of Gojoseon fared much better, and by 108 BC Wanggeom fell to Han forces after a months long siege with most of the Gojoseon leadership either surrendering to the Han or killed. Han took over the Gojoseon lands and establishedFour Commanderies of Han in the western part of former Gojoseon.[11]

The Han dynasty's ultimate victory resulted in the defeat of Gojoseon and the establishment of theFour Commanderies of Han. Chinese now found control over its northeast frontier and northern Korea, which resulted in provoked unity among the local tribes and indigenous population, and the establishment ofGoguryeo on the Korea Peninsula, which took advantage of Chinese conflict with theXiongnu to expand into Liaodong.[12] Goguryeo eventually reconquered the former territories of Gojoseon(those territories being the province of Liaodong in Northeastern China), then proceeded to keep expanding in all directions.

Cao Wei and Goguryeo

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In 238,Sima Yi ofCao Wei led a successfulcampaign against his rivalGongsun Yuan, with the aid ofGoguryeo. This led to the Chinese recapture of Liaodong as well as establishing great contacts with Korean kingdoms. By 242, the alliance between Cao Wei and Goguryeo broke down whenDongcheon of Goguryeo initiated a raid into Wei territory. In response, theGoguryeo–Wei War erupted in 244, and the Cao Wei launched two successful campaigns against Goguryeo. During the first campaign, Chinese GeneralGuanqiu Jian led 10,000 infantry and cavalry into Goguryeo and was met by King Doncheon's army of 20,000 at the Battle of Liangkou. Sources differ on the details of the battle itself. Korean sources such as theSamguk sagi claiming that Goguryeo initially won the first two of the three battles at Liangkou and inflicting 6,000 Chinese losses before the Cao Wei counterattacked and inflicted 18,000 Korean losses.[13] Meanwhile, Chinese sources claim that the Korean forces repeatedly lost the engagements before being routed.[14] Regardless of the details, all sources agree that the Cao Wei decisively triumphed over Goguryeo forces by the end of the first campaign, which finally ended with the sacking of the Goguryeo capital and resettlement of many of its inhabitants. Goguryeo fared little better during the second campaign, which was largely marked by King Dongcheon desperately fleeing deeper into the Korean peninsula to evade Cao Wei forces. Although Goguryeo forces and their allied tribes were unable to defeat the Cao Wei in battle, Chinese forces overextended themselves deep inside Korea, and finally decided to withdraw despite multiple victories over Goguryeo and their allies such as Okjeo.

So great was the defeat that Goguryeo faded from Chinese historical records for nearly half a century before it finally recovered its strength.[15] According to the Korean source 15 years later Goguryeo defeated Wei at Yangmaenggok.[16]

The history of Goguryeo in the latter half of the 3rd century was characterized by Goguryeo's attempts to consolidate nearby regions and restore stability as it dealt with rebellions and foreign invaders that resulted from Wei's victorious campaign against Goguryeo,[17] including Wei again during 259 in which Goguryeo defeated Wei at Yangmaek, and the Sushen during 280 in which Goguryeo launched a counterattack on the Sushen and occupied their capital.[18]

According to theSamguk sagi, during the Wei invasion in 259,King Jungcheon assembled 5,000 of his elite cavalry and defeated the invading Wei army at a valley in Yangmaek, killing 8,000 enemies. Goguryeo's fortunes rose again duringKing Micheon's rule (300–331), when the king took advantage of the weakness in Wei's successor theJin dynasty and wrestled the commanderies of Lelang and Daifang from central Chinese control.[19] After more than seventy years of recovery, Goguryeo had finally transformed into a proper Korean Empire as it integrated various tribal communities of the Okjeo and Dongye.

In terms ofhistoriography, the expeditions of the second campaign are significant for providing detailed information on the various Korean tribes and peoples of the Korean Peninsula and Manchuria, such as Goguryeo, Buyeo, Okjeo, Ye, and Yilou. The expedition, unprecedented in scale in those regions, brought first-hand knowledge about the topography, climate, population, language, manners, and customs of these areas to Chinese cognizance, and was duly recorded into theWeilüe by the contemporary historianYu Huan.[20] Though the originalWeilüe is now lost, its contents were preserved in theRecords of Three Kingdoms, where the reports from the Goguryeo expedition are included in the "Chapter on Eastern Barbarians" (東夷傳,Dongyi Zhuan) — considered the most important single source of information for the culture and society of early states and peoples on the Korean Peninsula.[18]

TheXianbei-ruledFormer Yan dynasty sacked the Goguryeo capital and made the king pay tribute. However, Goguryeo triumphed over theXianbei decades later whenGwanggaeto the Great defeatedLater Yan and conquered Liaodong and most of Manchuria.[12]

Sui, Tang, Goguryeo and Balhae

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Sui dynasty launchedfour unsuccessful campaigns to subdue Goguryeo. TheEmperor Yang of Sui wanted to establish a Sui-led order in East Asia after unifyingChina proper. Goguryeo opposed this and started to prepare for defense against Sui dynasty.[21] TheSui dynasty's reunification of China for the first time in centuries was met with alarm in Goguryeo, andPyeongwon of Goguryeo began preparations for a future war by augmenting military provisions and training more troops.[22] Although Sui was far larger and stronger than Goguryeo, the Baekje-Silla Alliance which had previously driven Goguryeo from the Han Valley in the mid 6th century had fallen apart, and thus Goguryeo's southern border was secure. Initially, Goguryeo tried to appease Sui by offering tribute as Korean kingdoms had done under theTributary system of China. However, Goguryeo continued insistence on an equal relationship with Sui, its reinstatement of the imperial title "Taewang" (Emperor in Korean) of the East and its continued raids into Sui territory greatly angered the Sui Court. Furthermore, Silla and Baekje, both under threat from Goguryeo, requested Sui assistance against Goguryeo as all three Korean kingdoms had desired to seize the others' territories to rule the peninsula, and attempted to curry Sui's favor to achieve these goals.

Goguryeo's expansion and its attempts to equalize the relationship conflicted withSui China and increased tensions. In 598, Goguryeo made a preemptive attack onLiaoxi which led to theBattle of Linyuguan, but was beaten back by Sui forces.[23] This causedEmperor Wen to launch a counterattack by land and sea that ended in disaster for Sui.[24] As a result, the Sui launched a series of invasions that took place in the years 598, 612, 613, and 614.

Sui's most disastrous campaign against Goguryeo was in 612, in which Sui, according to the History of the Sui Dynasty, mobilized 30 division armies, about 1,133,800 combat troops. Pinned along Goguryeo's line of fortifications on theLiao River, a detachment of nine division armies, about 305,000 troops, bypassed the main defensive lines and headed towards the Goguryeo capital of Pyongyang to link up with Sui naval forces, who had reinforcements and supplies.

However, Goguryeo was able to defeat the Sui navy, thus when the Sui's nine division armies finally reached Pyongyang, they didn't have the supplies for a lengthy siege. Sui troops retreated, but GeneralŬlchi Mundŏk led the Goguryeo troops to victory by luring the Sui into an ambush outside of Pyongyang. At theBattle of Salsu, Goguryeo soldiers released water from a dam, which split the Sui army and cut off their escape route. Of the original 305,000 soldiers of Sui's nine division armies, it is said that only 2,700 escaped to Sui China.

The 613 and 614 campaigns were aborted after launch—the 613 campaign was terminated when the Sui generalYang Xuangan rebelled againstEmperor Yang, while the 614 campaign was terminated after Goguryeo offered a truce and returned Husi Zheng (斛斯政), a defecting Sui general who had fled to Goguryeo, Emperor Yang later had Husi executed. Emperor Yang planned another attack on Goguryeo in 615, but due to Sui's deteroriating internal state he was never able to launch it. Sui was weakened due to rebellions against Emperor Yang's rule and his failed attempts to conquer Goguryeo. They could not attack further because the provinces in the Sui heartland would not send logistical support.

