During thecaliphate of Ali (r. 656–661), Hasan accompanied him in the military campaigns of theFirst Fitna. FollowingAli's assassination in January 661, Hasan was acknowledged caliph inKufa. His sovereignty was not recognized byMu'awiya ibn Abi Sufyan (r. 661–680), the governor ofSyria, who led an army into Kufa while pressing Hasan for abdication in letters. In response, Hasan sent a vanguard under Ubayd Allah ibn al-Abbas to block Mu'awiya's advance until he arrived with the main army. Meanwhile, Hasan was severely wounded in an abortive assassination attempt by theKharijites, a faction opposed to both Ali and Mu'awiya. This attack demoralised Hasan's army and led to widespread desertion. Ubayd Allah and most of his troops also defected after Mu'awiya bribed him. In August 661, Hasan signed a peace treaty with Mu'awiya on the condition that the latter should rule in compliance with theQuran and theSunnah, acouncil should appoint his successor, and Hasan's supporters would receive amnesty. Hasan retired from politics and abdicated inMedina where he died either from illness or poisoning, though the early sources are nearly unanimous that he was poisoned. Mu'awiya is commonly viewed as the instigator in the murder of Hasan, which removed an obstacle to the succession of his sonYazid I (r. 680–683).
Critics of Hasan call his treaty with Mu'awiya an indication of weakness, saying that he intended to surrender from the beginning. Given Mu'awiya's military superiority, supporters of Hasan maintain that his abdication was inevitable after his soldiers mutinied and that he was motivated by the desire for unity and peace among Muslims, which was reportedly predicted by Muhammad in a Sunnihadith. Another Sunni hadith, also attributed to Muhammad, predicted that the prophetic succession would last for thirty years, which may have been interpreted by some early Sunni scholars as evidence that Hasan's caliphate wasrightly-guided (rāshid). In Shia theology, the divine infallibility (isma) of Hasan as the second Shia Imam further justified his course of action. As the rightful successor of Muhammad in Shia Islam, Hasan's all-inclusive temporal and religious authority came from divinely-inspired designation (nass), which was not annulled by abdication to Mu'awiya I, who usurped only the temporal authority. The imamate and caliphate are viewed as separate institutions in Shia Islam until such time that God would make the Imam victorious.
Hasan was born inMedina inc. 625. Sources differ on whether he was born in the Islamic months ofSha'ban orRamadan,[1] though most early works give his birthdate as 15 Ramadan 3 AH (2 March 625),[2] which is annually celebrated by the Shia.[3] Hasan was the firstborn of Muhammad's daughterFatima and his cousinAli.[4] Their union holds a special spiritual significance for Muslims, writeNasr andAfsaruddin,[5] and Muhammad said he followed divine orders to marry Fatima to Ali, narrates the Sunnial-Suyuti (d. 1505), among others.[6][7][5] Ali reportedly had chosen another name in Sunni sources but deferred to Muhammad who named the child Hasan (lit.'good, virtuous').[8][2] To celebrate his birth, Muhammad sacrificed a ram, while Fatima shaved Hasan's head and donated the weight of his hair in silver.[2]
Hasan was raised in Muhammad's household until his death, when Hasan was aged seven.[2] Early sources widely report Muhammad's love for Hasan and his brother Husayn,[2][9] saying that Muhammad allowed the boys to climb on his back while he was prostrate in prayer,[10] and interrupted a sermon to pick up Hasan after he fell.[10][9] Hasan later recalled an incident where his grandfather took a date from him, and explained to him that receiving alms (sadaqa) was forbidden for his family.[2][11]
After an inconclusive debate in 10/631-2, Muhammad and theNajranite Christians decided to engage inmubahala, where both parties would pray to invoke God's curse upon the liar. Madelung argues that Muhammad participated in this event alongside Hasan, Husayn, and their parents.[17] This is also the Shia view.[18] In contrast, most Sunni accounts byal-Tabari (d. 923) do not name the participants of the event, while some other Sunni historians agree with the Shia view.[17][19][20]
During the event, Muhammad gathered Hasan, Husayn, Ali, and Fatima under his cloak and addressed them as hisahl al-bayt, according to some Shia and Sunni sources,[21][22] including the canonicalSahih Muslim andSahih al-Tirmidhi.[23] Madelung suggests that their inclusion by Muhammad in this significant ritual must have raised the religious rank of his family.[17] A similar view is voiced by Lalani.[24]
A view of the modern-day Kufa, the headquarters of Hasan, and itsGreat Mosque, where he gave his inaugural speech
Muhammad died in 11/632 when Hasan was about seven.[2] As his family prepared for the burial,[25] a group of Muslims gathered at theSaqifa and appointedAbu Bakr as Muhammad's successor,[26] in the absence of his family and the majority of theMuhajirun (Meccan Muslims).[27][28][29] Ali, Fatima, and some supporters did not recognize thecaliphate of Abu Bakr,[30][27] saying that Muhammad had appointed Ali as his successor,[31] possibly referring to theEvent of Ghadir Khumm in 632.[32]
Fatima died also in 632, within six months of Muhammad's death,[6][33] at the age of about eighteen or twenty-seven years old.[34] Shias hold that she miscarried her child and died from the injuries she suffered in anattack on her house,[6][35][36] intended to subdue Ali,[37] at the order of Abu Bakr.[38][6][31] These allegations are rejected by Sunnis,[36][31] who believe that Fatima died from grief after Muhammad's death and that her child died in infancy of natural causes.[39][31][36]
