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History of Canadian foreign policy

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The foreign policies ofCanada and its predecessor colonies were under British control until the 20th century. This included wars with theUnited States in 1775-1783 and 1812–1815. Economic ties with the U.S. were always close. Political tensions arose in the 19th century from anti-British sentiment in the U.S. in the 1860s. Boundary issues caused diplomatic disputes resolved in the 1840s over the Maine boundary and in the early 20th century over the Alaska boundary. There is ongoing discussion regarding the Arctic. Canada-US relations have been friendly in the 20th and 21st centuries.[1]

Canada participated in Britain's wars, especially the Boer war, World War I and World War II. However, there was a bitter dispute between Francophone and Anglophone Canada during the First World War. Canada had its own seat in theLeague of Nations but played a small role in world affairs until the 1940s. Since then it has been active inNATO, theUnited Nations, and in promoting its middle-power status into an active role in world affairs.[2]

History

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Colonial era to 1867

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TheBritish North American colonies which today constitute modern Canada had no control over their foreign affairs until the achievement ofresponsible government in the late 1840s. Up to that time, negotiations were carried out by the governors appointed by the British government to encourageimmigration, settle local disputes and to promote trade.[3]

Disputes with the United States

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American Revolution
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Main article:Diplomacy in the American Revolutionary War

TheTreaty of Paris in 1783 formally ended the war.[4] Britain made several concessions to the United States at the expense of the North American colonies.[5] Notably, theborders between Canada and the United States were officially demarcated;[5] all land south of theGreat Lakes, which was formerly a part of theProvince of Quebec and included modern-dayMichigan,Illinois andOhio, was ceded to the Americans as theNorthwest Territory. Fishing rights were also granted to the United States in theGulf of St. Lawrence and on the coast ofNewfoundland and theGrand Banks.[5]

Britain ignored part of the treaty and maintained their military outposts in theGreat Lakes areas it had ceded to the U.S., and they continued to supply theirNative American allies with munitions. The British evacuated the outposts with theJay Treaty of 1795, but the continued supply of munitions irritated the Americans in the run-up to the War of 1812.[6]

Other interactions
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Notable interactions from the colonial period include theNootka Convention, theWar of 1812, theRush–Bagot Treaty, theTreaty of 1818, theWebster–Ashburton Treaty, and theOregon Treaty. Before the granting ofresponsible government, British diplomats handled foreign affairs and had the goal of achieving British goals, especially peace with the United States; domestic Canadian interests were secondary. TheCanadian–American Reciprocity Treaty of 1854 signalled an important change in relations between Britain and its North American colonies. In this treaty, the Canadas were allowed to impose tariff duties more favourable to a foreign country (the U.S.) than to Britain, a precedent that was extended by new tariffs in 1859, 1879 and 1887, despite angry demands on the part of British industrialists that these tariffs be disallowed by London.[7]

On a much smaller scale, Irish activists called Fenians based in the United Stateslaunched several tiny raids into Canada, in 1866-1871. All were quickly repulsed.[8] One factor leading to confederation was the greatly exaggerated fear in Canada that the U.S. might seize Canada after winning the American Civil War.[9]

Dominion of Canada: 1867-1914

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Soon afterCanadian Confederation, the first prime minister SirJohn A. Macdonald appointedSir John Rose as his lobbyist in London. WhenAlexander Mackenzie became prime minister, he sentGeorge Brown to represent Canada in Washington during British-American trade talks. After theConservative Party came back to power in 1878, the government sentAlexander Galt to London, as well as to France and Spain. Although the British government was concerned about this nascent Canadian diplomacy, it finally consented to giving Galt the formal title ofHigh Commissioner in 1880. A trade commissioner was appointed to Australia in 1894. As High Commissioner,Charles Tupper helped negotiate an agreement with France in 1893 but it was countersigned by the British ambassador as the Queen's official representative to France. Meanwhile, in 1882 the province of Quebec made its first of many forays into the international community by sending a representative,Hector Fabre to Paris in 1882.[10]

Canada's responses to international events elsewhere were limited at this time. During 1878 tensions between Britain and Russia, for example, Canada constructed a few limited defences but did little else. By the time of theBritish campaign in Sudan of 1884–85, however, Canada was expected to contribute troops. Since Ottawa was reluctant to become involved, theGovernor General of Canada privately raised 386voyageurs at Britain's expense to help British forces on theNile river. By 1885, many Canadians offered to volunteer as part of a potential Canadian force, however the government declined to act. This stood in sharp contrast to Australia (New South Wales), which raised and paid for its own troops.[11]

According toCarman Miller, Canada took a strong interest in theSecond Boer War, 1899–1902, when the British with great difficulty suppressed the Boer movement in South Africa. Support for the war was strong in theAnglophone community, as thousands of ambitious young men volunteered and fought. However, there was resistance in rural Canada, thelabor movement, non-Anglican clergyman, and the largeIrish Catholic community, as well as the smallerDutch andGerman communities. Supporters saw an opportunity to assert that Canadian national identity was compatible with ties with the mother country. That alliance, they felt, would help protect them from American threats. Other supporters identified strongly with the pan-Britannic theme, cheering for "Queen and country!" TheFrench Canadian community realized how different it was from Britannia, and began launching separatist movements.[12]

The first Canadian commercial representative abroad wasJohn Short Larke. Larke became Canada's first trade commissioner following a successful trade delegation to Australia led by Canada's first Minister of Trade and Commerce,Mackenzie Bowell.[13]

TheAlaska boundary dispute, simmering since theUS purchased Alaska from Russia of 1867, became critical when gold was discovered in the CanadianYukon during the late 1890s. Alaska controlled all the possible ports of entry. Canada argued its boundary included the port ofSkagway, held by the U.S.. The dispute went to arbitration in 1903, but the British delegate sided with the Americans, angering Canadians who felt the British had betrayed Canadian interests to curry favour with the U.S.[14][15]

In 1909, Prime MinisterWilfrid Laurier reluctantly established aDepartment of External Affairs and the positions of Secretary and Under-Secretary of State for External Affairs, largely at the urging of the Governor-GeneralEarl Grey andJames Bryce, the British ambassador in Washington, who estimated that three-quarters of his embassy's time was devoted to Canadian-American matters.[citation needed]

Laurier signed a reciprocity treaty with the U.S. that would lower tariffs in both directions. Conservatives underRobert Borden denounced it, saying it would integrateCanada's economy intothat of the U.S. and loosen ties with Britain. The Conservative party won the1911 Canadian federal election.[16]

1914-1929

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First World War

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Main article:Canada in the World Wars and Interwar Years § World War I
Civilians hail a trainload of soldiers departing from Toronto shortly after war began in August 1914

TheCanadian Forces and civilian participation in the First World War helped to foster a sense ofBritish-Canadian nationhood. The British-oriented population was empowered, and everyone else was marginalized, especially the French, Irish Catholic, and East European elements.Thefamous military achievements came during theSomme,Vimy,Passchendaele battles and what later became known as "Canada's Hundred Days". The costs were high: 67,000 killed and 173,000.[17]

British Canadians were annoyed in 1914-16 when Washington insisted on neutrality and seemed to profit heavily while Canada was sacrificing its wealth and its youth. However, when theUS finally declared war on Germany in April 1917, there was swift cooperation and friendly coordination, as one historian report:

Official co-operation between Canada and the United States—the pooling of grain, fuel, power, and transportation resources, the underwriting of a Canadian loan by bankers of New York—produced a good effect on the public mind. Canadian recruiting detachments were welcomed in the United States, while a reciprocal agreement was ratified to facilitate the return of draft-evaders. A Canadian War Mission was established at Washington, and many other ways the activities of the two countries were coordinated for efficiency. Immigration regulations were relaxed and thousands of American farmhands crossed the border to assist in harvesting the Canadian crops. Officially and publicly, at least, the two nations were on better terms than ever before in their history, and on the American side this attitude extended through almost all classes of society.[18]