Emperor Yang's disastrous defeats in Korea greatly contributed to the collapse of the Sui dynasty.[24][25][26]

Goguryeo also engaged in many wars with theTang dynasty, but it eventually lost asSilla took side with the Tang in theGoguryeo–Tang War. In the winter of 642,King Yeongnyu was apprehensive aboutYŏn Kaesomun, one of the great nobles of Goguryeo,[27] and plotted with other officials to kill him. However, Yŏn Kaesomun caught news of the plot and killed Yeongnyu and 100 officials, initiating acoup d'état. He proceeded to enthrone Yeongnyu's nephew, Go Jang, asKing Bojang while wielding de facto control of Goguryeo himself as thegeneralissimo (Korean대막리지;Hanja大莫離支). At the outset of his rule, Yŏn Kaesomun took a brief conciliatory stance toward Tang China. For instance, he supportedTaoism at the expense ofBuddhism, and to this effect in 643, sent emissaries to the Tang court requesting Taoist sages, eight of whom were brought to Goguryeo. This gesture is considered by some historians as an effort to pacify Tang and buy time to prepare for the Tang invasion Yŏn thought inevitable given his ambitions to annex Silla.

However, Yŏn Kaesomun took an increasingly provocative stance againstSilla Korea andTang China. Soon, Goguryeo formed an alliance with Baekje and invaded Silla, Daeya-song (modern Hapchon) and around 40 border fortresses were conquered by the Goguryeo-Baekje alliance.[28] Since the early 7th century, Silla had been forced on the defensive by both Baekje and Goguryeo, which had not yet formally allied but had both desired to erode Sillan power in the Han Valley. During the reign of KingJinpyeong of Silla, numerous fortresses were lost to both Goguryeo and the continuous attacks took a toll on Silla and its people.[29] During Jinpyeong's reign, Silla made repeated requests beseeching Sui China to attack Goguryeo.[29] Although these invasions were ultimately unsuccessful, in 643, once again under pressure from the Goguryeo–Baekje alliance, Jinpyeong's successor,Queen Seondeok of Silla, requested military aid from Tang. Although Taizong had initially dismissed Silla's offers to pay tribute and its requests for an alliance on account of Seondeok being a woman, he later accepted the offer due to Goguryeo's growing belligerence and hostile policy towards both Silla and Tang. In 644, Tang began preparations for a major campaign against Goguryeo.[27]

In 645,Emperor Taizong, who had a personal ambition to defeat Goguryeo and was determined to succeed whereEmperor Yang had failed, personally led an attack on Goguryeo. The Tang army captured a number of Goguryeo fortresses, including the importantYodong/Liaodong Fortress (遼東城, in modernLiaoyang,Liaoning). During his first campaign against Goguryeo, Taizong famously showed generously to the defeated inhabitants of numerous Goguryeo fortresses, refusing to permit his troops to loot downs and enslave inhabitants and when faced with protest from his commanders and soldiers, rewarded them with his own money.[30]Ansi City (in modernHaicheng, Liaoning), which was the last fortress that would clear theLiaodong Peninsula of significant defensive works and was promptly put under siege. Initially, Taizong and his forces achieve great progress, when his numerically inferior force smashed a Goguryeo relief force at theBattle of Mount Jupil. Goguryeo's defeat at Mount Jupil had significant consequences, as Tang forces killed over 20,000 Goguryeo soldiers and captured another 36,800, which crippled Goguryeo's manpower reserves for the rest of the conflict.[30] However, the capable defense put up by Ansi's commanding general (whose name is controversial but traditionally is believed to beYang Manch'un) stymied Tang forces and, in late fall, with winter fast approaching and his supplies running low, Tang forces under the command Prince Li Daozong attempted to build a rampart to seize the city in a last ditch effort, but was foiled when Goguryeo troops managed to seize control of it. Afterwards, Taizong decided to withdraw in the face of incoming Goguryeo reinforcements, deteriorating weather conditions and the difficult supply situation. The campaign was unsuccessful for the Tang Chinese,[31] failing to capture Ansi Fortress after a protracted siege that lasted more than 60 days.[32] Emperor Taizong invaded Goguryeo again in 647 and 648, but was defeated both times.[33][34][35][36][37]

Painting of envoys from the Three Kingdoms of Korea to theTang court: Silla, Baekje, and Goguryeo.Portraits of Periodical Offering, circa 650 AD, Tang dynasty
Goguryeo ambassadors during an audience with KingVarkhuman ofSamarkand. They are identified by the two feathers on top of their head.[38] 648–651 AD,Afrasiab murals, Samarkand.[39][40]

Emperor Taizong prepared another invasion in 649, but died in the summer, possibly due to an illness he contracted during his Korean campaigns.[36][33] His sonEmperor Gaozong continued his campaigns. Upon the suggestion ofKim Ch'unch'u, the Silla–Tang alliance first conqueredBaekje in 660 to break up the Goguryeo–Baekje alliance, and then turned its full attention to Goguryeo.[41] However, Emperor Gaozong, too, was unable to defeat Goguryeo led byYŏn Kaesomun;[41][42] one of Yŏn Kaesomun's most notable victories came in 662 at theBattle of Sasu (蛇水), where he annihilated the Tang forces and killed the invadingNanman general Pang Xiaotai (龐孝泰) and all 13 of his sons.[43][44] Therefore, while Yŏn Kaesomun was alive, Tang could not defeat Goguryeo.[45]

In the summer of 666,Yŏn Kaesomun died of a natural cause and Goguryeo was thrown into chaos and weakened by a succession struggle among his sons and younger brother.[46] He was initially succeeded asDae Mangniji, the highest position newly made under the ruling period of Yŏn Kaesomun, by his oldest sonYŏn Namsaeng. As Yŏn Namsaeng subsequently carried out a tour of Goguryeo territory, however, rumors began to spread both that Yŏn Namsaeng was going to kill his younger brothersYŏn Namgŏn andYŏn Namsan, whom he had left in charge atPyongyang, and that Yŏn Namgŏn and Yŏn Namsan were planning to rebel against Yŏn Namsaeng. When Yŏn Namsaeng subsequently sent officials close to him back to Pyongyang to try to spy on the situation, Yŏn Namgŏn arrested them and declared himselfTae Mangniji, attacking his brother. Yŏn Namsaeng sent his sonCh'ŏn Hŏnsŏng (泉獻誠), as Yŏn Namsaeng changed his family name from Yŏn (淵) to Ch'ŏn (泉) observe naming taboo for Emperor Gaozu, to Tang to seek aid.Emperor Gaozong saw this as an opportunity and sent an army to attack and destroy Goguryeo. In the middle of Goguryeo's power struggles between Yŏn Kaesomun's successors, his younger brother, Yŏn Chŏngto, defected to the Silla side.[46]

In 667, the Chinese army crossed theLiao River and captured Shin/Xin Fortress (新城, in modernFushun,Liaoning). The Tang forces thereafter fought off counterattacks by Yŏn Namgŏn, and joined forces with and received every possible assistance from the defector Yŏn Namsaeng,[46] although they were initially unable to cross the Yalu River due to resistance. In spring of 668, Li Ji turned his attention to Goguryeo's northern cities, capturing the important city of Buyeo (扶餘, in modernNong'an,Jilin). In fall of 668, he crossed theYalu River and putPyongyang under siege in concert with the Silla army.

Yŏn Namsan and Bojang surrendered, and while Yŏn Namgŏn continued to resist in the inner city, his general, the Buddhist monkSinsŏng (信誠) turned against him and surrendered the inner city to Tang forces. Yŏn Namgŏn tried to commit suicide, but was seized and treated. This was the end of Goguryeo, and Tang annexed Goguryeo into its territory, withXue Rengui being put initially in charge of former Goguryeo territory as protector general. The violent dissension resulting from Yŏn Kaesomun's death proved to be the primary reason for the Tang–Silla triumph, thanks to the division, defections, and widespread demoralization it caused.[47] The alliance with Silla had also proved to be invaluable, thanks to the ability to attack Goguryeo from opposite directions, and both military and logistical aid from Silla.[47] The Tang established theAndong Protectorate on former Goguryeo lands after the latter's fall.[48][49]

However, there was much resistance to Tang rule (fanned by Silla, which was displeased that Tang did not give it Goguryeo or Baekje's territory), and in 669, following Emperor Gaozong's order, a part of the Goguryeo people were forced to move to the region between the Yangtze River and the Huai River, as well as the regions south of the Qinling Mountains and west of Chang'an, only leaving old and weak inhabitants in the original land. Some people entered the service of the Tang government, such asGo Sagye and his sonGao Xianzhi (Go Seonji in Korean), the famed general who commanded the Tang forces at theBattle of Talas.[50][51][52][53][54]

Silla thus unified most of the Korean peninsula in 668, but the kingdom's reliance on China's Tang dynasty had its price. Tang set up theProtectorate General to Pacify the East, governed byXue Rengui, but faced increasing problems ruling the former inhabitants of Goguryeo, as well as Silla's resistance to Tang's remaining presence on the Korean Peninsula. Silla had to forcibly resist the imposition of Chinese rule over the entire peninsula, which lead to theSilla–Tang Wars, but their own strength did not extend beyond theTaedong River.[citation needed]

Later, Tang China consideredBalhae as atributary state, whereas Balhae strongly opposed such view. As theEmperor of China saw himself as the emperor of the entire civilized world, it was not possible for such an emperor to have equal diplomatic relations with any other regional powers, and as such all diplomatic relations in the region were construed by the Chinese as tributary regardless of the intention of those regions.