Hasan did not play a major role under the first three caliphs, namely, Abu Bakr (r. 632–634),Umar (r. 634–644), andUthman (r. 644–656). He might have had a share of five thousanddirhams in Umar's system of state pension.[40] According toIbn Isfandiyar, Hasan also took part in an expedition toAmol during the caliphate of Umar,[2] though the veracity of such reports have been questioned by Paktchi et al.[41]
Defying Uthman, Hasan joined his father in bidding farewell toAbu Dharr al-Ghifari (d. 652), who was exiled fromMedina after he preached against the misdeeds of the powerful.[42] When Uthman's half-brotheral-Walid ibn Uqba was accused of drinking alcohol, Ali asked Hasan to carry out thepunishment of forty lashes, though the latter reportedly refused andAbd Allah ibn Ja'far instead administered the penalty.[2] Veccia Vaglieri does not mention any disagreements and writes that Ali meted out the punishment himself.[42] She also suggests that the young Hasan and his brother Husayn lived in a state of obedience to their father Ali, following Ali whenever he opposed Uthman.[10]
In June 656, Uthman was besieged in his home by rebels. Hasan and Husayn were likely wounded while guarding Uthman's house at the request of Ali.[43][44][5] In particular, the reports that Hasan was among the defenders are considered numerous and reliable by Madelung.[45] On the final day, however, Hasan and most of the guards are said to have laid down their weapons at Uthman's request.[2][46] Yet another report states that Hasan arrived at the scene ofUthman's murder in time to identify his assassins.[10] According to Madelung, Hasan later criticised Ali for not doing enough to defend Uthman.[2]
Hasan also fought againstMu'awiya ibn Abi Sufyan (r. 661–680) in theBattle of Siffin (657), though (Sunni) sources do not view him as a prominent participant.[2][50] Madelung writes that Hasan criticised Ali's alleged aggressive war policy, saying that it stoked division among Muslims.[2] In contrast, the SunniIbn 'Abd al-Barr (d. 1071) lists Hasan as a commander at Siffin and the Shia Nasr ibn Muzahim (d. 827–828) narrates that Mu'awiya offered Hasan to switch sides at Siffin but was rejected.[51] Haj-Manouchehri writes that Hasan persuaded some neutral figures to support Ali at Siffin, includingSulayman ibn Surad al-Khuza'i. He adds that Hasan vigorously opposed thearbitration process after Siffin alongside his father.[51] In November 658, Ali placed Hasan in charge of his land endowments.[2]
In January 661, Ali was assassinated by theKharijiteAbd al-Rahman ibn Muljam.[52] Hasan was subsequently acknowledged caliph in Kufa, the seat of Ali's caliphate.[53][10] Madelung writes that Ali had apparently not nominated a successor before his sudden death but had often said that only members of Muhammad's household (ahl al-bayt) were entitled to the caliphate. As Ali's legatee, Hasan must have been the obvious choice for the caliphate.[54][10] Some Shia reports add that Ali also designated Hasan as hiswaliu'l amr, thus giving him his own authority to command, and also hiswaliu'l dam, responsible for punishing his assassin.[55] Some authors have noted that Muhammad's surviving companions were primarily in Ali's army and must have therefore pledged allegiance to Hasan, as evidenced by the lack of any reports to the contrary.[56][57]
In his inaugural speech at theGreat Mosque of Kufa, Hasan praised theahl al-bayt and quoted verse 42:23 of the Quran:
I am of the Family of the Prophet from whom God has removed filth and whom He has purified, whose love He has made obligatory in His Book when He said, "Whosoever performs a good act, We shall increase the good in it". Performing a good act is love for us, the Family of the Prophet.[58][59]
Ali's commanderQays ibn Sa'd was the first to pledge his allegiance to Hasan. Qays offered hisoath based on the Quran, precedent (sunna), andjihad against those who declared lawful (halal) what was unlawful (haram). Hasan, however, avoided the last condition by saying that it was implicit in the first two.[60][10] About this episode,Husain Mohammad Jafri (d. 2019) suggests that Hasan was probably already apprehensive about the Kufans' support and wanted to avoid unrealistic commitments.[60] The oath stipulated that people "should make war on those who were at war with Hasan, and should live in peace with those who were at peace with him", writes the Sunnial-Baladhuri (d. 892), adding that this condition astonished the people, who suspected that he intended to make peace with Mu'awiya I.[10][61] In contrast, Madelung notes that the oath was identical to the one demanded earlier by Ali and denounced by the Kharijites.[62] The view ofMaria Massi Dakake is similar.[61]
Nineteenth-century painting of Ali (center), Hasan, and Husayn
Having been at war with Ali, Mu'awiya I did not recognise the caliphate of his successor and prepared for war.[2] He marched an army of sixty thousand men throughal-Jazira to Maskin, about 50 kilometres (31 mi) north of the present-dayBaghdad.[63][64] Concurrently, Mu'awiya I also corresponded with Hasan, urging him to give up his claim to the caliphate.[10][2] Jafri suggests that he might have hoped to force Hasan to abdicate or attack the Iraqi forces before they were fortified. Mu'awiya I might have believed that Hasan would remain a threat even if he was defeated and killed, since anotherHashemite could continue the fight. If Hasan abdicated in favor of Mu'awiya I, he writes, such claims would have no weight.[63] The view ofMomen is similar.[65]