Support for Britain caused a majorpolitical crisis over conscription, asFrancophones, especially in Quebec,rejected national policies.[19] TheAustro-Hungarian Empire was an enemy in the war. Large numbers of its emigrants had settled in thePrairie Provinces. Some 8,000 were classified asenemy aliens,and were interred in camps. Another 80,000 had to report regularly to thelocal police.[20]

TheLiberal party was deeply split, with most of itsAnglophone leaders joining theunionist government headed by Prime MinisterRobert Borden, the leader of theConservative party.[21] The Liberals regained their influence after the war under the leadership ofWilliam Lyon Mackenzie King, who served as prime minister with three separate terms between 1921 and 1949.[22]

As its reward for significant contributions to the victory, Prime Minister SirRobert Borden won London's approval that Canada be treated as a separate signatory to theTreaty of Versailles.[citation needed]

1920s

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After Canada shared in victory in the First World War, there were two alternative strategies for Canada's foreign policy, according toC.P. Stacey. The Conservative Party, under prime ministersRobert Borden andArthur Meighen, called for close cooperation with London as part of the British Empire. This carried on the wartime coalition built on pro-British elements. However the Liberal Party, under its new leader Mackenzie King, sought a nationalistic and isolationist approach of the sort that appealed to the French Canadian element, as well as other non-British ethnic groups. King, acting as his own Foreign Minister, achieved his goal by close cooperation with his Under-Secretary of State for External Affairs,Oscar D. Skelton, and withClifford Sifton, the influential newspaperman fromManitoba.[23]

In January 1920 Canada was a founding member of theLeague of Nations and was granted full membership. It acted independently of London. It was elected to the League Council (governing board) in 1927. It did not play a leading role, and generally opposed sanctions or military action by the League. The League was virtually defunct by 1939.[24] Both the Borden and King governments made it clear that "Canada lived 'in a fireproof house far from flammable materials' and felt no automatic obligation to the principle of collective security".[25] Very much like the United States, Canada turned away from international politics. Instead, King focused his attention on good relations with the United States and on greater independence from Great Britain, moving into a position of near isolation. Thus, in 1922 King refused to support the British to enforce a peace settlement during theChanak Crisis, when the revolutionaryGovernment of the Grand National Assembly attacked and drove out the Greeks in Turkey.[26]

The government operated a Canadian War Mission in Washington, 1918 to 1921, but it was not until King became Prime Minister in 1921 that Canada seriously pursued an independent foreign policy.[27] At anImperial Conference in 1923 it was agreed that no resolution was binding unless approved by each dominion parliament. Canada then for the first time signed a treaty (the 1923Halibut Treaty with the US) without British participation, and it proceeded to establish its own embassy in Washington. Further steps to external sovereignty were theBalfour Declaration of 1926 and theStatute of Westminster in 1931. In 1923, Canada independently signed theHalibut Treaty with the United States at Mackenzie King's insistence – the first time Canada signed a treaty without the British also signing it. In 1925, the government appointed a permanent diplomat to Geneva to deal with the League of Nations andInternational Labour Organization. Following theBalfour Declaration of 1926, King appointedVincent Massey as the first Canadianminister plenipotentiary in Washington (1926), raised the office in Paris to legation status underPhilippe Roy (1928), and opened a legation in Tokyo withHerbert Marler as envoy (1929). Canada finally achieved legislative independence with the enactment of theStatute of Westminster in 1931, although British diplomatic missions continued to represent Canada in most countries throughout the 1930s.[citation needed]

1930s

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Canada was pulled into theGreat Depression in 1929 by the economic recession in the U.S.[28] There was a tariff war with Washington and foreign trade dried up[29] while unemployment soared.[30] The economy shrank by 40% in terms of gross domestic product. Canadians were all the more preoccupied with domestic economic problems. With little dissent Canada chose to remain neutral throughout the 1930s.Japan's invasion of Manchuria raised little concern in Canada, nor didHitler's rise to power in 1933 orItaly's invasion of Ethiopia in 1935.[31]

The government declared its neutrality on the outbreak of theSpanish Civil War in 1936 whereFrancisco Franco lead a military uprising, supported with military hardware and tens of thousands of troops byNazi Germany andFascist Italy against theSecond Spanish Republic. The insurgents won the civil war in 1939. TheCommunist Party of Canada encouraged young men to volunteer to fight for the Spanish Republic in theInternational Brigades. They were not deterred by the Foreign Enlistment Act of 1937, outlawing participation by Canadians in foreign wars. Eventually, 1,546 Canadians participated, mainly in theMackenzie-Papineau Battalion (also called "Mac-Paps") of whom 721 were killed. Except for France, no other country gave as great a proportion of its population as volunteers in Spain than Canada.[32]

Despite its expressed neutrality, in 1936, Canada began a modest program of rearmament and in 1937, King let Britain know that Canada would support it in case of a war in Europe. He visited Germany in June 1937 and met withAdolf Hitler. Like many other political leaders of the time, King was seduced by Hitler's charm and rehearsed simplicity. He supported the policy of "appeasement" of Germany. King and other leaders remained quiet whenHitler annexed Austria in 1938 andBohemia in 1939.[33]

With the rise ofanti-Semitism in Germany and the growing trickle of refugees arriving in the country, Canada began to actively restrict Jewish immigration by 1938.Frederick Charles Blair, the country's top immigration official, raised the amount of money immigrants had to possess to come to Canada from $5,000 to $15,000. King himself shared theanti-Semitism of many Canadians; in his diary he wrote: "We must seek to keep this part of the continent free from unrest and from too great an intermixture of foreign strains of blood."[34]

"Through government inaction and Blair's bureaucraticanti-Semitism, Canada emerged from the war with one of the worst records ofJewish refugee resettlement in the world. Between 1933 and 1939, Canada accepted only 4,000 of the 800,000 Jews who had escaped fromNazi-controlled Europe."[34]

World War II 1939-1945

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Main article:Canada in World War II

In 1939, the King government began to abandon its support of appeasement and publicly warned that it would support Britain in the event of a war.[35] After the outbreak ofWorld War II in September 1939, Canada rapidly expanded its army, navy and air forces.[36]

Ugly rumours of Japanese spies and saboteurs, combined with long-standing hostility towardJapanese Canadians, led to theinternment in inland camps of 21,000 Japanese.[37]

To re-arm Canada, King built theRoyal Canadian Air Force as a viable military power, while at the same time keeping it separate from Britain'sRoyal Air Force. He was instrumental in obtaining theBritish Commonwealth Air Training Plan Agreement, which was signed in Ottawa in December 1939, binding Canada, Britain, New Zealand and Australia to a program that eventually trained half the airmen from those four nations in the Second World War.[38][39]

King linked Canada more and more closely to the United States, signingan agreement with Roosevelt atOgdensburg, New York, in August 1940 that provided for the close cooperation of Canadian and American forces, despite the fact that the U.S. remained officially neutral until the bombing ofPearl Harbor on December 7, 1941. During the war the Americans took virtual control of theYukon in building theAlaska Highway, and major airbases inNewfoundland, at that time under British governance.[40]

In designing the strategy for victory in World War Two, Canada was largely ignored by British Prime MinisterWinston Churchill and President Franklin D Roosevelt. Nevertheless, Canada did play an important role in mobilizing and training troops and munitions, and in supplying food. to Britain.[41][42] and money[43]

Its military roles included thetraining airmen for the Commonwealth, guarding the western half of theNorth Atlantic Ocean against GermanU-boats,[44] and providing combat troops for the invasions of Italy, France and Germany in 1943–45.