Liao, Jin, Song and Goryeo

[edit]
See also:Goryeo–Khitan Wars andKorean–Jurchen border conflicts

During this time North China was ruled by theKhitan-ledLiao dynasty followed by theJurchen-ledJin dynasty. Although Liao initially attempted to maintain friendly relations with Goryeo, the Liao's destruction of Goryeo's predecessor, Balhae, led to lingering resentments within the Korean court in Kaesong. As descendants of Goguryeo, the Balhae people and the Goryeo dynasties were related.[55]Taejo of Goryeo, Goryeo's first King, felt a strong familial kinship with Balhae, calling it his "relative country" and "married country",[56] and protected the Balhae refugees following the Liao Conquest of Balhae.[57] This was in stark contrast to Later Silla, which had endured a hostile relationship with Balhae.[58] Taejo displayed strong animosity toward the Khitans who had destroyed Balhae. The Liao dynasty sent 30 envoys with 50 camels as a gift in 942, but Taejo exiled the envoys to an island and starved the camels under a bridge, in what is known as the "Manbu Bridge Incident".[59][60] Taejo proposed toGaozu ofLater Jin that they attack the Khitans in retribution for Balhae, according to theZizhi Tongjian.[56] Furthermore, in hisTen Injunctions to his descendants, he stated that the Khitans are "savage beasts" and should be guarded against.[59][61] Khitan conquest of Balhae resulted in Goryeo's prolonged hostility towards the Khitan Empire.[62]

As a result of the hostile relationship, the Liao invaded Goryeo and waged a series of wars from 993 to 1019. Goryeo triumphed over the Liao dynasty in early 11th century and gained parts of the northern Korean peninsula from Liao in exchange for submitting tribute. Following the Goryeo–Khitan War, a balance of power was established in East Asia between Goryeo, Liao, and Song.[63][64] With its victory over Liao, Goryeo was confident in its military ability and no longer worried about a Khitan military threat.[65] Fu Bi, a grand councilor of the Song dynasty, had a high estimate of Goryeo's military ability and said that Liao was afraid of Goryeo.[66][67] Furthermore, regarding the attitude of the Koreans, he said: "Among the many tribes and peoples which, depending on their power of resistance, have been either assimilated or made tributary to the Khitan, the Koreans alone do not bow their heads."[68] Song regarded Goryeo as a potential military ally and maintained friendly relations as equal partners.[69] Meanwhile, Liao sought to build closer ties with Goryeo and prevent a Song–Goryeo military alliance by appealing to Goryeo's infatuation with Buddhism, and offered Liao Buddhist knowledge and artifacts to Goryeo.[70] During the 11th century, Goryeo was viewed as "the state that could give either the Song or Liao military ascendancy".[67] When imperial envoys, who represented the emperors of Liao and Song, went to Goryeo, they were received as peers, not suzerains.[71][72] Goryeo's international reputation was greatly enhanced.[69][73] Beginning in 1034, merchants from Song and envoys from various Jurchen tribes and theTamna kingdom attended the annualPalgwanhoe in Kaesong, the largest national celebration in Goryeo;[73] the Song merchants attended as representatives of China while the Jurchen and Tamna envoys attended as members of Goryeo'stianxia.[74]

Goryeo had a complex relationship with the Jurchens, who would later go on to form theJin dynasty (1115–1234). Jurchens in theYalu River region were tributaries of Goryeo since the reign ofWang Geon, who called upon them during the wars of theLater Three Kingdoms period, but the Jurchens switched allegiance between Liao and Goryeo multiple times, taking advantage of the tension between the two nations; posing a potential threat to Goryeo's border security, the Jurchens offered tribute to the Goryeo court, expecting lavish gifts in return.[75]

General Yun Kwan (1040–1111) and his army

The Jurchens north of Goryeo had traditionally rendered tribute to the Goryeo monarchs and called Goryeo their "parent country" considering past ties betweenGoguryeo and itsMohe subjects,[76][77][78] but thanks to the defeat of Liao to the Koreans in 1019, theWanyan tribe of theHeishui Mohe unified the Jurchen tribes and gained in might, taking advantage of the power vacuum.[citation needed]

At the peak of its power, Goryeo contested with the risingWanyan tribes of which Goryeo considered them as barbaric vassals descending from theMohe people that served theirGoguryeo ancestors,[79][80] in the state of total war over former territories of Goguryeo andBalhae. This was in sharp contrast with the more positive perceptions the Jurchens had of Goryeo. For example, the annals ofKing Yejong (r. 1105–1122) in theHistory of Goryeo report that Wanyan Wugunai's sonYingge (盈歌; 1053–1103) considered Goryeo as his "parent country" (父母之邦) because his clan's ancestor Hanpu had come from Goryeo.[81] Although this could have been because of the Jurchens' desire for Goryeo aid against their rivals, as historians are unsure if Hanpu, the progenitor of the Jurchen Jin dynasty's royal family who was from Goryeo, was ethnically Silla, Goryeo, Balhae or Jurchen.

As the geopolitical situation began to shift in turbulence by the start of the 12th century, Goryeo unleashed two major military campaigns from 1104 to 1109 spearheaded by the ambitiousKing Yejong with vows of reclaiming formerGoguryeo territories held by Jurchen tribes united under the progenitors of the Jin dynasty,Wanyan Wuyashu andAguda, with the aims of also preventing potential aggressions from the Jurchen tribes. Led by prominent generals such asYun Kwan andCh'ŏk Chun-gyŏng, the well-trainedByeolmuban (別武班; "Special Warfare Army") of approximately 250,000[82][83] men initially succeeded in ravaging Jurchen territories and building the strategic "Nine Fortresses" (동북 9성;東北九城) of which exact locations are still topics of debate. Following the invasion, numerous Jurchen tribes surrendered to the invading Korean forces but many stayed vigilant and resumed fierce resistance led by the Wanyan tribe, complicating the phase of the war. Despite the Koreans of Goryeo having proceeded to utilizingscorched earth tactics, the Jurchen tribes under the leadership of Wanyan Wuyashu achieved a pyrrhic victory as Goryeo considered securing the Nine Fortresses too costly albeit having the upper hand in the war. Contacted by the Jurchens of the Wanyan tribe that have tasted the bitterness as well of facing Korean forces in their homes for peace, Goryeo would eventually move on to reluctantly signing a peace agreement with the Wanyan tribe and later on cede the Nine Fortresses to Wuyashu, in return for tributes sent by the Jurchens, the full repatriation of Korean settlers, and the guarantee of nonaggression.[84] Though the objective of reclaiming former ancestral lands failed, Goryeo managed to maintain peaceful relations with the Jin dynasty which progress in conquering the Liao andNorthern Song dynasty respectively.[85]

During the reign of Jurchen leaderWuyashu in 1103–1113, the border between the two nations was stabilized and Korean forces withdrew from Jurchen territories, acknowledging Jurchen control over the contested region.[86][87]

In 1115 the Jurchen founded theJin dynasty, and in 1125 Jin annihilated Liao, which was Goryeo's suzerain,[citation needed] and startedinvasion of Song. In response to the circumstantial changes, Goryeo declared itself to be a tributary state of Jin in 1126.[88][89] After that, peace was maintained and Jin never actually did invade Goryeo. As a result, Goryeo paid tribute to the Jin to maintain friendly relations and trade.