Their letters revisit the succession of Muhammad. Hasan urged Mu'awiya I to pledge allegiance to him with the same arguments advanced by Ali against Abu Bakr after Muhammad's death. Ali had said that if theQuraysh could successfully claim the leadership because Muhammad belonged to them, then Muhammad's family was the most qualified to lead.[66] Mu'awiya I replied that Muslims were not unaware of the merits of theahl al-bayt but had selected Abu Bakr to keep the caliphate within the Quraysh.[67] Hassan also wrote that Mu'awiya I had no true merit in Islam and was the son of Muhammad's arch-enemyAbu Sufyan.[66][65] Mu'awiya I replied that he was better suited for the caliphate because of his age, governing experience, and superior military strength,[67][65][68] thus implying that these qualities were more important than religious precedence.[65] Jafri comments that Mu'awiya I's response made explicit the separation of politics and religion, which later became a tenet of Sunni Islam. In contrast, Shia Islam vested all authority in the household of Muhammad.[69]
As the news of Mu'awiya I's advance reached Hasan, he ordered his local governors to mobilise and invited the Kufans to prepare for war, "God had prescribed the jihad for his creation and called it a loathsome duty (kurh)", referring to verse 2:216 of the Quran.[64] There was no response at first,[10] possibly because some tribal chiefs were bribed by Mu'awiya I.[70] Hasan's companions now scolded the crowd and inspired them to leave in large numbers for the army campgrounds in Nukhayla.[70] Hasan soon joined them and appointed Ubayd Allah ibn Abbas as the commander of a vanguard of twelve thousand men tasked with holding Mu'awiya I back in Maskin until the arrival of Hasan's main army. Ubayd Allah was advised not to fight unless attacked and to consult with Qays ibn Sa'd, the second in command.[70][71][10][72]Wellhausen (d. 1918) namesAbd Allah ibn Abbas as the commander of the vanguard,[73] but this is rejected by Madelung,[70] who suggests that the choice of Ubayd Allah indicates Hasan's peace intentions because the former had earlier surrenderedYemen to Mu'awiya I without a fight.[2] This is the view ofIbn Shihab al-Zuhri (d. 741–742),[74] the Umayyad-era historian who adopted the pro-Umayyad account that depicts a greedy Hasan eager to renounce his caliphate for money.[75] This must have been the official Umayyad account, distributed to legitimise Mu'awiya I's rule in the absence of a council (shura) or election or designation (nass), suggests Jafri.[76]
While the vanguard was awaiting his arrival in Maskin, Hasan faced a mutiny at his military camp nearal-Mada'in. Among the five surviving accounts, Jafri prefers the one byAbu Hanifa Dinawari (d. 895), which states that Hasan was concerned about his troops' resolve by the time he reached the outskirts of al-Mada'in. He thus halted the army at Sabat and told them in a speech that he preferred peace over war because his men were reluctant to fight.[77][78] According toal-Mada'ini (d. 843), Hasan also quoted Ali as saying, "Do not loathe the reign of Mu'awiya I", which Madelung finds incredible.[70]
Taking the speech as a sign that Hasan intended to pursue peace,Kharijite sympathisers in Hasan's army looted his tent and pulled his prayer rug from under him.[78][61][10] Alternatively, Jafri andal-Ya'qubi (d. 897–898) hold Mu'awiya I responsible for the mutiny through his network of spies, about which letters were earlier exchanged between Mu'awiya I and Hasan and Ubayd Allah.[65][79] As he was being escorted away to safety, the Kharijite al-Jarrah ibn Sinan attacked and wounded Hasan while shouting, "You have become an infidel (kafir) like your father".[10][78][80] Al-Jarrah was overpowered and killed,[80] while Hasan, bleeding profusely,[10] was taken for treatment to the house of Sa'd ibn Mas'ud al-Thaqafi, the governor ofal-Mada'in.[78][80] The news of this attack further demoralized Hasan's army and led to widespread desertions.[81][10][82] Sa'd's nephewMukhtar ibn Abi Ubayd (d. 687) reportedly recommended the governor to surrender Hasan to Mu'awiya I but was rejected.[83]
The Kufan vanguard arrived in Maskin and found Mu'awiya I camped there. Through a representative, he urged them not to commence hostilities until he concluded his peace talks with Hasan. This was likely a false claim.[84][85] The Kufans, however, insulted Mu'awiya I's envoy and sent him back. Mu'awiya I then sent the envoy to visit Ubayd Allah privately, telling him that Hasan had requested a truce and then offering Ubayd Allah a million dirhams to switch sides. Ubayd Allah accepted and deserted at night to Mu'awiya I, who fulfilled his promise to him.[86][84][87]
The next morning, Qays ibn Sa'd took charge of Hasan's troops as the second-in-command and denounced Ubayd Allah in a sermon. Mu'awiya I now sent a contingent to force surrender but was pushed back twice.[88] He then offered bribes to Qays in a letter, which he refused.[88][87][89] As the news of the mutiny against Hasan and the attempt at his life arrived, however, both sides abstained from fighting and awaited further developments.[90] Veccia Vaglieri writes that the Iraqis were reluctant to fight and a group deserted every day.[10] By one account, 8,000 men out of 12,000 followed Ubayd Allah's example and joined Mu'awiya I.[87][10] When Hasan learned about this, al-Ya'qubi writes that he summoned the Iraqi nobles and reproached them for their unreliability and fickle-mindedness, echoing the speeches of Ali after Siffin.[91]