Canada proved highly successful in mobilizing its economy for war, with impressive results in industrial and agricultural output. The depression ended, prosperity returned, and Canada's economy expanded significantly.[45]

During the war, Canada rapidly expanded its diplomatic missions abroad. While Canada hosted two major Allied conferences in Quebec in 1943 and 1944, neither King nor his senior diplomats, generals and admirals were invited to take part in any of the discussions.[46]

1945 to 1957

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TheCanadian Institute of International Affairs (CIIA) has long been the intellectual centre of foreign policy thinking. Its current name is the "Canadian International Council". Under businessman Edgar Tarr, 1931 to 1950, the CIIA went beyond the original neutral and apolitical research role. Instead it championed Canadian national autonomy and sought to enlarge the nation's international role, while challengingBritish imperialism. Numerous diplomats attended its conferences and supported its new mission. Canada's foreign policy moved away fromclassical imperialism and toward the modern approach by the United States. CIIA leaders and Canadian officials worked to encouraged nationalist forces inIndia,China, andSoutheast Asia that sought to reject colonial rule and Western dominance.[47]

According to Hector Mackenzie, the myth of a glorious postwar era in Canada's international relations is common in memoirs and biographies of Canadian diplomats, journalism and popular commentary. It sometimes appears in scholarly studies. This story is used as evidence of Canada's exceptionalism, its special world mission and its supposed deeply feltinternationalism. It is easy to take this myth as a standard against which recent history is judged. Mackenzie argues the myth is deeply mistaken especially regarding Canadian motives and achievements in world affairs during 1939 to 1957.[48] Diplomats reminiscing about the postwar era stress the outsized role ofLester B. Pearson; they fondly call the 1940s and 1950s a "golden era" of Canadian foreign policy. It is matched against the isolationism of the 1930s, which James Eayrs called a low, dishonest decade."[49] However, the Golden Era tag has been challenged as a romantic exaggeration. Prime MinisterWilliam Lyon Mackenzie King, working closely with his Foreign MinisterLouis St. Laurent, handled foreign relations 1945–48 in cautious fashion. Canada lent and donated over $2 billion to Britain to help it rebuild (by purchasing Canadian exports). It was elected to theUN Security Council. It helped design NATO. However, Mackenzie King rejected free trade with the United States,[50] and decided not to play a role in theBerlin airlift.[48] Canada had been actively involved in the League of Nations, primarily because it could act separately from Britain. It played amodest role in the postwar formation of the United Nations, as well as theInternational Monetary Fund. It played a somewhat larger role in 1947 in designing theGeneral Agreement on Tariffs and Trade.[51] Ties with Great Britain gradually weakened, especially in 1956 when Canada refused to support theBritish and French invasion of Egypt in order to seize theSuez Canal. LiberalLester B. Pearson as External Affairs Minister (foreign minister) won theNobel Peace Prize for organizing theUnited Nations Emergency Force in 1956 to resolve theSuez Canal Crisis.[52]

From 1939 to 1968, foreign policy was based on close relationships with the United States, especially in trade and defence policy, with Canada an active member ofNATO as well as a bilateral partner with the United States in forming a northern defence againstSoviet Air Forcestrategic bombers. In 1950–53, Canada sent troops to theKorean War in defence ofSouth Korea.[53]

For Lester Pearson, cultural differences, Francophone versus Anglophone, could perhaps be narrowed by involvement in world affairs. Canadians could gain a broader, more cosmopolitan, more liberal outlook. A sense of national identity, built on the middle size nation thesis, was possible. Perhaps international commitment would produce a sense of purpose and thereby unite Canadians.[54]

There were voices on both left and right that warned against being too close to the United States. Few Canadians listened before 1957. Instead, there was wide consensus on Canadian foreign and defence policies 1948 to 1957. Bothwell, Drummond and English state:

That support was remarkably uniform geographically and racially, both coast to coast and among French and English. From theCCF on the left to theSocial Credit on the right, the political parties agreed that NATO was a good thing, and communism a bad thing, that a close association with Europe was desirable, and that theCommonwealth[clarification needed] embodied a glorious past.[55]

However the consensus did not last. By 1957 the Suez crisis alienated Canada from both Britain and France; politicians distrusted American leadership, businessmen questioned American financial investments; and intellectuals ridiculed the values ofAmerican television andHollywood offerings that all Canadians watched. "Public support for Canada's foreign policy big came unstuck. Foreign-policy, from being a winning issue for the Liberals, was fast becoming a losing one."[55]

1957 to 2006

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The general pattern in the 20th century, was for the Liberal party, especially when it controlled the government under Laurier (1896–1911) and Mackenzie King (1921–1930, 1935–1948), to favour closer ties with the United States, often at the expense of Great Britain and the British Commonwealth. The Conservative party, on the other hand, with its voting base in the British element, took the opposite position. Thus the Conservatives defeated the 1911 reciprocity treaty with the United States, and took the lead in supporting Britain in the First World War, wild working feverishly to suppress anti-British sentiment in Québec and the Prairie provinces. HoweverJohn Diefenbaker, the conservative Prime Minister 1957–1963, was shocked to discover that the British were serious about entry into theCommon Market. The Conservatives saw this as a betrayal of the Commonwealth ideal, and let the opposition to London's plans. French PresidentCharles de Gaulle vetoed London's application, but itfinally joined in 1975, with the result of weakening ties to Canada and the Commonwealth.[56][57]

Peacekeeping

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Main article:Canadian peacekeeping

The success of the Suez peacekeeping mission led Canadians to embrace peacekeeping as a suitable role for a middle-sized country, looking for a role, and having high regards for the United Nations. Canada's role in the development ofpeacekeeping during the late 20th century led to the reputation as a prominent player in world affairs. Canada's commitment to multilateralism has been closely related topeacekeeping efforts. CanadianNobel Peace Prize laureateLester B. Pearson was the father of modernUnited Nations Peacekeeping.[58][59] Prior to Canada's role in theSuez Canal Crisis, Canada was viewed by many as insignificant in issues of the world's traditional powers. Canada's successful role in the conflict gave Canada credibility and established it as a nation fighting for the common good of all the world's nations and not just their allies.[60]

Canada sent a peacekeeping force toCyprus in 1964, when two NATO members,Greece andTurkey, were at swords' point overethnic violence betweenGreeks andTurks in thehistoric British colony. The Canadians left in 1993 after 28 were killed and many wounded in the operation. Peacekeeping help was needed in theBelgian Congo in 1960–64, after Belgium pulled out. There were numerous other small interventions. Canada took a central role in theInternational Control Commission (ICC), which tried to broker peace in theVietnam War in the 1960s.[61]

In 1993 violent misbehavior by Canadian peacekeepingforces in Somalia shocked the nation.[62][63]

Since 1995, Canadian direct participation in United Nations peacekeeping efforts has greatly declined.[64] That number decreased largely because Canada began to direct its participation to UN-sanctioned military operations throughNATO, rather than through the UN.[65] In July 2006, for instance, Canada ranked 51st on the list of UN peacekeepers, contributing 130 peacekeepers out of a total UN deployment of over 70,000;[66] whereas in November 1990 Canada had 1,002 troops out of a total UN deployment of 10,304.[67]

Relations with US and others

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US PresidentDwight D. Eisenhower took pains to foster good relations with Progressive ConservativeJohn Diefenbaker (1957–1963) . That led to approval of plans to join together inNORAD, an integrated air defence system, in mid-1957. Relations with PresidentJohn F. Kennedy were much less cordial. Diefenbaker opposedapartheid in theSouth Africa and helped force it out of theCommonwealth of Nations. Hisindecision on whether to accept Bomarc nuclear missiles from the United States led to his government's downfall.[68]