Yuan and Goryeo

[edit]

During the 13th century, theMongol Empireinvaded China and defeated theJin andSong dynasties. In 1271,Kublai Khan proclaimed theYuan dynasty of China in the traditional Chinese style.[90] During the period of 1231–1259, the Yuan dynastyinvaded Korea. Goryeo endured six devastating invasions at tremendous cost to civilian lives throughout the Korean Peninsula, and numerous cultural artifacts such as theTripitaka Koreana and theHwangnyongsa. The hardships endured by the Goryeo people and the destruction of the country in the face of the invasions ultimately resulting in the capitulation ofGoryeo and becoming a tributary state of the Yuan dynasty for 86 years until achieving its independence in 1356. As a stipulation of the peace treaty, the Mongols annexed the northern areas of Korean Peninsula after the invasions and incorporated them into their empire asSsangseong Prefectures andDongnyeong Prefectures.[91]Once the treaty was concluded and vassaldom established, intermarriage between the Koreans and Mongols was encouraged by the Mongol Empire.[92] After the death ofWonjong in 1274, his successorChungnyeol of Goryeo received Kublai's daughterQutlugh-Kelmish as a wife, and his reign began a wholesaleMongolization of the Korean court that continued until the middle of the 14th century. On paper, the official protocol for Korea was that of a subordinate principality, and Korean rulers made lengthy stays at the Mongol Yuan court, both before and after their coronation.[93] In addition, their Mongol wives, and even concubines, exerted great influence over Goryeo politics. For instance,Bayankhutag, Princess Gyeonghwa selected officials for posts within the Goryeo government.[94] The Mongols and the Kingdom of Goryeo became linked via marriage and Goryeo became aquda (marriage alliance) state of the Yuan dynasty; monarchs of Goryeo during this period were effectively imperial sons in-law (khuregen). The effects of intermarriage on Mongol-Goryeo relations worked both ways: during the reign of Kublai Khan, King Chungnyeol of Goryeo married one of Kublai's daughters; later, a court lady from Korea called theEmpress Gi became an empress through her marriage withUkhaantu Khan, and her son,Biligtü Khan of theNorthern Yuan dynasty, became a Mongol Khan. Furthermore, the kings of Goryeo held an important status within the Mongol imperial hierarchy, much like other important families of conquered or client states of the Mongol Empire (e.g. theUyghurs, theOirats, andKhongirad).[95]

King Gongmin (1330–1374) andPrincess Noguk assisted in the peaceful succession ofGegeen Khan.

The Mongols extracted tribute from throughout their empire.[96] From Goryeo, they received gold, silver, cloth, grain, ginseng, and falcons.[97][98] The tribute payments were a burden on Goryeo and subjugated polities in the empire.[97][98][99] As with all parts of the Mongol Empire, Goryeo provided palace women, eunuchs, Buddhist monks, and other personnel to the Mongols.[100] Korean concubines were procured by the Khan.[101] One of them wasEmpress Gi, who, through her political command and incorporation of Korean females and eunuchs in the court, spread Korean clothing, food, and lifestyle in thecapital.[102] It became prestigious to marry Korean women among members of the Yuan elite.[103] The entry of Korean women into the Mongol court was reciprocated by the entry of Mongol princesses into the Korean court, beginning with the marriage ofChungnyeol of Goryeo and a daughter of Kublai Khan; in total, 9 princesses of the Yuan court married into the Goryeo royal family.[104]

During Yuan rule, Korea was effectively forced to serve as a Mongol military base. Mongol ambitions on Japan resulted in twoinvasions of Japan. In both efforts, the Mongols directed Korean shipbuilding and militarization towards the amphibious assault of the Japanese coasts and pressed a large proportion of Korean naval and infantry forces into the service of Mongol military objectives. Korea supplied 770 fully manned ships and 5,000 soldiers in 1274 and 900 ships and 10,000 soldiers in 1281.[93] Yuan officials and envoys took concubines and wives in Korea while they were stationed in Korea for the invasion of Japan.[105] For a variety of reasons, both invasions failed.

As Yuan rule began to destabilize in China,King Gongmin of Goryeo seized the opportunity to rebel and declared Goryeo's independence after decades of Mongol rule. Furthermore, Gongmin regained Goryeo's northern territories and Goryeo would even briefly invade Liaodong after it regained its independence. The Yuan dynasty eventually fell in 1368.

Ming and Joseon

[edit]

Following the emergence of theMing dynasty in 1368, when it overthrew the Mongol Yuan dynasty, the royal court in Goryeo split into two conflicting factions, one supporting the Ming and the other standing by the Yuan. In 1388, a Ming messenger came to Goryeo to demand that territories of the formerSsangseong Prefectures be handed over to Ming China. The tract of land was taken by Mongol forces duringthe invasion of Korea, but had been reclaimed by Goryeo in 1356 as the Yuan dynasty weakened. The act caused an uproar among the Goryeo court, and GeneralCh'oe Yŏng seized the chance to argue for an invasion of the Ming-controlledLiaodong Peninsula.

GeneralYi Sŏng-gye was chosen to lead the attack;he revolted, swept back to the capital Gaegyeong (present-dayKaesong) and initiated acoup d'état, overthrowingKing U in favor of his son,Chang of Goryeo (1388). He later killed King U and his son after a failed restoration and forcibly placed a royal named Wang Yo on the throne (he became KingGongyang of Goryeo). In 1392, Yi eliminatedChŏng Mong-ju, highly respected leader of a group loyal to Goryeo dynasty, and dethroned King Gongyang, exiling him toWonju, and he ascended the throne himself. The Goryeo kingdom had come to an end after 474 years of rule.

In the beginning of his reign, Yi Sŏng-gye, now ruler of Korea, intended to continue to use of the name Goryeo for the country he ruled and simply change the royal line of descent to his own, thus maintaining the façade of continuing the 500-year-old Goryeo tradition. After numerous threats of mutiny from the drastically weakened but still influential Gwonmun nobles, who continued to swear allegiance to the remnants of the Goryeo and to the now-demotedWang clan, the consensus in the reformed court was that a new dynastic title was needed to signify the change. In naming the new kingdom, Taejo contemplated two possibilities – "Hwaryeong" (his place of birth) and "Joseon". After much internal deliberation, as well as endorsement by the neighboring Ming dynasty's emperor, Taejo declared the name of the kingdom to be Joseon, a tribute to the ancient Korean state ofGojoseon.[106] He also moved the capital toHanseong (modernSeoul) fromGaegyeong (modern Kaesong).

Ming dynasty of China shared a close trade and diplomatic relationship with theJoseon dynasty of Korea. In 1392, the Joseon and Ming settled their border through negotiation, with the Joseon accepting tributary status while the Ming gave up competing territorial claims.[107]: 98  Both dynasties sharedConfucian ideals in society. Joseon had been a member of the Ming's sinocentric East Asian regional order. Joseon was historically one of the most pro-China Korean dynasties, and the Ming Court traditionally treated Korea alongside Vietnam and Thailand as its most favored tributaries. Relations were close and stable for the 250 years following the 1392 border negotiations.[107]: 98 

Ming China assisted Joseon Korea duringToyotomi Hideyoshi'sinvasion of Korea,[107]: 96  in which theWanli Emperor sent a total of 221,500 troops. For this, the Chinese Emperor of that time, theWanli Emperor is remembered fondly by most Koreans of the modern era.

Joseon Korea, in an effort to repay the Ming Chinese assistance duringToyotomi Hideyoshi'sinvasion of Korea's sent 13,000 soldiers to aid the Ming against theLater Jin at theBattle of Sarhū where nearly two-thirds of the Joseon Expeditionary Force was killed.[108] Furthermore, Joseon Korea was invaded twice during theMing-Qing Transition due to its loyalty to the Ming Government in Beijing.

As a result of Joseon's subjugation and Ming's destruction, Joseon supported theLittle China ideology, known as sojunghwa.[109] According to Youngmin Kim, " it held that the Joseon embodied Chineseness authentically while other neighboring countries failed to do so in the face of the barbarian domination of the center of the civilized world."[109] A set of standardized rites and unifying symbols were developed in Late Joseon Korea in order to maintain that sense of cultural identity.[109] Joseon dynasty believed that the Qing dynasty was unworthy of succeeding the politico-cultural orthodoxy of "China". Instead, theConfucianist Joseon dynasty asserted itself as the legitimate heir to the Chinese civilization and termed itself "Little China".[110]

Long after submitting to the Qing, the Joseon court and many Korean intellectuals kept using Mingreign periods, as when a scholar marked 1861 as "the 234th year ofChongzhen."[111]

Qing, Joseon and Korean Empire

[edit]
Qing–Joseon boundary marker onMount Paektu (photographed in 1930s)

UnderHong Taiji, theLater Jin dynasty and its successorQing dynasty invaded Joseon twice, in1627 and1636. Following the 1636 invasion, the Qing claimed victory and forcedInjo of Joseon into submission.Hong Taiji set up a platform inSamjeondo in the upper reach of theHan River.[112] At the top of the platform he acceptedKing Injo's submission. King Injokowtowed toHong Taiji, who allegedly forced Injo to repeat the humiliating ritual many times.[113] Amonument in honor of the so-calledexcellent virtues of the Manchu Emperor was erected at Samjeondo, where the ceremony of submission had been conducted.