Mu'awiya I now sent envoys to propose that Hasan abdicate in his favor to spare Muslim blood. In return, Mu'awiya I was ready to designate Hasan as his successor, grant him safety, and offer him a large financial settlement.[90][65] Hasan accepted the overture in principle and sent his representative(s) to Mu'awiya I, who sent them back to Hasan withcarte blanche, inviting him to dictate whatever he wanted. Hasan wrote that he would surrender the Muslim rule to Mu'awiya I if he would comply with the Quran andsunna, his successor would be appointed by a council (shura), the people would remain safe, and Hasan's supporters would receive amnesty.[2][92] His letter was witnessed by two representatives, who carried it to Mu'awiya I.[93] Hasan thus renounced the caliphate in August 661 after a seven-month reign.[2][94][95] This year is considered by a number of the early Muslim sources as "the year of unity" and is generally regarded as the start of Mu'awiya I's caliphate.[96][97]
Veccia Vaglieri finds certain variants of the treaty impossible to reconcile. She lists several conditions in the early sources and questions their veracity, including an annual payment of one or two million dirhams to Hasan, a single payment of five million dirhams from the treasury of Kufa, annual revenues from variously named districts inPersia, succession of Hasan to Mu'awiya I or a council (shura) after Mu'awiya I, and preference for theBanu Hashim over theBanu Umayyad in pensions.[10] Another condition was that Mu'awiya I should end the ritual cursing of Ali in mosques, writes Mavani.[98]
Jafri similarly notes that the terms are recorded differently and ambiguously by al-Tabari, Dinawari, Ibn Abd al-Barr, and Ibn al-Athir, while al-Ya'qubi andal-Masudi (d. 956) are silent about them. In particular, Jafri finds the timing of Mu'awiya I'scarte blanche problematic in al-Tabari's account.[99] Al-Tabari also mentions a single payment of five million dirhams to Hasan from the treasury of Kufa,[100][10] which Jafri rejects because the treasury of Kufa was already in Hasan's possession at the time.[100] He adds that Ali regularly emptied the treasury and distributed the funds among the public,[100] and this is also reported by Veccia Vaglieri.[10] Jafri then argues that the most comprehensive account is the one given byAhmad ibn A'tham, probably taken from al-Mada'ini, who recorded the terms in two parts. The first part is the conditions proposed by Abd Allah ibn Nawfal, who negotiated on Hasan's behalf with Mu'awiya I in Maskin.[a] The second part is what Hasan stipulated incarte blanche.[b] These two sets of conditions together encompass all the conditions scattered in the early sources.[103]
Jafri thus concludes that Hasan's final conditions incarte blanche were that Mu'awiya I should act according to the Quran,sunna, and the conduct of theRashidun caliphs, that the people should remain safe, and that the successor to Mu'awiya I should be appointed by a council.[2] These conditions are echoed by Madelung,[92] who adds that Hasan made no financial stipulations in his peace proposal and Mu'awiya I consequently made no payments to him,[104] contrary to the "Umayyad propaganda" reflected in the account of al-Zuhri, quoted by al-Tabari.[105] Since Ali and his house rejected the conduct of Abu Bakr and Umar in theshura after Umar in 23/644, Jafri believes that the clause about following the Rashidun caliphs was inserted by later Sunni authors.[106] That Mu'awiya I agreed to an amnesty for the supporters of Ali indicates that the revenge for Uthman was a pretext for him to seize the caliphate, according to Jafri.[95]
In the surrender ceremony, Mu'awiya I demanded Hasan to publicly apologise. Hasan rose and reminded the people that he and Husayn were Muhammad's only grandsons and the right to the caliphate was his and not Mu'awiya I's, but he had surrendered it to avoid bloodshed.[2] Mu'awiya I then spoke and recanted his earlier promises to Hasan and others,[2][107] saying that those promises were made to shorten the war.[2] As reported by the Mu'tasiliteIbn Abi'l-Hadid (d. 1258) andAbu al-Faraj al-Isfahani (d. 967), Mu'awiya I added that he had not fought the Iraqis so that they would practice Islam, which they were already doing, but to be their master (amir).[108] Al-Baladhuri writes that Mu'awiya I then gave the Kufans three days to pledge allegiance or be killed. After this, the people rushed to vow allegiance to Mu'awiya I.[109] Hasan left Kufa for Medina but soon received a request from Mu'awiya to subdue a Kharijite revolt near Kufa. He wrote back to Mu'awiya I that he had given up his claim to the caliphate for the sake of peace and compromise, not to fight on his side.[110][111][10]
Between his abdication in 41/661 and his death in 50/670, Hasan lived quietly in Medina and did not engage in politics.[50] In compliance with the peace treaty, Hasan declined requests from (often small) Shia groups to lead them against Mu'awiya I.[112][113] He was nevertheless considered the head of the house of Muhammad by the Banu Hashim and Ali's partisans, who had probably pinned their hopes on his succession to Mu'awiya.[114] The Sunni al-Baladhuri in hisAnsab writes that Hasan sent tax collectors to the Fasa and Darabjird provinces of Iran in accordance with the treaty but the governor of Basra, instructed by Mu'awiya I, incited the people against Hasan and his tax collectors were driven out of the two provinces. Madelung regards this account as fictitious because Hasan had just refused to join Mu'awiya I in fighting the Kharijites. He adds that Hasan had made no financial stipulations in his peace proposal and Mu'awiya I consequently made no payments to him.[104] Madelung suggests that the relations between the two men deteriorated when Mu'awiya I realised that Hasan would not actively support his regime.[2]