TheVietnam War (1964–1975) was very unpopular in Canada, which provided only minimal diplomatic support and no military participation. LiberalLester B. Pearson as Prime Minister (1963–1968) avoided any involvement in Vietnam.[69] Foreign affairs was not high on his agenda, as he concentrated on complex internal political problems.[70]

Under Liberal Prime MinisterPierre Trudeau (1968–1979 and 1980–1984) foreign policy was much less important than internal unity. There were multiple new approaches, some of which involved standing apart from the United States. Trudeau recognized thePeople's Republic of China shortly before the United States did,[71] improved relationships with the Soviet Union, and cut back on contributions to NATO. While not cutting back on trade with the United States, he did emphasize improved trade with Europe and Asia. By his third year in office, however, Trudeau launched a new initiative, emphasizing Canada's role as a middle power with the ability to engage in active peacekeeping operations under the auspices of the United Nations.[72] Foreign aid was expanded, especially to the non-white Commonwealth. Canada joined most of NATO in imposing sanctions on theSoviet Union for itsinvasion of Afghanistan in 1979–80.[73] PresidentRonald Reagan took office in Washington in 1981, and relationships cooled.[74] However, whenIraq invaded Kuwait in 1990, Canada joined most of NATO and sending troops to thePersian Gulf war.[75]Although Canada remained part of NATO, a strong military presence was considered unnecessary by 1964, and funding was diverted into peacekeeping missions. Only 20,000 soldiers were left. In 2006,Andrew Richter called this, "Forty years of neglect, indifference, and apathy."[76]

Québec started operating its own foreign policy in the 1960s, so that in key countries Canada had two separate missions with diverging priorities.[77]

2006 to present

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Stephen Harper

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Main article:Foreign policy of the Stephen Harper government

TheConservative PartyGovernment of Canada led byPrime MinisterStephen Harper has been characterized as a great break from the previous 70 years of post-war Canadian diplomacy. Indeed, Harper moved away from the multilateral and internationalist policies of theLiberal Party, and reduced Canada's emphasis on theUnited Nations,peacekeeping, conflict resolution, andmultilateralism. Harper's foreign policy has been described as "ideological", incoherent" and "diaspora-driven".[78][79]

Harper sought to strengthen cooperation with theUnited States, particularly in theirWar on terror. As part of this policy, his government continued and expanded Canada's participation in the US-ledWar in Afghanistan.[80] Harper also led Canada in theLibyan civil war and theSyrian civil war.[81] In parallel, Harper showed relentless support forIsrael throughout his whole premiership.[82]

Justin Trudeau

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Main article:Foreign policy of the Justin Trudeau government
See also:List of international prime ministerial trips made by Justin Trudeau
Trudeau withEmmanuel Macron,Shinzo Abe,Angela Merkel,Donald Trump, and other leaders at the45th G7 summit in Biarritz, France

Trudeau enjoyed good relations with the like-mindedUnited States PresidentBarack Obama, despite Trudeau's support for theKeystone Pipeline which was rejected by theDemocratic President.[83] Trudeau's first foreign policy challenges included respecting his campaign promise to withdraw Canadian air support from theSyrian civil war[84] and to welcome 25,000Syrian war refugees.[85]

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and US Ambassador to CanadaKelly Craft, 2019.

Trudeau had a much frostier relationship with Obama's successor,Donald Trump. The Trump administration forced the renegotiation ofNAFTA to create theCUSMA (known as USMCA in the US), in which Canada made significant concessions in allowing increased imports of American milk, weakening Canada's dairysupply management system.[86][87] Trump also implementedtariffs on Canadian steel and aluminum, to which Trudeau retaliated by imposing tariffs on American steel, aluminum and a variety of other American products.[88] At the2018 G7 summit, Trump called Trudeau "very dishonest and weak" in response to comments that Trudeau had made in a press conference, regarding Trump's tariffs. Trudeau again drew Trump's ire at the2019 NATO summit when he was seen on video gossiping with his British and Dutch counterparts,Boris Johnson andMark Rutte, as well as French presidentEmmanuel Macron, about a press conference that Trump had held earlier that day. Trump responded by calling Trudeau "two-faced" when asked by a reporter about the incident.[89]

AfterJoe Biden was elected to succeed Trump in 2020, Trudeau was the first foreign leader to speak with Biden directly aspresident-elect.[90] Trudeau was also the first leader to speak with Biden once he assumed office, and Biden's first formal bilateral meeting was with Trudeau, though it was held virtually due to theCOVID-19 pandemic.[91]

Canada's relationship with China has deteriorated under Trudeau's leadership, chiefly as a result of theMeng Wanzhou affair. SinceWanzhou's arrest at theVancouver airport in December 2018, two Canadians (Michael Spavor andMichael Kovrig) have been held in custody in China. Both countries have requested the release of their nationals, which they see aspolitical prisoners. Trudeau claims he does not have the authority to free Wanzhou, as his policy is to respect Canada'sextradition treaty with the United States.[92][93]

In a similar fashion,Canada's relationship with Saudi Arabia has deteriorated during Trudeau's premiership, ashuman rights groups called on Trudeau to stop selling military equipment to that country under a deal struck by his predecessor. In 2018,Saudi Arabia recalled its Canadian ambassador and froze trade with the country after Canada had called on the Saudis to release opposition bloggerRaif Badawi. However, in 2019, Canada doubled its weapons sales to Saudi Arabia, despite a "moratorium on export permits following thekilling of the Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi and mounting civilian deaths from theSaudi Arabian-led intervention in Yemen."[94]

India's intelligence agencies,Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) and theIndian Intelligence Bureau, have been accused of trying to "covertly influence" Canadian politicians into supporting the Indian interests.[95][96] According to theNorman Paterson School of International Affairs expert, "To my mind, this is one of the first public examples of evidence of clandestine foreign influence targeted at Canadian politicians."[97]

In 2020, Canada lost itsbid to join the United Nations Security Council. This was the second time Canada failed in an attempt to join the Security Council, the first time being in2009 under Trudeau's predecessorStephen Harper.[98]