After securing Injo's submission, the Qing forced Joseon to sever its relations with the collapsing Ming dynasty, which eventually fell in 1644. Despite reestablishing economic relations by officially entering theimperial Chinese tributary system, Joseon leaders and intellectuals remained resentful of the Manchus, whom they regarded as barbarians, and[114] regarded the Ming dynasty as the center of the civilized world.[109] Injo's successor,Hyojong of Joseon, after rising to the throne, began to reform and expand themilitary of Korea to avenge the fallen Ming dynasty; first he removedKim Chajŏm, who had corrupted politics and had greater power than the king himself. Then, he calledSong Si-yŏl (송시열;宋時烈) andKim Sang-heon to his court, who supported war against the Qing dynasty. His military expansion was massive, and he also built several border fortresses alongYalu River where Joseon and Qing shared a border. When a band of Dutch sailors includingHendrick Hamel drifted onJeju Island, Hyojong ordered them to build muskets for the army, providing muskets to the Koreans for the first time after theSeven Year War.

However, the Qing dynasty continued to thrive, expanding quickly into the west after successfully conquering the Ming in 1644. The campaign was unable to be put in action, since the Qing dynasty assimilated the massiveHan army into their own. The Joseon military, although reformed and expanded, was no match against the combined Manchu and Han forces. Also, the Qing dynasty began to treat Joseon as its friend and closest ally.

The expanded military was first put into action in 1654, when the Qing dynasty called for help to fight against invadingRussians. 150 Joseon musketeers, along with 3,000 Manchus, met the Russian army at theBattle of Hutong (호통Hanja : 好通), present-dayYilan, which was won by the Qing–Joseon allied forces. Four years later, in 1658, Hyojong sent troops once again to help Qing dynasty against Russia; 260 Joseon musketeers and cannoneers led byShin Ryu joined the forces ofNinguta Military GovernorSarhuda, the joint force sailed down theHurka andSungari Rivers and met the Russian forces under command of an AmurCossack,Onufrij Stepanov near the fall of theSungari River into theAmur, killing 270 Russians and driving them out of Qing territory. The battles against Russia proved that Hyojong's reform had stabilized the Joseon army, although they were never put into action again. Despite the campaigns, Russia and Joseon remained on good terms. The Northern campaign is known asNaseon Jeongbeol (나선정벌;羅禪征伐), or "Suppression of the Russians".

After enjoying two centuries of peace, Joseon Korea and Qing China were confronted with the rising European powers. Qing China's national strength gradually declined after its defeat in theFirst andSecond Opium Wars. As such, China was forced to sign a series of concessions and "unequal treaties" with the Western powers. At the same time, theMeiji Restoration occurred in Japan and led to the rise of theEmpire of Japan, which gradually expanded its military power. TheDonghak Peasant Revolution of Korea in 1894 became a catalyst for theFirst Sino-Japanese War, which saw the defeat of the Qing military. As part of the terms in the post-warTreaty of Shimonoseki, China recognized the independence of Korea and ceased its tributary relations as well as Japan annexing theisland of Taiwan. TheKorean Empire established modern diplomatic relationship with Qing, but Korea was eventually annexed, against their will, by Japan under theJapan–Korea Treaty of 1910.

Republic of China and Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea

[edit]

The anti-JapaneseMarch First Movement protests erupted in Korea in 1919, in which led to millions of Koreans peacefully protesting against Japanese rule.[115] Although the protests were brutally suppressed by the Japanese Government, shortly afterwards, theProvisional Government of the Republic of Korea was established as a government in exile, based inShanghai, withSyngman Rhee serving as its first president with its subsequent recognition[citation needed] by theRepublic of China.[116] During theParis Peace Conference of 1919, many Korean nationalists became optimistic that U.S. PresidentWoodrow Wilson'sThirteen Points that called for self-determination, right to sovereignty and freedom could apply to them and thus key nationalistsKim Kyu-Sik flocked to Paris to petition for Korea's right to self-determination.[117] The Republic of China was a key ally of the Provisional Korean Government, and a leading advocate for the restoration of Korean independence. The Chinese invited the Korean delegation to the conference with both the hope that Korea could regain its independence but also in hopes that the Korean delegation would embarrass Japan internationally.[118] Unfortunately, China was at this point far too weak to do anything besides support Korea diplomatically and politically, and all other nations did not have a vested interested in Korea, and thus the Korean delegation ended in failure. Despite this, many Korean politicians as well as independence activists worked in China to restore Korean sovereignty.

The Provisional Government received significant recognition and support by both the founder of the ROC,Sun Yat-sen and his successor,Chiang Kai-shek, both of whom ledKuomintang regime in China. The Provisional Government coordinated the armed resistance against the Japanese imperial army during the 1920s and 1930s, including theBattle of Fengwudong in June 1920, theBattle of Qingshanli in October 1920, andYoon Bong-Gil's assassination of Japanese officers in Shanghai in April 1932. The last action in particular greatly influenced Chiang, who began to take a more proactive approach to Korean independence.[119] Chiang wrote in his diary that the Japanese invaders should "reflect [on their actions] and awaken themselves", and praised Yun's patriotic martyrdom as a great contribution to Korean independence.[119]

China tried to promote the legitimacy of theProvisional Government of Korea (KPG), which was established byKorean exiles in China after the suppression of the March 1st Movement in Korea. The KPG was ideologically aligned with the Chinese government of the time, as independence leaderKim Ku had agreed toChiang Kai-shek's suggestion to adopt the ChineseThree Principles of the People program in exchange for financial aid.[120] At the same time, China supported the leftist independence leaderKim Won-bong and convinced the two Kims to form the unifiedKorean Liberation Army (KLA). Under the terms in which the KLA was allowed to operate in China, it became an auxiliary of China'sNational Revolutionary Army until 1945. Furthermore, Chiang even went as far as to establish a special class for Korean recruits at theWhampoa Military Academy, many of whom would support Chiang'sNorthern Expedition.[119] China'sNational Military Council had also decided that "complete independence" for Korea was China's fundamental Korean policy; otherwise, the government inChongqing tried to unify the warring Korean factions.[120]

Following the outbreak of theSecond Sino-Japanese War and the fall of Shanghai, the Korean Provisional Government relocated toChongqing, where it formed theKorean Liberation Army (KLA) in 1941. Originally, the Republic of China placed theKorean Liberation Army under the supreme authority of the commander-in-chief of the Chinese Army. The regulation was repealed in 1944, after the Provisional Government had achieved had improved its financial standing and achieved greater importance in the eyes of the Chinese government.[121] The hundreds-strong KLA engaged inguerrilla warfare actions against the Japanese throughout the Asian theater of war until Japanese surrender in 1945.[121]

The Republic of China was one of the participants of theCairo Conference, which resulted in theCairo Declaration. One of the main purposes of the Cairo Declaration was to create an independent Korea, free fromJapanese Colonial Rule and restoration of Formosa (Taiwan) and Manchuria to China.[122] Initially, American negotiators were suspicious of Chinese intentions and potential territorial over Korea. American diplomatStanley Hornbeck asked then Minister of Foreign AffairsT.V. Soong how China viewed Korea "geographically, historically and politically" to which Soong replied:

"[The] Chinese in no sense think of Korea as a part of, or a lost part, of an existing or a once having existed Chinese empire. Nor...do they so think of Indo-China."[123]

Although Chiang wanted an immediate restoration of Korean independence, he ultimately had to compromise with PresidentFranklin D. Roosevelt who wanted an international trusteeship.[119] Despite this, in a show of gratitude, the Provisional Government of Korea issued a statement the day after the Cairo Declaration thanking both the Republic of China and the Cairo Conference for guaranteeing the restoration of Korean sovereignty.[124] Historian Bae Kyoung-han from Silla University notes that it was because of Chiang and the ROC that Korean independence, which had been lost since 1910, was mentioned and supported by the Cairo Conference.[119]