Hasan most likely died on 2 April 670 (5Rabi' al-Awwal 50 AH),[2] though other given dates are 49, 50, 48, 58 and 59 AH.[10] Veccia Vaglieri suggests that Hasan died from an illness or poisoning,[10] while the early sources are nearly unanimous that Hasan was poisoned.[2]
Mu'awiya I is usually identified as the instigator in the murder of Hasan.[115][116][2][117] Aside from the Shia sources,[118][119][107] this is also the view of some notable Sunni historians, includingal-Waqidi (d. 823), al-Mada'ini, Umar ibn Shabba (d. c. 877),al-Baladhuri,al-Haytham ibn Adi (d. 822), and Abu Bakr ibn Hafs.[118] These reports are nevertheless suppressed by al-Tabari, perhaps because he found them insignificant or far more likely because he was concerned for the faith of the common people (awamm) in this and similar instances, as suggested by Madelung and Donaldson (d. 1976).[120][121] Some other early Sunni sources deny the poisoning, saying that Hasan died of "consumption".[122]
At the time of his abdication, Hasan was about thirty-eight years old while Mu'awiya I was fifty-eight. Jafri suggests that the age difference presented a problem for Mu'awiya I,[116] who planned to designate his sonYazid I (r. 680–683) as his successor,[123][116] in violation of the peace treaty with Hasan.[116] Jafri thus believes that Mu'wiya should be suspected in the murder of Hasan, which removed an obstacle to the succession of his son.[116] This view is echoed by Momen and Madelung.[115][2]
Hasan did not disclose who he suspected of his poisoning, fearing that the wrong person might be punished.[10] The Shiaal-Mufid (d. 1022) reports that Hasan's wifeJa'da bint al-Ash'ath poisoned him with the promise of 100,000 dirhams from Mu'awiya I and marriage to his son Yazid.[123] Jafri writes that the majority of Sunni and Shia reports are similar to this one,[116] including those by Abu al-Faraj al-Isfahani,al-Mas'udi (d. 956), and al-Ya'qubi.[124][123][125] In contrast,Ahmed regards these reports as "Alid propaganda" againstAl-Ash'ath,[126] Ja'da's father and the prominent Kufan tribal chief who undermined Ali atSiffin (657) by supporting thearbitration,[127][128][129] and sabotaged Ali's campaign after being bribed by Mu'awiya I, according to Madelung.[130] As with Jafri, Veccia Vaglieri notes that many early sources hold Ja'da bin al-Ash'ath responsible for poisoning Hasan at the instigation of Mu'awiya I, though she also observes that al-Ash'ath was regarded as a traitor by the Shia who might have transferred the blame to his daughter.[10]
Alternatively, the Sunnial-Haytham ibn Adi identifies the daughter ofSuhayl ibn Amr as the murderer.[118] Another account by the Sunni al-Waqidi pins the crime on a servant of Hasan at the instigation of Mu'awiya I.[118] Yet another account is that Yazid proposed to Zaynab, the daughter ofJa'far ibn Abi Talib, who refused and instead married Hasan. The enraged Yazid subsequently had Hasan poisoned.[131][132]
A 2016 forensic examinaton of the circumstances surrounding Hasan's death, using mineralogical, medical, and chemical evidence, determined thatmercury poisoning was the main cause of his death. According to this analysis, the mercury was supplied as the mineralcalomel (mercury(I) chloride, Hg2Cl2), sourced from theByzantine Empire. Because historical sources indicate that another member of Hasan's household also suffered similar symptoms, the article considers Hasan's wife to be the prime suspect. The article cites a historical document, according to which the Byzantine emperor (likelyConstantine IV) sent Mu'awiya I a poisoned drink at the request of the latter. The authors thus conclude that their forensic hypothesis is consistent with the historical narrative that Hasan was poisoned by his wife Ja'da at the instigation of Mu'awiya I and with the involvement of the Byzantine emperor.[133]
Before his death, Hasan had instructed his family to bury him next to Muhammad. According to Madelung, if they "feared evil," Hasan asked them to bury him near his mother inal-Baqi cemetery. The Umayyad governor of Medina,Sa'id ibn al-As, was not opposed to burying Hasan near Muhammad, whereasMarwan ibn al-Hakam strongly opposed it, arguing that Uthman had been buried in al-Baqi. In his opposition, Marwan was joined by Muhammad's widowAisha,[134][120] who is often considered hostile to Ali.[135][136][137][138]
The historicaltomb ofal-Baqi was destroyed in 1926 during and byWahhabi movement in Saudi Arabia
Now-destroyedzarih formerly covering the grave of his grave in the Mausoleum of Shia Imams
Muhammad's companionAbu Hurayra unsuccessfully attempted to persuade Marwan to allow Hasan's burial next to Muhammad by reminding him of Muhammad's high esteem for Hasan and Husayn.[139] Supporters of Husayn and Marwan from the Banu Hashim and Banu Umayyad, respectively, soon gathered with weapons.Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyya reportedly intervened and reminded Hasan's burial request. He was then buried in al-Baqi.[120] Dinawari writes the Umayyads shot arrows at the body during the standoff,[140] and this is also the Shia view.[10] Madelung suggests that Mu'awiya I later rewarded Marwan for his stand by reinstating him as the governor of Medina.[2] As Hasan's body was carried to al-Baqi, however, Marwan reportedly joined the procession and paid tribute to a man "whose forbearance (hilm) weighed mountains".[141][140] Following the norms,[142] Hasan's funeral prayer was led bySa'id ibn al-As, thegovernor of Medina.[143] Hasan's tomb was later made a domed shrine, which was destroyed twice by theWahhabis first in 1806 and then 1927.[c][2]