See also

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Notes

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  1. ^James, P.; Michaud, N.; O'Reilly, M. (2006).Handbook of Canadian Foreign Policy. Lexington Books. p. 84.ISBN 978-0-7391-5580-6. Retrieved2023-02-26.
  2. ^Juneau, T.; Momani, B. (2022).Middle Power in the Middle East: Canada's Foreign and Defence Policies in a Changing Region. University of Toronto Press. p. 131.ISBN 978-1-4875-2847-8. Retrieved2023-02-26.
  3. ^For recent general histories seeBlack, Conrad (2014).Rise to Greatness: The history of Canada from the Vikings to the present. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart.ISBN 978-0-77101-354-6. andHoffer, Peter Charles (2007).The Brave New World: A History of Early America (2nd ed.). Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.ISBN 978-0-80188-483-2.
  4. ^Kaplan, Lawrence S. (August 1983). "The Treaty of Paris, 1783: A Historiographical Challenge".The International History Review.5 (3):431–442.doi:10.1080/07075332.1983.9640322.
  5. ^abcJones, Howard (2002).Crucible of Power: A History of American Foreign Relations to 1913. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 23.ISBN 978-0-8420-2916-2. RetrievedSeptember 17, 2011.
  6. ^Willig, Timothy D. (2008).Restoring the chain of friendship: British policy and the Indians of the Great Lakes, 1783–1815. Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press. pp. 243–244.ISBN 978-0-8032-4817-5.
  7. ^Robertson, Ian (2008).Sir Andrew Macphail: The Life and Legacy of a Canadian Man of Letters. Montreal:McGill–Queen's University Press. p. 90.ISBN 978-0-77357-495-3.
  8. ^Cathaoir, Brendan Ó. (2015)."The Fenian raids on Canada: A postscript to Irish involvement in the American Civil War".Studia Hibernica (41):109–132.doi:10.3828/studia.41.109. Archived fromthe original on 2020-06-28. Retrieved2022-11-13.
  9. ^MacKenzie, Scott A. (2017)."But There Was No War: The Impossibility of a United States Invasion of Canada after the Civil War".American Review of Canadian Studies.47 (4):357–371.doi:10.1080/02722011.2017.1406965.S2CID 148776615.
  10. ^Stevenson, Garth (1997).Ex Uno Plures: Federal-Provincial Relations in Canada, 1867–1896. Montreal: McGill–Queen's University Press. p. 96.ISBN 978-0-77351-633-5.
  11. ^MacLaren, Roy (2011).Canadians on the Nile. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press. p. 171.ISBN 978-0-77484-429-1.
  12. ^Miller, Carman (1999). "Loyalty, Patriotism and Resistance: Canada's Response to the Anglo-Boer War, 1899–1902".South African Historical Journal.41 (1):312–323.doi:10.1080/02582479908671896.
  13. ^"History of Canada-Australia relations".Government of Canada. 1 October 2007. Archived fromthe original on 30 May 2008.
  14. ^Farr, D.M.L. (4 March 2015)."Alaska Boundary Dispute".The Canadian Encyclopedia (online ed.).Historica Canada.Archived from the original on March 4, 2016. Retrieved17 January 2016.
  15. ^Munro, John A. (1965). "English-Canadianism and the Demand for Canadian Autonomy: Ontario's Response to the Alaska Boundary Decision, 1903".Ontario History.57 (4). Toronto:Ontario Historical Society:189–203.
  16. ^Ellis, L. Ethan (1939).Reciprocity, 1911: A Study in Canadian-American Relations. Yale University Press. Archived fromthe original on 2004-11-03. Retrieved2021-12-07.
  17. ^The War Office (1922).Statistics of the Military Effort of the British Empire During the Great War 1914–1920. Reprinted by Naval & Military Press. p. 237.ISBN 978-1-84734-681-0.{{cite book}}:ISBN / Date incompatibility (help)
  18. ^Keenleyside, Hugh Ll. (1929).Canada and the United States. New York City:A.A. Knopf. p. 373.
  19. ^Morton, Desmond (2015)."Did the French Canadians Cause the Conscription Crisis of 1917?".Canadian Military History.24 (1).
  20. ^Farney, James & Kordan, Bohdan S. (2005). "The Predicament of Belonging: The Status of Enemy Aliens in Canada, 1914".Journal of Canadian Studies.39 (1):74–89.doi:10.1353/jcs.2006.0003.S2CID 143022226.
  21. ^Bothwell, Robert (1998).Canada and Quebec: one country, two histories. University of British Columbia Press. p. 57.ISBN 978-0-7748-0653-4.
  22. ^Brown, Robert Craig; Cook, Ramsay (1974).Canada, 1896–1921 A Nation Transformed. McClelland & Stewart. ch 13.ISBN 978-0-7710-2268-5.
  23. ^Stacey, C.P. (1969). "From Meighen to King: The Reversal of Canadian External Policies 1921-1923".Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada.7 (4):233–246.
  24. ^van Ginneken, Anique H. M. (2006).Historical Dictionary of the League of Nations. Lanham, MD:Scarecrow Press. p. 54.ISBN 978-0-81086-513-6.
  25. ^Brown, Craig (1987).The Illustrated History of Canada. Toronto:Lester & Orpen Dennys.ISBN 978-0-88619-147-4.
  26. ^Dawson, Robert MacGregor (1958).William Lyon Mackenzie King: A Political Biography, 1874-1923. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. pp. 401–416.
  27. ^Stacey, C.P. (1977).Canada and the Age of Conflict: Volume 2: 1921–1948, The Mackenzie King Years. Toronto: Macmillan. p. 35.
  28. ^Boucher, Marc T. (1985)."The Politics of Economic Depression: Canadian-American Relations in the Mid-1930s".International Journal.41 (1):3–36.doi:10.2307/40202349.ISSN 0020-7020.JSTOR 40202349.
  29. ^Judith A. McDonald et al. "Trade wars: Canada's reaction to the Smoot-Hawley Tariff."Journal of Economic History 57.4 (1997): 802-826online.
  30. ^Caroline M. Betts, Michael D. Bordo, and Angela Redish, "A small open economy in depression: Lessons from Canada in the 1930s." (1993)online.
  31. ^Stacey (1977), Vol. 2, p. 123.
  32. ^Victor Howard,MacKenzie-Papineau Battalion: The Canadian Contingent in the Spanish Civil War (McGill-Queen's Press-MQUP, 1987)online
  33. ^"Canada: A People's History - Teacher Resources: Grades 10-12".History.cbc.ca. RetrievedJune 30, 2010.
  34. ^ab"Canada: A People's History - Teacher Resources: Grades 10-12".History.cbc.ca. RetrievedNovember 14, 2008.
  35. ^Weinberg, Gerhard L. (2005).A World at Arms: A Global History of World War II (2nd ed.). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. p. 40.ISBN 0-521-85316-8.OCLC 986290507.
  36. ^C.P. Stacey, "Second World War (WWII)" in The Canadian Encyclopedia. (2023)online
  37. ^Hudon, Edward (1977)."The Status of Persons of Japanese Ancestry in the United States and Canada during World War II: A Tragedy in Three Parts"(PDF).Les Cahiers de droit.18 (1):61–90.doi:10.7202/042155ar.
  38. ^C.P. Stacey,Arms, men and governments: The war policies of Canada, 1939-1945 (1970).
  39. ^J.L. GranatsteinCanada's War: The Politics of the Mackenzie King Government, 1939-1945 (Oxford University Press, 1975)
  40. ^Perras, Galen Roger (1998).Franklin Roosevelt and the Origins of the Canadian-American Security Alliance, 1933–1945: Necessary, but Not Necessary Enough. Praeger.ISBN 0-275-95500-1.
  41. ^"Food on the Home Front during the Second World War".Wartime Canada. Retrieved21 January 2022.Particularly after the fall of France in June 1940, Canadian food exports provided an essential lifeline to Britain.
  42. ^"Canada Goes to War".CBC. Retrieved21 January 2022.
  43. ^"Canada and the Cost of World War II".McGill-Queens University Press. Retrieved22 January 2022.
  44. ^Dubreuil, Brian; Douglas, W.A.B. (25 April 2010)."Battle of the Atlantic".Canadian Encyclopedia. Retrieved22 January 2022.
  45. ^von Moos, Kristy (8 November 2018)."The Canadian economy and the Second World War".Ingenium. Retrieved22 January 2022.
  46. ^J. L. Granatstein, "Happily on the Margins: Mackenzie King and Canada at the Quebec Conferences," in David B. Woolner, ed.,The Second Quebec Conference Revisited: Waging War, Formulating Peace: Canada, Great Britain, and the United States in 1944–1945 (1998) pp 49-64.
  47. ^Roberts, Priscilla (2012). "Tweaking the Lion's Tail: Edgar J. Tarr, the Canadian Institute of International Affairs, and the British Empire, 1931–1950".Diplomacy & Statecraft.23 (4):636–659.doi:10.1080/09592296.2012.736329.S2CID 154941762.
  48. ^abMackenzie, Hector (2010). "Golden Decade(s)? Reappraising Canada's International Relations in the 1940s and 1950s".British Journal of Canadian Studies.23 (2):179–206.doi:10.3828/bjcs.2010.10.