Although the Cairo Conference led to Allied support for Korean independence, it did not lead to recognition of the Korean Provisional Government. Chiang and Korean leaders likeSyngman Rhee tried to influence theU.S. State Department to support Korean independence and recognize the KPG, but the Far Eastern Division was skeptical. Its argument was that theKorean people "were emasculated politically" after decades of Japanese rule, and showed too much disunity, preferring acondominium solution for Korea that involved the Soviets.[120] China was adamantly opposed to Soviet influence in Korea after hearing aboutSoviet atrocities in Poland since its liberation.[120] It should be emphasized that Chinese support for Korean independence was not entirely altruistic, as leading reasons behind Chinese support for Korean independence rested on the idea that a strong and independence Korea would prevent future Japanese aggression and also Chiang feared growing Soviet influence in Korea as the war drew to a close.[125]

By theCairo Conference, the US and China came to agree on Korean independence "in due course", with China still pressing for immediate recognition of the exile government and a tangible date for independence. After Soviet-American relations deteriorated, on August 10, 1945, theUnited States Department of War agreed that China should land troops inPusan, Korea from which to prevent a Soviet takeover. However, this turnaround was too late to prevent thedivision of Korea, as theRed Army quicklyoccupied northern Korea that same month.[120]

Chiang with South Korean PresidentSyngman Rhee in 1949

Cultural relations

[edit]
Further information:Chinese influence on Korean culture

TheChinese character system, known asHanja in Korean, was introduced into Korea through the spread of Buddhism during theTang dynasty. Hanja was used as the sole means of writing Korean untilSejong the Great promoted the invention ofHangul during the 15th century.

Confucianism also became a fundamental part of Korean society, rising into prominence under theGoryeo dynasty and prospered under theJoseon dynasty. Examples includedcivil service examinations, known asgwageo, and educational institutions (Gukjagam andSungkyunkwan), promoting the studies ofChinese classical texts.

Theimperial examination system implemented by China was introduced into Korea, which was not only inseparable from the close exchanges and deepening commercial relations between the two countries, but also had an important relationship with the ruling class of Korea at that time. The reason why the imperial examination system became popular in Korea was because of the strong support and advocacy of the Korean government at the time. The imperial examination system is in line with the idea of the ruling class to manage the country, incorporates the idea of self-development in Korea, encourages more Korean scholars and intellectuals to safeguard the interests of the Korean ruling government, and has caused the pursuit of equality in Korean culture and academic excellence of booming thought.

The thought process made people, even generals, like to write something to express their ideas. That is why in that period, at beginning, the sijo is only to be written by yangban, who went through a long and difficult process of education, but in the later period, there were many anonymous sijos to come out. Instead of using Chinese words, they used their own language and made it with more mordane[check spelling] but with a deep heart-touched sijo. The adoption of the civil service examination system is first helpful for the emperor to regulate the country and pick up the talented people, but then it transits into the path that made people's minds free. No more could they only obey rules, but try to battle the constriction of a hard language, be creative, active, and likely to express themselves.

See also

[edit]