Sources differ about Hasan's wives and children. The account ofIbn Sa'd is considered the most reliable, reporting that Hasan had fifteen sons and nine daughters with six wives and three known concubines.[2] His first marriage was contracted withJa'da, daughter of theKinda chiefal-Ash'ath ibn Qays, soon after Ali relocated to Kufa. Madelung suggests that Ali with this marriage intended to establish ties with the powerful Yemeni tribes in Kufa. Hasan had no children with Ja'da, who is often accused of poisoning him.[144] Umm Bashir was Hasan's second wife and bore him his eldest son Zayd, his daughter Umm al-Husayn, and probably another daughter Umm al-Hasan.[145] Umm Bashir was the daughter ofAbu Mas'ud Uqba ibn Amr, who had opposed the Kufan revolt against Uthman. Madelung writes that Ali was hoping to bring Abu Mas'ud to his side with the marriage.[145]
After his abdication and return to Medina, Hasan married Khawla, daughter of the Fazara chief Manzur ibn Zabban.[146] Khawla already had two sons and a daughter fromMuhammad ibn Talha, who was killed in the Battle of the Camel. After her father protested that he had been ignored, Hasan presented Khawla to her father and remarried her with his approval. Khawla bore Hasan his son,Hasan.[147] Hasan in Medina also married Hafsa bintAbd al-Rahman ibn Abi Bakr.[146] It is said that al-Mundhir ibn al-Zubayr was in love with her and his rumors compelled Hasan to divorce her. The rumors also ended Hafsa's next marriage and she eventually married al-Mundhir.[148] Hasan also marriedUmm Ishaq bint Talha ibn Ubayd Allah. Mu'awiya I reputedly asked her brotherIshaq ibn Talha to marry her to Yazid but Ishaq married her to Hasan instead and she bore a son namedTalha.[149] Another wife of Hasan was Hind bint Suhayl ibn Amr,[146] the widow of Abd al-Rahman ibn Attab, who was divorced by Abd Allah ibn Amir. Hasan had no children with Hind.[150] Hasan's other children were probably from concubines, includingQasim andAbd Allah (or Abu Bakr), both of whom were killed in theBattle of Karbala (680),[151] andUmm Abd Allah, who marriedZayn al-Abidin and bore himMuhammad al-Baqir, the fifth Shia Imam.[152] Hasan's descendants are usually known assharif, though the usage of the term is sometimes extended to Husayn's descendants as well.[153]
Tendentious (Sunni) reports describe that Hasan married seventy (or ninety) women in his lifetime and had a harem of three hundred concubines.[2][154] Madelung regards these as absurd,[2] and Pierce believes that these accusations were made by later Sunni writers who were nevertheless unable to list more than sixteen names.[155] Madelung writes that most of the claims were by al-Mada'ini and were often vague; some had a clear defamatory intent.[156] In particular, the ninety-wives allegation was first made by Muhammad al-Kalbi and later picked up by al-Mada'ini, who was unable to list more than eleven names, five of whom are uncertain or highly doubtful.[157]
Veccia Vaglieri holds that the marriages of Hasan received little contemporary censure.[10] In contrast,Lammens (d. 1937) suggests that Hasan married and divorced so frequently that he was calledmitlaq (lit.'the divorcer') and his behavior earned Ali new enemies.[158] Madelung rejects this claim, saying that Hasan – living in his father's household – could not enter into any marriages not arranged (or approved) by Ali.[156] In particular, the narratives in which Ali warns the Kufans not to marry their daughters to Hasan are fabricated.[2] Madelung believes that Hasan's marriages in Ali's lifetime were intended to strengthen political alliances, as evidenced by Hasan reserving hiskunya (Abu Muhammad) for his first son with his first freely-chosen wife Khawla. When Muhammad died in childhood, Hasan chose Khawla's second son Hasan as his primary heir.[2]
Hasan divorced his wife Hafsa out of propriety when she was accused by al-Mundhir. Hafsa's next marriage ended similarly. When she finally married al-Mundhir, Hasan visited the couple and forgave al-Mundhir for spreading those false rumors out of love for Hafsa.[159] Hasan also returned Khawla to her father Manzur when he objected that he had been ignored and then remarried her with his approval.[156] Hasan is also said to have divorced his wife Hind when he saw evidence of renewed love by her former husband.[156]
For Madelung, Hasan's divorces do not indicate any inordinate sexual appetite.[156] He also writes that Hasan comes across as noble and forbearing in dealing with his wives.[2] Madelung cites Hasan's advice to Husayn to marry his widow Umm Ishaq after his death.[156] When he was poisoned, Hasan also reputedly refrained from disclosing the suspect in his household to Husayn.[10]
Hasan has been described as closely resembling Muhammad in his appearance.[160][10] Madelung suggests that Hasan might have also inherited Muhammad's temperament and describes him as a pacifist.[160] Veccia Vaglieri writes that he was of mild disposition (halim), generous, pious, and known to have made several pilgrimages on foot.[10] While Hasan is described as a good orator, he might have also suffered from a speech defect, according to Abu al-Faraj al-Isfahani.[10] In contrast to Hasan, Madelung suggests that Husayn might have inherited his father's "fighting spirit".[160]