  49. ^Eayrs, James (1960). "'A Low Dishonest Decade': Aspects of Canadian External Policy, 1931–1939". In Keenleyside, Hugh L. & others (eds.).The Growth of Canadian Policies in External Affairs. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. pp. 59–80.
  50. ^Stacey, C.P. (1982).Canada and the Age of Conflict: Volume 2: 1921–1948, The Mackenzie King Years. Toronto: Macmillan. pp. 420–422.
  51. ^Munton, Don & Kirton, John, eds. (1992).Cases and Readings in Canadian Foreign Policy Since World War II. Toronto: Pearson Education Canada. pp. 2–18.ISBN 978-0-13118-654-5.
  52. ^Munton, Don & Kirton, John, eds. (1992).Cases and Readings in Canadian Foreign Policy Since World War II. Toronto: Pearson Education Canada. pp. 58–77.ISBN 978-0-13118-654-5.
  53. ^Munton, Don & Kirton, John, eds. (1992).Cases and Readings in Canadian Foreign Policy Since World War II. Toronto: Pearson Education Canada. pp. 27–42,46–57.ISBN 978-0-13118-654-5.
  54. ^Bothwell, Robert; Drummond, Ian M. & English, John (1989).Canada Since 1945: Power, Politics, and Provincialism. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. p. 373.ISBN 978-0-80206-672-5.
  55. ^abBothwell, Robert; Drummond, Ian M. & English, John (1989).Canada Since 1945: Power, Politics, and Provincialism. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. p. 131.ISBN 978-0-80206-672-5.
  56. ^Hilliker, John (1993). "The Politicians and the 'Pearsonalities': The Diefenbaker Government and the Conduct of Canadian External Relations". In Granatstein, J.L. (ed.).Canadian Foreign Policy: Historical Readings (Revised ed.). Mississauga: Copp Clark Pitman. pp. 152–167.ISBN 978-0-77305-266-6.
  57. ^Champion, Christian Paul (2010).The Strange Demise of British Canada: The Liberals and Canadian Nationalism, 1964-68. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press.ISBN 978-0-77353-690-6.
  58. ^Banerjee, Ajit M. & Sharma, Murari R. (1 March 2008).Reinventing the United Nations. New Delhi: PHI Learning Pvt. Ltd. p. 63.ISBN 978-8-12033-282-9.
  59. ^Cohen, Andrew (2008).Lester B. Pearson. Toronto: Penguin Canada. pp. 114–116.ISBN 9780670067381.
  60. ^Gaffen, Fred (1987).In The Eye of The Storm: A History of Canadian Peacekeeping. Toronto: Deneau & Wayne Publishers Ltd. p. 43.ISBN 978-0-88879-158-0.
  61. ^Carroll, Michael K. (2009).Pearson's Peacekeepers: Canada and the United Nations Emergency Force, 1956–67. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press.ISBN 978-0-77481-581-9.
  62. ^Razack, Sherene (2000)."From the 'clean snows of Petawawa': The violence of Canadian Peacekeepers in Somalia".Cultural Anthropology.15 (1):127–163.doi:10.1525/can.2000.15.1.127.
  63. ^Granatstein, J.L. (October 2012). "The End of Peacekeeping?".Canada's History. Vol. 92, no. 5. pp. 44–51.
  64. ^Johnson, Lauri & Joshee, Reva (2007).Multicultural education policies in Canada and the United States. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press. p. 23.ISBN 978-0-7748-1325-9.
  65. ^McQuaig, Linda (4 June 2010).Holding the Bully's Coat: Canada and the U.S. Empire. Random House Digital, Inc. p. 50.ISBN 978-0-385-67297-9.
  66. ^"Ranking of Military and Police Contributions to UN Operations"(PDF).United Nations. Retrieved2011-02-24.
  67. ^"Troop and police contributors archive (1990–2011)".United Nations. 2010. Retrieved2012-01-01.
  68. ^Gabriel, Soloman (1987).Foreign Policy of Canada: A Study in Diefenbaker's Years. New Delhi: Uppal Publishing House.ISBN 978-8-18502-424-0.
  69. ^Munton, Don & Kirton, John, eds. (1992).Cases and Readings in Canadian Foreign Policy Since World War II. Toronto: Pearson Education Canada. pp. 135–162.ISBN 978-0-13118-654-5.
  70. ^English, John (2011).Life of Lester Pearson Volume II: The Worldly Years, 1949–1972. Toronto: Vintage Canada.ISBN 978-0-30737-539-1.
  71. ^Munton, Don & Kirton, John, eds. (1992).Cases and Readings in Canadian Foreign Policy Since World War II. Toronto: Pearson Education Canada. pp. 227–236.ISBN 978-0-13118-654-5.
  72. ^Cros, Laurence (2015). "The Narrative of Canada as a Peacekeeping Nation since the 1990s: Permanence and Evolution of a National Paradigm".International Journal of Canadian Studies.52:83–106.doi:10.3138/ijcs.52.83.S2CID 159764788.
  73. ^Munton, Don & Kirton, John, eds. (1992).Cases and Readings in Canadian Foreign Policy Since World War II. Toronto: Pearson Education Canada. pp. 286–298.ISBN 978-0-13118-654-5.
  74. ^Granatstein, J.L. & Bothwell, Robert (1990).Pirouette: Pierre Trudeau and Canadian foreign policy. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.ISBN 978-0-80205-780-8.
  75. ^Munton, Don & Kirton, John, eds. (1992).Cases and Readings in Canadian Foreign Policy Since World War II. Toronto: Pearson Education Canada. pp. 382–393.ISBN 978-0-13118-654-5.
  76. ^Richter, Andrew (2006)."Forty Years of Neglect, Indifference, and Apathy". In James, Patrick; Michaud, Nelson; O'Reilly, Marc J. (eds.).Handbook of Canadian Foreign Policy. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books. pp. 51–82.ISBN 978-0-73911-493-3.
  77. ^Richter, Andrew; Carter, Neal (2006)."'There Are No Half countries': Canada, La Francophonie, and the Projection of Canadian Biculturalism, 1960–2002". In James, Patrick; Michaud, Nelson; O'Reilly, Marc J. (eds.).Handbook of Canadian Foreign Policy. Lexington Books. pp. 133–164.ISBN 978-0-73911-493-3.
  78. ^Robertson, Colin (March 8, 2013)."Does the Harper Government Have a Foreign Policy?".Colinrobertson.ca. Retrieved2020-07-05.
  79. ^Nikiforuk, Andrew (2015-10-15)."Harper's Revolutionary Foreign Policy".The Tyee. Retrieved2020-07-05.
  80. ^"MacKay paints rosy picture of Afghan mission".CTV News. January 7, 2007. Archived fromthe original on 2007-01-14.
  81. ^Lang, Eugene (2015-09-25)."Harper's foreign policy: all war, no diplomacy".Toronto Star. Retrieved2020-07-05.
  82. ^Kay, Zachariah (2010).The Diplomacy of Impartiality: Canada and Israel, 1958-1968. Waterloo, Ontario: Wilfrid Laurier University Press.ISBN 978-1-55458-187-0.
  83. ^Harris, Kathleen (November 6, 2015)."Justin Trudeau 'disappointed' with U.S. rejection of Keystone XL".CBC News.Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. RetrievedJanuary 2, 2016.
  84. ^"End combat mission in Iraq and Syria, Trudeau orders defence minister".Toronto Star.The Canadian Press. November 13, 2015.Archived from the original on November 14, 2015. RetrievedNovember 13, 2015.
  85. ^Carbert, Michelle (February 28, 2016)."Liberals' revised goal met as 25,000th Syrian refugee arrives in Canada".The Globe and Mail.
  86. ^"CUSMA: What The New Trade Deal Means For Canadians".Clearit Canada. Retrieved2020-12-29.
  87. ^Ljunggren, David (March 13, 2020)."Canadian Parliament rushes through ratification of USMCA trade pact".Reuters.
  88. ^Wolfe, Daniel (June 29, 2018)."The full list of 229 US products targeted by Canada's retaliatory tariffs".Quartz.
  89. ^Turnbull, Sarah (2020-08-08)."A look back at Trudeau and Trump's four-year-long yo-yo relationship".CTV News. Archived fromthe original on August 9, 2020. Retrieved2021-04-26.
  90. ^Berthiaume, Lee (2020-11-09)."Justin Trudeau first leader to talk to U.S. president-elect Joe Biden".CP24. Retrieved2021-04-26.
  91. ^"Remarks by President Biden and Prime Minister Trudeau of Canada in Joint Press Statements".The White House. 2021-02-24. Retrieved2021-04-26.
  92. ^Chiang, Chuck (24 December 2019)."Year in review: Could Meng Wanzhou arrest cause permanent Canada-China rift?".Tri-City News. Archived fromthe original on 2020-01-06. Retrieved27 May 2020.
  93. ^"Five things to know about the Meng Wanzhou extradition case".Vancouver Courier.The Canadian Press. 27 May 2020. Archived fromthe original on 2020-06-06.
  94. ^Cecco, Leyland (2020-06-09)."Canada doubles weapons sales to Saudi Arabia despite moratorium".The Guardian.ISSN 0261-3077. Retrieved2020-12-29.
  95. ^"Indian intelligence tried to influence Canada's politicians with money, disinformation: report".Dawn. 18 April 2020.
  96. ^Shah, Murtaza Ali (18 April 2020)."RAW targeted Canadian politicians in secret operation for influence".The News International.
  97. ^Bell, Stewart (17 April 2020)."Canadian politicians were targets of Indian intelligence covert influence operation: document".Global News.
  98. ^Cecco, Leyland (18 June 2020)."Canada's failed UN security council bid exposes Trudeau's 'dilettante' foreign policy".The Guardian. London, UK. Retrieved21 June 2020.