Notes

[edit]
  1. ^단군조선 [Dangun Joseon].Encyclopedia of Korean Culture (in Korean). Retrieved10 February 2019.
  2. ^Shim 2002, p. 275. Original text: 殷道衰,箕子去之朝鮮,教其民以禮義,田蠶織作 (Hanshu 漢書 [Book of Han], chapter 28.2, p. 1658 of the standard Zhonghua shuju edition).
  3. ^Shim 2002, p. 275. Original text: 樂浪朝鮮民犯禁八條:相殺以當時償殺;相傷以穀償;相盜者男沒入為其家奴,女子為婢,欲自贖者,人五十萬 (Hanshu 漢書 [Book of Han], chapter 28.2, p. 1658 of the standard Zhonghua shuju edition). TheRecords of Three Kingdoms (late 3rd century AD) and other later documents interpret these "Eight Prohibitions" as Jizi's teachings, but it is also possible that theHanshu was describing the early phase ofLelang Commandery, and not Jizi's initiatives.
  4. ^Shim 2002, p. 275.Record of Three Kingdoms (chapter 30, p. 848): 昔箕子既適朝鮮,作八條之教以教之,無門戶之閉而民不為盜。其後四十餘世,朝鮮侯準僭號稱王. The overthrowing of the kings of Joseon by Wei Man is also recorded in theBrief History of Wei (third century), which is cited inSanguozhi, chapter 30, p. 850.
  5. ^Shim 2002, p. 275.
  6. ^abShim 2002, p. 276.
  7. ^abcWatson, Burton (1993).Records of the Grand Historian by Sima Qian: Han Dynasty II. Columbia University Press. p. 226.
  8. ^위만조선 [Wiman Joseon].Encyclopedia of Korean Culture (in Korean). Retrieved10 February 2019.
  9. ^Pai, Hyung (2000).Constructing "Korean" origins: A critical review of archaeology, historiography, and racial myth in Korean state-formation theories. Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center. pp. 144–145.
  10. ^Watson, Burton (1993).Records of the Grand Historian by Sima Qian: Han Dynasty II. Columbia University Press. p. 227.
  11. ^Jae-eun Kang,The Land of Scholars: Two Thousand Years of Korean Confucianism, Homa & Sekey Books, 2006, pp. 28–31
  12. ^abSimons 1999, pp. 75–78
  13. ^Ikeuchi, Hiroshi (1929).The Chinese Expeditions to Manchuria under the Wei dynasty. pp. 77–79.
  14. ^Ikeuchi, Hiroshi (1929).The Chinese Expeditions to Manchuria under the Wei dynasty. pp. 113–115.
  15. ^Byington, Mark (2007). "Control or Conquer? Koguryŏ's Relations with States and Peoples in Manchuria".Journal of Northeast Asian History.4 (1): 93.
  16. ^Injae, Lee; Miller, Owen; Jinhoon, Park; Hyun-Hae, Yi (2014-12-15).Korean History in Maps. Cambridge University Press.ISBN 9781107098466.
  17. ^Byington, Mark (2007). "Control or Conquer? Koguryŏ's Relations with States and Peoples in Manchuria".Journal of Northeast Asian History.4 (1): 95.
  18. ^abByington, Mark (2007). "Control or Conquer? Koguryŏ's Relations with States and Peoples in Manchuria".Journal of Northeast Asian History.4 (1): 94.
  19. ^Byington, Mark (2007). "Control or Conquer? Koguryŏ's Relations with States and Peoples in Manchuria".Journal of Northeast Asian History.4 (1): 96.
  20. ^Ikeuchi, Hiroshi (1929).The Chinese Expeditions to Manchuria under the Wei dynasty. p. 101.
  21. ^고구려·수 전쟁 [Goguryeo – Sui War].National Institute of Korean History (in Korean). Retrieved10 February 2019.
  22. ^평원왕[平原王,?~590].
  23. ^Yi, Ki-baek (1984).A New History of Korea. Harvard University Press. p. 47.ISBN 9780674615762. Retrieved16 November 2016.
  24. ^abWhite, Matthew (2011-11-07).Atrocities: The 100 Deadliest Episodes in Human History. W. W. Norton & Company. pp. 78–79.ISBN 9780393081923. Retrieved16 November 2016.
  25. ^Bedeski, Robert (2007-03-12).Human Security and the Chinese State: Historical Transformations and the Modern Quest for Sovereignty. Routledge. p. 90.ISBN 9781134125975. Retrieved16 November 2016.
  26. ^Ebrey, Patricia Buckley; Walthall, Anne; Palais, James B. (2013).East Asia: A Cultural, Social, and Political History, Volume I: To 1800. Cengage Learning. p. 106.ISBN 978-1111808150. Retrieved16 November 2016.
  27. ^abGraff, David (2003-09-02).Medieval Chinese Warfare 300-900. Routledge. p. 196.ISBN 9781134553532. Retrieved3 November 2016.
  28. ^Cartwright, Mark (2016-10-05)."Goguryeo".World History Encyclopedia. Retrieved February 28, 2021
  29. ^ab진평왕.Academy of Korean Studies. Archived fromthe original on 2011-06-10.
  30. ^abGraff, David (2001).Medieval Chinese Warfare 300–900. Routledge. p. 197.
  31. ^Encyclopedia of World History, Vol I, P464 Three Kingdoms, Korea, Edited by Marsha E. Ackermann, Michael J. Schroeder, Janice J. Terry, Jiu-Hwa Lo Upshur, Mark F. Whitters,ISBN 978-0-8160-6386-4.
  32. ^Yi, Ki-baek (1984).A New History of Korea. Harvard University Press. p. 48.ISBN 9780674615762. Retrieved2 November 2016.
  33. ^abKim, Jinwung (2012-11-05).A History of Korea: From "Land of the Morning Calm" to States in Conflict. Indiana University Press. p. 50.ISBN 978-0253000781. Retrieved2 August 2016.
  34. ^Ebrey, Patricia Buckley; Walthall, Anne; Palais, James B. (2013).East Asia: A Cultural, Social, and Political History, Volume I: To 1800. Cengage Learning. p. 106.ISBN 978-1111808150. Retrieved4 August 2016.
  35. ^Tucker, Spencer C. (2009-12-23).A Global Chronology of Conflict: From the Ancient World to the Modern Middle East [6 volumes]: From the Ancient World to the Modern Middle East. ABC-CLIO. p. 406.ISBN 9781851096725. Retrieved4 August 2016.
  36. ^abChen, Jack Wei (2010).The Poetics of Sovereignty: On Emperor Taizong of the Tang Dynasty. Harvard University Press. p. 43.ISBN 9780674056084. Retrieved4 August 2016.
  37. ^Guo, Rongxing (2009-08-29).Intercultural Economic Analysis: Theory and Method. Springer Science & Business Media. p. 42.ISBN 9781441908490. Retrieved4 August 2016.
  38. ^Library, British (2004).The Silk Road: Trade, Travel, War and Faith. Serindia Publications, Inc. p. 110.ISBN 978-1-932476-13-2.
  39. ^Baumer, Christoph (18 April 2018).History of Central Asia, The: 4-volume set. Bloomsbury Publishing. p. 243.ISBN 978-1-83860-868-2.
  40. ^Grenet, Frantz (2004)."Maracanda/Samarkand, une métropole pré-mongole".Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales.5/6: Fig. C.
  41. ^abRing, Trudy; Watson, Noelle; Schellinger, Paul (2012-11-12).Asia and Oceania: International Dictionary of Historic Places. Routledge. p. 486.ISBN 9781136639791. Retrieved16 July 2016.
  42. ^Injae, Lee; Miller, Owen; Jinhoon, Park; Hyun-Hae, Yi (2014-12-15).Korean History in Maps. Cambridge University Press. p. 29.ISBN 9781107098466. Retrieved4 August 2016.
  43. ^이희진 (2 September 2013).옆으로 읽는 동아시아 삼국지 1 (in Korean). EASTASIA.ISBN 9788962620726. Retrieved4 November 2016.
  44. ^통일기.한국콘텐츠진흥원. Korea Creative Content Agency. Retrieved4 November 2016.
  45. ^김용만 (1998).고구려의발견: 새로쓰는고구려문명사 (in Korean). 바다출판사. p. 486.ISBN 9788987180212. Retrieved4 November 2016.
  46. ^abcYi, Ki-baek (1984).A New History of Korea. Harvard University Press. p. 67.ISBN 9780674615762. Retrieved2 August 2016.
  47. ^abGraff, David (2 September 2003).Medieval Chinese Warfare 300-900. Routledge. p. 200.ISBN 9781134553532. Retrieved6 November 2016.
  48. ^Wang 2013, p. 81.
  49. ^Xiong 2008, p. 43.
  50. ^Graff, David (2 September 2003).Medieval Chinese Warfare 300-900. Routledge. p. 213.ISBN 9781134553532. Retrieved29 July 2016.
  51. ^Grant, Reg G. (2011).1001 Battles That Changed the Course of World History. Universe Pub. p. 118.ISBN 9780789322333. Retrieved29 July 2016.
  52. ^Starr, S. Frederick (4 March 2015).Xinjiang: China's Muslim Borderland. Routledge. p. 38.ISBN 9781317451372. Retrieved29 July 2016.
  53. ^Connolly, Peter; Gillingham, John; Lazenby, John (13 May 2016).The Hutchinson Dictionary of Ancient and Medieval Warfare. Routledge.ISBN 9781135936815. Retrieved29 July 2016.
  54. ^Neelis, Jason (19 November 2010).Early Buddhist Transmission and Trade Networks: Mobility and Exchange Within and Beyond the Northwestern Borderlands of South Asia. BRILL. p. 176.ISBN 978-9004181595. Retrieved29 July 2016.
  55. ^Rossabi 1983, p. 154.
  56. ^ab박종기 (2015)."신화와 전설에 담긴 고려 왕실의 역사".고려사의 재발견: 한반도 역사상 가장 개방적이고 역동적인 500년 고려 역사를 만나다 (in Korean). 휴머니스트.ISBN 9788958629023. Retrieved13 March 2019.
  57. ^Rossabi 1983, p. 323.
  58. ^"Parhae | historical state, China and Korea".Encyclopedia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc. Retrieved13 March 2019.
  59. ^ab이기환 (22 June 2015).[여적]태조 왕건이 낙타를 굶겨죽인 까닭.Kyunghyang Shinmun (in Korean). Retrieved13 March 2019.
  60. ^거란의 고려침입.한국사 연대기 (in Korean).National Institute of Korean History. Retrieved22 April 2019.
  61. ^Lee 2010, p. 264.
  62. ^Lee Ki Hwan (2015).태조 왕건이 낙타를 굶겨죽인 까닭 [Why King Taiso wasted camels].Khan.co (in Korean).
  63. ^Kim 2012, pp. 143–144.
  64. ^Rossabi 1983, p. 158.
  65. ^Breuker 2010, p. 245.
  66. ^Rogers 1959, pp. 20–21.
  67. ^abBreuker 2010, p. 247.
  68. ^Rogers 1959, p. 19.
  69. ^abKim 2012, p. 144.
  70. ^Breuker 2003, p. 78.
  71. ^Breuker 2003, p. 60.
  72. ^Breuker 2003, p. 79.
  73. ^ab외국과의 무역 활동.우리역사넷 (in Korean).National Institute of Korean History. Retrieved29 March 2019.
  74. ^강호선.연등회와 팔관회.우리역사넷 (in Korean).National Institute of Korean History. Retrieved29 March 2019.