The sources hostile to Hasan interpret his peace treaty with Mu'awiya I as a sign of weakness, saying that Hasan intended to surrender from the beginning.[161] Some authors instead suggest that Hasan's decision to abdicate was motivated by the lure of the life of ease and luxury,[162] while Western historians tend to criticise Hasan for ceding the caliphate.[65]
Other sources reject these criticisms, saying that Hasan's abdication was inevitable after the Kufans' mutiny, similar to Ali's acceptance of thearbitration proposal at Siffin (657).[161] These sources contend that Hasan was motivated by the desire for unity and peace in the Muslim community, similar to Ali after Muhammad's death.[161][163] Shia historians view Hasan's abdication as the only realistic course of action, given the Kufans' weak support and Mu'awiya I's overwhelming military superiority.[65][164] Their view is echoed by Veccia Vaglieri.[10][165] Sunni sources maintain that Hasan abdicated because of his preference for peace and his aversion to bloodshed and bellicose politics.[10][166] The first two of these three reasons are also given by the ShiaTabatabai (d. 1981).[107]
Hasan is a member of theahl al-bayt (Muhammad's family) and belongs also to theahl al-kisa, namely, Muhammad, Ali, Fatima, and their two sons. While all Muslims revere theahl al-bayt,[167][168] it is the Shia who hold them in the highest esteem, regarding them as the rightful leaders of the Muslim community.[169][167]
Names of theahl al-kisa and two prophetic hadiths in their praise, written on a cloth in Arabic calligraphy, originating from Iran or Central AsiaVerse of purification in Arabic calligraphy on a tablet in theshrine of Husayn inKarbala
And to whomsoever disputes with thee over it, after the knowledge that has come unto thee [about Jesus], say, "Come! Let us call upon our sons and your sons, our women and your women, ourselves and yourselves. Then let us pray earnestly, so as to place the curse of God upon those who lie".[172]
Madelung argues that "our sons" in verse 3:61 must refer to Muhammad's grandsons, namely Hasan and Husayn.[17] Later at themubahala, Muhammad gathered Ali, Fatima, Hasan, and Husayn under his cloak and addressed them as hisahl al-bayt, according to some Shia and Sunni sources,[21][22] including the canonicalSahih Muslim andSahih al-Tirmidhi.[23] The five are thus known also as theahl al-kisa (lit.'people of the cloak').[173][22] Madelung writes that their inclusion by Muhammad in this significant ritual must have raised the religious rank of his family.[17] A similar view is voiced by Lalani.[24]
God only desires to remove defilement from you, Oahl al-bayt, and to purify you completely.[175]
Shia Islam limits theahl al-bayt to Muhammad, Ali, Fatima, Hasan, and Husayn.[176][177] There are various views in Sunni Islam, though a typical compromise is to include also Muhammad's wives in theahl al-bayt.[178] Verse 33:33 is regarded in Shia Islam as evidence of the infallibility of theahl al-bayt.[179]
[O Mohammad!] Say, "I ask not of you any reward for it, save affection among kinsfolk".[180]
The word kinsfolk (al-qurba) in this verse is interpreted by the Shia as theahl al-bayt, namely, Ali, Fatima, Hasan, and Husayn.[181]Ibn Ishaq (d. 767) narrates a prophetic hadith to this effect,[182] and this is also the view of the SunniBaydawi, al-Razi,[183] and Ibn Maghazili,[182] though most Sunni authors reject the Shia view and offer various alternatives.[180] Hasan referred to verse 42:24 in his inaugural speech as the caliph in 661, saying that he belonged to theahl al-bayt whose love God has made obligatory in the Quran.[58]
Verses 76:5-22: These verses are connected to theahl al-kisa in most Shia and some Sunni sources, including the works of the Shiaal-Tabarsi (d. 1153), and the Sunnial-Qurtubi (d. 1273) andal-Alusi (d. 1854).[184] According to these exegetes, verses 76:5-22 were revealed after Ali, Fatima, Hasan, and Husayn gave away their only meal of the day to beggars who visited their home for three consecutive days.[185][186] In particular, verses 76:7-12 read:
They fulfill their vows and fear a day whose evil is widespread, and give food, despite loving it, to the indigent, the orphan, and the captive. "We feed you only for the Face of God. We do not desire any recompense or thanks from you. Truly we fear from our Lord a grim, calamitous day". So God has shielded them from the evil of that Day, bestowed upon them radiance and joy, and rewarded them for having been patient with a Garden and with silk.[187]
InMu'tazila Islam, only a wrong deed by an unrepentant imam would disqualify him from the imamate after receiving oaths of allegiance. Otherwise, an imam cannot resign or willingly pledge his allegiance to another person. The Mu'taziliteal-Qadi Abd al-Jabbar (d. 1025) suggests that Hasan reluctantly made peace and unwillingly pledged his allegiance to Mu'awiya I after realising the Kufans' weak support for war. This reluctant pledge of allegiance did not disqualify him from the imamate or legitimise Mu'awiya I's caliphate. The Mu'taziliteIbn al-Malahimi (d. 1141) adds, "How can it be imagined that Hasan, who planned to fight Mu'awiya I to secure his oath of allegiance, would agree to relinquish the caliphate without reluctance?"[188]