Further reading

[edit]
Further information:Foreign relations of Canada § Further reading

Surveys

[edit]
  • Bothwell, Robert.Alliance and illusion: Canada and the world, 1945-1984 (2007)online; alsoonline reviews
  • Bothwell, Robert and Jean Daudelin eds.Canada Among Nations: 100 Years of Canadian Foreign Policy (2009).
  • Cavell, Janice, and Ryan M. Touhey, eds.Reassessing the Rogue Tory: Canadian Foreign Relations in the Diefenbaker Era (UBC Press, 2018).
  • Dewitt, David B.Canada as a principal power: a study in foreign policy and international relations (1983)online
  • Eayrs, James.In Defence of Canada. (5 vols. University of Toronto Press, 1964–1983) the standard history
    • In Defence of Canada Volume I: From the Great War to the Great Depression (1964).
    • In Defence of Canada Volume II: Appeasement and Rearmament. (1965).
    • In Defence of Canada Volume III: Peacemaking and Deterrence (1972)online
    • In Defence of Canada: Volume IV: Growing Up Allied (1980)
    • In Defence of Canada: Volume V: Indochina: Roots of Complicity (1983)
  • Fox, Annette Baker.Canada in World Affairs (Michigan State UP, 1996)
  • Glazebrook, G. P. de T.A history of Canadian external relations (1950)online
  • Kirton, John and Don Munton, eds.Cases and Readings in Canadian Foreign Policy Since World War II (1992) 24 episodes discussed by experts
  • MacKay, R. A. and E.B. Rogers.Canada Looks Abroad (1938)online good survey of issues and institutions dealing with foreign policy.online review
  • Murray, Robert W. and Paul Gecelovsky, eds.The Palgrave Handbook of Canada in International Affairs (Palgrave Macmillan, Cham, 2021)online
  • Stacey, C. P. Canada and the Age of Conflict: Volume 1: 1867–1921 (U of Toronto Press, 1979), a standard scholarly history
    • Stacey, C. P.Canada and the Age of Conflict: Volume 2: 1921–1948, The Mackenzie King Years (U of Toronto Press, 1981), a standard scholarly history;online

Specialized studies

[edit]
  • Black, J. L.Canada in the Soviet mirror: ideology and perception in Soviet foreign affairs, 1917-1991 (1998)online
  • Bothwell, Robert.The big chill: Canada and the Cold War (1998)online
  • Bugailiskis, Alex, and Andrés Rozental, eds.Canada Among Nations, 2011-2012: Canada and Mexico's Unfinished Agenda (2012)further details
  • Carnaghan, Matthew, Allison Goody, "Canadian Arctic Sovereignty" (Library of Parliament: Political and Social Affairs Division, 26 January 2006)
  • Chapnick, Adam, and Christopher J. Kukucha, eds.The Harper Era in Canadian Foreign Policy: Parliament, Politics, and Canada’s Global Posture (UBC Press, 2016).
  • Cook, Tim.Warlords: Borden, Mackenzie King, and Canada's world wars (2012)online
  • Froese, Marc D. (2010).Canada at the WTO: Trade Litigation and the Future of Public Policy. University of Toronto Press.ISBN 978-1-4426-0138-3.
  • Glazov, Jamie.Canadian Policy Toward Khrushchev's Soviet Union (2003).
  • Granatstein, J. L.Canada's War: The Politics of the Mackenzie King Government (1990)online
  • Granatstein, J. L.; Bothwell, Robert (1990).Pirouette : Pierre Trudeau and Canadian foreign policy. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.ISBN 978-0-80205-780-8.
  • Granatstein, J. L.A man of influence: Norman A. Robertson and Canadian statecraft, 1929-68 (1981)Norman Robertson was a leading diplomat;online.
  • Holloway, Steven Kendall (2006).Canadian foreign policy: defining the national interest. Toronto: U of Toronto Press.ISBN 1-55111-816-5.
  • Hampson, Fen Osler, and James A. Baker.Master of Persuasion: Brian Mulroney's Global Legacy (2018)
  • Hawes, Michael K., and Christopher John Kirkey, eds.Canadian Foreign Policy in a Unipolar World (Oxford UP, 2017).
  • Hillmer, Norman and Philippe Lagassé.Justin Trudeau and Canadian Foreign Policy: Canada Among Nations 2017 (2018)
  • Holmes John W.The Shaping of Peace: Canada and the Search for World Order. (2 vols. U of Toronto Press, 1979, 1982)
  • Irwin, Rosalind (2001).Ethics and security in Canadian foreign policy. UBC Press.ISBN 978-0-7748-0863-7.
  • James, Patrick, Nelson Michaud, and Marc O'Reilly, eds.Handbook of Canadian foreign policy (Lexington Books, 2006), essays by experts; 610ppexcerpt
  • James, Patrick.Canada and Conflict (Oxford UP, 2012)H-DIPLO online reviews June 2014
  • Keating, Thomas F.Canada and world order: the multilateralist tradition in Canadian foreign policy (2002)online
  • Kirk, John M. and Peter McKenna;Canada-Cuba Relations: The Other Good Neighbor Policy UP of Florida (1997).
  • Kukucha, Christopher J. "Neither adapting nor innovating: the limited transformation of Canadian foreign trade policy since 1984."Canadian Foreign Policy Journal (2018): 1–15.
  • Lim, Preston. "Sino-Canadian relations in the age of Justin Trudeau."Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 26.1 (2020): 25-40.
  • McCullough, Colin, and Robert Teigrob, eds.Canada and the United Nations: Legacies, Limits, Prospects (2017).
  • Mackenzie, David.Canada and the First World War (2nd ed. U of Toronto Press, 2019).excerpts
  • Miller, Carman. "Loyalty, Patriotism and Resistance: Canada's Response to the Anglo-Boer War, 1899–1902."South African Historical Journal 41.1 (1999): 312–323.
  • Paris, Roland. "Are Canadians still liberal internationalists? Foreign policy and public opinion in the Harper era."International Journal 69.3 (2014): 274–307.online
  • Prang, Margaret.N.W. Rowell: Ontario Nationalist (1975) Liberal activist in 1820s and 1930sonline
  • Reid, Escott.Time of Fear and Hope: The Making of the North Atlantic Treaty, 1947–1949 (1977)online
  • Rempel, Roy.Counterweights: The Failure of Canada's German and European Policy, 1955-1995 (1996)online
  • Rochlin, James.Discovering the Americas: The Evolution of Canadian Foreign Policy towards Latin America (U of British Columbia Press, 1994)
  • Sarty, Keigh. “The Fragile Authoritarians: China, Russia and Canadian Foreign Policy.”International Journal 75:4 (December 2020): 614–628. DOI:https://doi.org/10.1177/0020702020968941.online review
  • Stacey, C. P.Arms, Men and Governments: The War Policies of Canada 1939–1945 (1970), the standard history of WWII policies;online free
  • Stevenson, Brian J. R.Canada, Latin America, and the New Internationalism: A Foreign Policy Analysis, 1968–1990 (2000)online
  • Teigrob, Robert (2019).Four Days in Hitler's Germany Mackenzie King's Mission to Avert a Second World War. Toronto: U of Toronto Press.