  75. ^Breuker 2010, pp. 220–221. "The Jurchen settlements in the Amnok River region had been tributaries of Koryŏ since the establishment of the dynasty, when T'aejo Wang Kŏn heavily relied on a large segment of Jurchen cavalry to defeat the armies of Later Paekche. The position and status of these Jurchen is hard to determine using the framework of the Koryŏ and Liao states as reference, since the Jurchen leaders generally took care to steer a middle course between Koryŏ and Liao, changing sides or absconding whenever that was deemed the best course. As mentioned above, Koryŏ and Liao competed quite fiercely to obtain the allegiance of the Jurchen settlers who in the absence of large armies effectively controlled much of the frontier area outside the Koryŏ and Liao fortifications. These Jurchen communities were expert in handling the tension between Liao and Koryŏ, playing out divide-and-rule policies backed up by threats of border violence. It seems that the relationship between the semi-nomadic Jurchen and their peninsular neighbours bore much resemblance to the relationship between Chinese states and their nomad neighbours, as described by Thomas Barfield."
  76. ^Breuker 2010, p. 137.
  77. ^Yi, Ki-baek (1984).A New History of Korea. Harvard University Press. p. 126.ISBN 9780674615762. Retrieved30 July 2016.
  78. ^Walker, Hugh Dyson (2012-11-20).East Asia: A New History. AuthorHouse. p. 207.ISBN 9781477265178. Retrieved30 July 2016.
  79. ^History of Goryeo, 고려사(高麗史) 윤관(尹瓘) 열전(列傳) 中King Yejong's Declaration of War Against the Northern Barbarians (Jurchens):"女眞, 本勾高麗之部落, 聚居于盖馬山東, 世脩貢職, 被我祖宗恩澤深矣. 一日背畔無道, 先考深憤焉. 嘗聞古人之稱大孝者, 善繼其志耳. 朕今幸終達制, 肇覽國事, 盍擧義旗, 伐無道, 一洒先君之恥."English Translation:"The Jurchens, villagers (vassals) of Old Goryeo (Goguryeo) in origin, have lived east to the Gaema Mountains (Gaema Plateau). Throughout generations, they have paid tribute through offerings and thus received titles embedded with our blessings. And yet, they turn their backs on us in the brink of a day and have become atrocious in nature, enraging my father (Sukjong of Goryeo) who have passed on. My father have long said that true filial piety lies upon the succession of will. And now in gladness, I have finished the ancestral rites and assumed governance in good time today. I hereby declare that there shall be punishment for the atrocious, fulfilment of righteousness, and the resolution of his (Sukjong of Goryeo) deep sorrow in life!"
  80. ^Gravestone of Yun Eon-i (윤언이묘지명;尹彦頤墓誌銘),"不敢愛其死女眞本我朝人子孫故爲臣僕相次朝天"English Translation:"How can it be so that we bend our waists in turn to those who have descended from our line and have been long registered as vassals of our nation?"
  81. ^History of Goryeo, fascicle 13, under the 6th month of Yejong's 4th year of reign (i.e., 1108). Cited inWang 2010, p. 251, note 3.
  82. ^고려 예종 2년, 정해년(丁亥年), 1107년.terms.naver.com (in Korean). Retrieved2021-12-06.
  83. ^고려 예종 4년, 기축년(己丑年), 1109년.terms.naver.com (in Korean). Retrieved2021-12-06.
  84. ^여진정벌.Encyclopedia of Korean Culture.
  85. ^고려 예종 12년, 정유년(丁酉年), 1117년.terms.naver.com (in Korean). Retrieved2021-12-06.
  86. ^Tillman, Hoyt Cleveland; West, Stephen H (1995).China Under Jurchen Rule. SUNY Press.ISBN 9780791422731. Retrieved18 March 2015.
  87. ^Twitchett, Fairbank & Franke 1994, p. 221.
  88. ^Twitchett, Fairbank & Franke 1994, p. 229: "the king of Koryŏ declared himself a vassal of Chin in the summer of 1126."
  89. ^Ebrey & Walthall 2014,[1], p. 171, atGoogle Books: "In the case of the Jurchen Jin, the [Goryeo] court decided to transfer its tributary relationship from the Liao to Jin before serious violence broke out." Also p.172: "Koryŏ enrolled as a Jin tributary".
  90. ^Mote, Frederick W. (1994). "Chinese society under Mongol rule, 1215–1368".The Cambridge History of China. pp. 616–664.doi:10.1017/CHOL9780521243315.011.ISBN 978-1-139-05474-4.
  91. ^Hatada, Smith Jr & Hazard 1969, p.53.
  92. ^Djun Kil Kim, 《The History of Korea: 2nd edition》, ABC-CLIO, 2014.ISBN 1610695828, p.78
  93. ^abKorea and the Mongol Empire
  94. ^Chŏng Inji (1451).高麗史 [History of Goryeo] (in Simplified Chinese). Vol. 36.
  95. ^Ed. Morris Rossabi – China among equals: the Middle Kingdom and its neighbors, 10th–14th centuries, p.244
  96. ^Allsen, Thomas T. (1997).Commodity and Exchange in the Mongol Empire: A Cultural History of Islamic Textiles. Cambridge University Press. pp. 28–29.ISBN 9780521583015. Retrieved8 June 2019.
  97. ^abKim 2012, p. 172.
  98. ^abLee, Ki-Baik (1984).A New History of Korea. Harvard University Press. p. 157.ISBN 9780674615762. Retrieved8 June 2019.
  99. ^Robinson, David M. (2009).Empire's Twilight: Northeast Asia Under the Mongols. Harvard University Press. p. 49.ISBN 9780674036086. Retrieved8 June 2019.
  100. ^Robinson, David M. (2009).Empire's Twilight: Northeast Asia Under the Mongols. Harvard University Press. p. 48.ISBN 9780674036086. Retrieved8 June 2019.
  101. ^Rossabi, Morris (2013).Eurasian Influences on Yuan China. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. p. 200.ISBN 9789814459723. Retrieved8 June 2019.
  102. ^Hwang 2016, p. 49.
  103. ^Lorge, Peter (2010). "Review of Empire's Twilight: Northeast Asia under the Mongols. Harvard-Yenching Institute Monograph Series".China Review International.17 (3):377–379.ISSN 1069-5834.JSTOR 23733178.
  104. ^Zhao, George Qingzhi (2008).Marriage as Political Strategy and Cultural Expression: Mongolian Royal Marriages from World Empire to Yuan Dynasty. Peter Lang. p. 204.ISBN 9781433102752. Retrieved18 June 2019.
  105. ^Peter Lee, ed. (2010).Sourcebook of Korean Civilization: Volume One: From Early Times to the 16th Century. Columbia University Press. p. 361.ISBN 978-0231515290.
  106. ^Kang, Jae-eun (2006).The Land of Scholars: Two Thousand Years of Korean Confucianism. Homa & Sekey Books. p. 177.ISBN 9781931907309. Retrieved7 August 2015. "Yi Seong-gye issued a royal edict to proclaim the name of the new kingdom to "Joseon" and issued amnesty to all criminals who opposed the transition. The statement by Taizu about "only the name of Joseon is beautiful and old" naturally refers to Gija Joseon."
  107. ^abcMa, Xinru; Kang, David C. (2024).Beyond Power Transitions: The Lessons of East Asian History and the Future of U.S.-China Relations. Columbia Studies in International Order and Politics. New York:Columbia University Press.ISBN 978-0-231-55597-5.
  108. ^Swope 2014, p. 23.
  109. ^abcdKim, Youngmin (16 March 2018).A History of Chinese Political Thought. John Wiley & Sons. pp. 219–223.ISBN 9781509523160.
  110. ^Chan, Robert Kong (2017).Korea-China Relations in History and Contemporary Implications. Springer. p. 10.ISBN 9783319622651.
  111. ^Kim Haboush 2005, p. 132.
  112. ^Hong-s?k O (2009).Traditional Korean Villages. Ewha Womans University Press. pp. 109–.ISBN 978-89-7300-784-4.
  113. ^Jae-eun Kang (2006).The Land of Scholars: Two Thousand Years of Korean Confucianism. Homa & Sekey Books. pp. 328–.ISBN 978-1-931907-30-9.
  114. ^Larsen 2008, p. 36.
  115. ^Ronkin, Noa (2019). "On the Centennial of the March First Independence Movement of Korea".Stanford.
  116. ^대한민국임시정부의 법통과 역사적 재조명 (Legitimacy and Historical Review of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea).국가보훈처 (Ministry of Patriots and Veterans Affairs). Retrieved29 January 2023.
  117. ^Hart-Landsberg, Martin (1998). "Korea: Division, Reunification, & U.S. Foreign Policy".Monthly Review Press: 30.
  118. ^Manela, Erez (2007).The Wilsonian Moment. pp. 119–135,197–213.
  119. ^abcdeBae, Kyoung-han (2015)."[Foreigners Who Loved Korea] Chiang Kai-shek, a monumental Chinese leader who advocated Korean independence". Korean Herald. Retrieved29 January 2023.
  120. ^abcdeLiu, Xiaoyuan (2010).Recast All Under Heaven: Revolution, War, Diplomacy, and Frontier China in the 20th Century. Continuum. pp. 40–43, 45,48–49,51–52,56–57.
  121. ^ab한국광복군.Naver. Retrieved7 January 2023.
  122. ^Guo, T.Y. (2014).Diary of the History of the Republic of China (in Chinese). Hong Kong. p. 3124.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  123. ^Liu, Xiaoyuan (1992)."Sino-American Diplomacy over Korea during World War II"(PDF).The Journal of American-East Asian Relations.1 (2): 251.doi:10.1163/187656192X00159.JSTOR 23613301. Retrieved30 January 2023.
  124. ^Guo, T.Y. (2014).Diary of the History of the Republic of China (in Chinese). Hong Kong. p. 3129.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  125. ^Liu, Xiaoyuan (1992)."Sino-American Diplomacy over Korea during World War II"(PDF).The Journal of American-East Asian Relations.1 (2): 246, 253.doi:10.1163/187656192X00159.JSTOR 23613301. Retrieved30 January 2023.

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