During the eighth and ninth centuries, there was a diversity of opinions about which caliphs wererāshidūn ("rightly-guided"),[189] meaning those whose actions and opinions were considered worthy of emulation from a religious point of view.[190] After the ninth century, however, the first four caliphs became canonical asrāshid in Sunni Islam: Abu Bakr (r. 632–634), Umar (r. 634–644), Uthman (r. 644–656) and Ali (r. 656–661).[191] The Umayyad caliphUmar ibn Abd al-Aziz (r. 717–720) was cited as a fifthrāshid caliph by the Sunni hadith collectorAbu Dawud al-Sijistani (d. 889).[192] Another hypothesis may have included Hasan as a fifthrāshid caliph, because his six-month reign was needed to complete a thirty-year period after Abu Bakr's ascension, which was predicted by Muhammad in a Sunnihadith as the length of the prophetic succession. This is also implied byAbu Dawud al-Tayalisi's version of this hadith, which avoided counting Hasan as the fifthrāshid caliph by adding six months to Umar's caliphate.[191] The Islamist religious scholar and historianAli al-Sallabi regards Hasan as arāshid caliph, citing the fact that some Sunni scholars such asIbn Kathir (c. 1300–1373) andIbn Hajar al-Haytami (1503–1566) also held this view.[193]
Sunni Muslims justify Hasan's peace treaty with Mu'awiya I with a hadith attributed to Muhammad, which reportedly predicted that Hasan would unite two warring Muslim parties. By legitimising Mu'awiya I's caliphate, they view the peace treaty as a voluntary resignation from the caliphate. More generally, an imam in Sunni Islam cannot be ousted or resign if he is aware of the divisiveness of his decision but he can abdicate if he considers his resignation to be in the best interest of Muslims. Hasan's abdication was a voluntary decision to avoid bloodshed.[194]
Hasan al-Mujtaba (lit.'the chosen') is regarded by the Shia as their second imam.[10][9] Even though his abdication was criticised by some contemporary followers,[10][195] he continued to be regarded until his death in 670 as the leader (imam) of the supporters of Ali.[195] Developed by the later Shia Imams,[196] theShia doctrine of Imamate explains that Muhammad was succeeded by Ali and then by Hasan through divine decrees.[197][198][199] As the rightful successor of Muhammad in Shia Islam,[200] Hasan's all-inclusive temporal and religious authority thus came from divinely-inspired designation (nass), which could not be annulled by abdication to Mu'awiya I, who usurped only the temporal authority.[200][201] Indeed, the imamate and caliphate are viewed as separate institutions in Shia Islam until such time that God would make the Imam victorious.[198] A prophetic hadith in some Shia and Sunni sources states that Hasan and Husayn were imams "whether they stand up or sit down" (ascend to the caliphate or not).[202]
As for the abdication, Shia theologians cite the disintegration of Hasan's corps, abandonment by his allies, the looting of his military campground, and his assassination attempt to justify Hasan's peace with Mu'awiya I.[203] Alternatively, Veccia Vaglieri suggests that the Shia views Hasan's abdication in light of his pious detachment.[10] Hasan's infallibility (isma) in Shia Islam further vindicates his course of action.[203] The ShiaSharif al-Murtaza (d. 1044) writes that Hasan reluctantly made peace to end the civil war, and his subsequent pledge to Mu'awiya I is viewed by the Shia as an act oftaqiya. Shia theologians perceive the treaty as a ceasefire (muh'adana) or agreement (mu'ahada) rather than an alliance with Mu'awiya I. To support this claim, they cite Mu'awiya I's violation of the treaty, the stipulation therein that Mu'awiya I should not be calledamir al-mu'minin (lit.'the commander of the faithful'), and Hasan's refusal to fight the Kharijites for Mu'awiya I.[203]
According to Donaldson, fewer miracles are attributed to Hasan than to other Shia Imams. Veccia Vaglieri disagrees, listing the following: Hasan recited the Quran when he was born and praised God. Later in life, he resurrected a dead man and a dead palm tree bore fruits at his request. God sent down a meal for his companions from the skies.[204][10]
Persian literature about Hasan can be divided into two categories: historical and mystical. Historical literature includes Hasan's life, imamate, his peace with Mu'awiya, and his death. Mystical literature showcases his virtues and his prominent position in Shia spirituality.[205]
The seriesLoneliest Leader, directed in 1996 by Mehdi Fakhimzadeh, narrates Hasan's life, his peace with Mu'awiya I, and the condition of the Islamic community after his assassination. The events leading up to Hasan's peace and his attempted assassination in al-Mada'in are also mentioned in the seriesMokhtarnameh byDavood Mirbagheri.[207]Muawiya I, Hasan and Husayn is an Arab series about Hasan and Husayn which has been criticized as anti-Shia.[208]
^1) That the caliphate would be restored to Hasan after the death of Mu'awiya I, 2) that Hasan would receive five million dirhams annually from the state treasury, 3) that Hasan would receive the annual revenue of Darabjird, 4) that the people would be guaranteed peace with one another.[101]
^1) That Mu'awiya I should rule according to the Book of God, thesunna of the Prophet, and the conduct of the righteous caliphs, 2) that Mu'awiya I would not appoint or nominate anyone to the caliphate after him, but the choice would be left to ashura, 3) that the people would be left in peace wherever they are in the land of God, 4) that the companions and the followers of Ali, their lives, properties, their women and their children, would be guaranteed safe conduct and peace, 5) that no harm or dangerous act, secretly or openly, would be done to Hasan, his brother, Husayn, or to anyone from the family of the Muhammad.[102]
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