Relations with United States

[edit]
Main article:Canada-United States relations
  • Allen, H. C.Great Britain and the United States: a history of Anglo-American relations (1783-1952) (1955).online
  • Azzi, Stephen.Reconcilable Differences: A History of Canada-US Relations (Oxford University Press, 2014)
  • Behiels, Michael D. and Reginald C. Stuart, eds.Transnationalism: Canada-United States History into the Twenty-First Century (McGill-Queen's University Press, 2010) 312 pp.online 2012 review
  • Bothwell, Robert.Canada and the United States (1992)online
  • Bratt, Duane. "Stuck in the Middle with You: Canada–China Relations in the Era of US–China Clashes." inPolitical Turmoil in a Tumultuous World: Canada Among Nations 2020 (Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021) pp. 273-294.
  • Brebner, J.B.North Atlantic Triangle: The Interplay of Canada, the United States, and Great Britain (1945)
  • Brown, Robert Craig.Canada's national policy, 1883-1900 : a study in Canadian-American relations (1964)online
  • Callahan, James Morton.American Foreign Policy in Canadian Relations (1937) detailed factual summary.online
  • Clarkson, Stephen.Uncle Sam and Us: Globalization, Neoconservatism and the Canadian State (University of Toronto Press, 2002)
  • Congressional Research Service.Canada-U.S. Relations (Congressional Research Service, 2021)2021 Report, by an agency of the U.S. government; not copyright; Updated February 10, 2021.
  • Granatstein, J. L. and Norman Hillmer,For Better or for Worse: Canada and the United States to the 1990s (1991).
  • Hale, Geoffrey.So Near Yet So Far: The Public and Hidden Worlds of Canada-US Relations (University of British Columbia Press, 2012); 352 pages focus on 2001–2011
  • Kohn, Edward P.This Kindred People: Canadian-American Relations and the Anglo-Saxon Idea, 1895–1903 (2005)
  • Lennox, Patrick.At Home and Abroad: The Canada-U.S. Relationship and Canada's Place in the World (University of British Columbia Press; 2010) 192 pages; the post–World War II period.
  • McCormick, James M. "Pivoting toward Asia: Comparing the Canadian and American Policy Shifts."American Review of Canadian Studies 46.4 (2016): 474–495.
  • McInnis, Edgard W.The Unguarded Frontier: A History of American-Canadian Relations (1942)online; well-regarded older study
  • McKercher, Asa.Camelot and Canada: Canadian-American Relations in the Kennedy Era (Oxford UP, 2016). xii, 298 pp. 1960–1963.
  • McKercher, B. J. C., and Lawrence Aronsen.North Atlantic Triangle in a Changing World : Anglo-American-Canadian Relations, 1902-1956 (1995)
  • Mahant, Edelgard E. and Graeme S. Mount.An Introduction to Canadian-American Relations (2nd ed 1984)online
  • Melnyk, George.Canada and the New American Empire: War and Anti-War (U of Calgary Press, 2004), highly critical of USA.
  • Miller, Ronnie.Following the Americans to the Persian Gulf: Canada, Australia, and the Development of the New World Order (Fairleigh Dickinson UP, 1994)
  • Mount, Graeme S. and Edelgard Mahant,Invisible and Inaudible in Washington: American Policies toward Canada during the Cold War (1999)
  • Muirhead, Bruce. "From Special Relationship to Third Option: Canada, the U.S., and the Nixon Shock,"American Review of Canadian Studies, Vol. 34, 2004
  • Myers, Phillip E.Dissolving Tensions: Rapprochement and Resolution in British-American-Canadian Relations in the Treaty of Washington Era, 1865–1914 (Kent State UP, 2015). x, 326 pp.
  • Perras, Galen Roger.Franklin Roosevelt and the Origins of the Canadian-American Security Alliance, 1933–1945: Necessary, but Not Necessary Enough (Praeger Publishers, 1998)
  • Stagg, J.C.A. (2012).The War of 1812: Conflict for a Continent. Cambridge Essential Histories.ISBN 978-0-521-72686-3.
  • Stairs Denis, andGilbert R. Winham, eds.The Politics of Canada's Economic Relationship with the United States (U of Toronto Press, 1985)
  • Tansill, C. C.Canadian-American Relations, 1875–1911 (1943)
  • Thompson, John Herd; Randall, Stephen J (2008).Canada and the United States: Ambivalent Allies. University of Georgia Press.ISBN 978-0-8203-2403-6.
  • Wilson, Robert R. and David R. Deener;Canada-United States Treaty Relations (Duke UP, 1963)

Historiography

[edit]
  • Boucher, Jean-Christophe. "Yearning for a progressive research program in Canadian foreign policy."International Journal 69.2 (2014): 213–228.online commentary H-DIPLO
  • Bow, Brian, and Andrea Lane, eds.Canadian Foreign Policy: Reflections on a Field in Transition (2020)excerpt
  • Bratt, Duane and Christopher J. Kukucha, eds.Readings in Canadian Foreign Policy: Classic Debates and New Ideas (3rd ed. Oxford UP, 2015); 28 scholarly essays on recent episodes
  • Gatenby, Greg.The very richness of that past: Canada through the eyes of foreign writers (2 vol 1995)vol 2 online
  • Glazebrook, G. P. de T. "Canadian Foreign Policy in the Twentieth Century,"Journal of Modern History 21#1 (1949), pp. 44–55online; guide to primary sources and bibliographies as of 1949.
  • Kirton, John J., and Don Munton.Canadian foreign policy: Selected cases (Prentice-Hall Canada, 1992) 24 episodes 1945 to 1991.
    • includes: Kirton, John. "The 10 most important books on Canadian foreign policy."International Journal 64.2 (2009): 553-564.
  • McKercher, Asa, and Philip Van Huizen, eds.Undiplomatic History: The New Study of Canada and the World (2019)excerpt.
  • Madokoro, Laura, Francine McKenzie, and David Meren, eds.Dominion of race: Rethinking Canada’s international history (UBC Press, 2017)online
  • Molot, Maureen Appel. "Where Do We, Should We, Or Can We Sit? A Review of the Canadian Foreign Policy Literature",International Journal of Canadian Studies (Spring-Fall 1990) 1#2 pp 77–96.
  • Nossal, Kim Richard. "Right and wrong in foreign policy 40 years on: Realism and idealism in Canadian foreign policy."International Journal 62.2 (2007): 263–277.

Primary Sources

[edit]
Bilateral relations
Africa
Americas
Asia
Europe
Oceania
Historical
Multilateral relations
Regions
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  1. Special administrative regions of the People's Republic of China, participating as "Hong Kong, China" and "Macao, China".
  2. Officially the Republic of China, participates as "Separate Customs Territory of Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen and Matsu", and "Chinese Taipei" in short.

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