Hans Freyer | |
|---|---|
 | |
| Born | (1887-07-31)31 July 1887 Leipzig, Germany |
| Died | 18 January 1969(1969-01-18) (aged 81) Ebersteinburg, Germany |
| Known for | Leipzig School |
| Academic background | |
| Alma mater | University of Greifswald University of Leipzig |
| Academic work | |
| Discipline | sociology philosophy |
| Institutions | University of Kiel University of Leipzig German Institute for Culture Brockhaus University of Münster |
| Notable works | Der Staat |
Johannes "Hans" Freyer (31 July 1887 – 18 January 1969) was a Germansociologist andphilosopher of theconservative revolutionary movement.[1]
Freyer began studyingtheology, national economics,history andphilosophy at theUniversity of Greifswald in 1907, with the aim of becoming aLutheran theologian. A year later he moved toLeipzig, where he initially took the same courses, but then gave up the theological parts. He gained his doctorate in 1911. His early works on thephilosophy of life had an influence on the Germanyouth movement. In 1920 he qualified as a university lecturer, and in 1922 he became a professor at the university ofKiel.
In 1925, moving on to theUniversity of Leipzig, Freyer founded the university'ssociology department. He led the department until 1948. In Leipzig, he developed a branch of sociology with a strongly historical basis, theLeipzig School. Sympathizing with the Hitlerite movement, he forcedFerdinand Tönnies, an outspoken enemy of it, and then president of theDeutsche Gesellschaft für Soziologie, out of office in 1933.
Also in 1933 Freyer signed theVow of allegiance of the Professors of the German Universities and High-Schools to Adolf Hitler and the National Socialistic State. Nevertheless, being Tönnies' successor he abstained from making theGesellschaft a Nazi tool by stopping all activities from 1934 onwards. From 1938 to 1944 Freyer was the head of the German Institute for Culture inBudapest. Together withWalter Frank he established a racist and anti-semiticvölkisch historiography.[2]
Freyer wasProtestant and married Käthe Lübeck; they had four children together.
After theSecond World War, Freyer's position in Leipzig, now in theSoviet occupation zone, became untenable, and in 1948 he took up a position inWiesbaden at theBrockhaus publishing company. He took up lecturing again for only another three years, from 1953 to 1955, at theUniversity of Münster and for a short time in 1954 inAnkara where he helped set up an institute for sociology. He was no longer able to establish himself as a full professor at a German university, but taught as an emeritus from 1953 to 1963 at the Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität in Münster. As early as 1951 he was – at the instigation of the incumbent chairman Leopold von Wiesere – admitted to the German Society for Sociology. Freyer was a member of the scientific advisory board of the Institute for Space Research.
Freyer received a pension as a retired131er. Many of his publications date from this period. He made a big impact in the 1950s with his workThe Theory of the Present Era, in which he developed a form of conservatism adaptable to theindustrial age.
Freyer's philosophical work was influenced byHegel,Wilhelm Dilthey,Friedrich Nietzsche, andOswald Spengler.
In 1918 his early workAntaeus – Foundation of an Ethics of Conscious Life came out, followed in 1923 byPrometheus – Ideas on the Philosophy of Culture. He gradually turned to the so-called young conservatives . He developed a hierarchically structured elitist social model. Individual freedom should be put aside in favor of collective concepts such as the leadership state and the people's community. He dealt with culture criticism in his works u. a. with advancing mechanization and developed the "Theory of Secondary Systems".
In 1926, inDer Staat, Freyer described the interrelated dimensions of history, which in his view repeat in a circular fashion: faith, style and state. In some respects, his theory was based on Ferdinand Tönnies'Community and Society, which he did not quote in his works. In contrast to Tönnies, he described the last and highest stage, the ideal hierarchically structured state, as an ideal community with a “Fuhrer” at the top. The most important quality of this state consisted in being able to combine all the forces of the community into one unit. This ideology corresponded to the movement of the Conservative Revolution and National Socialism.
InDer Staat (1926), Freyer identified three stages of history which repeated themselves in a cycle:Glaube, Stil andStaat (belief, style, the state). These were partly, although not openly, based onFerdinand Tönnies'Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft (community and society), which he did not quote in his works. In contrast to Tönnies, he described the last and highest stage, the ideal hierarchically structured state, as an ideal community with a “Fuhrer" at the top. The most important quality of this state consisted in being able to combine all the forces of the community into one unit. This ideology corresponded to the movement between Conservative Revolution and National Socialism. The last stage,Staat, was the ideal state for society: "the essential quality of the state [...] was its ability to forge living humanity with all its forces into a unity.
In 1929 Freyer wroteSoziologie als Wirklichkeitswissenschaft (Sociology as a "Science of Reality") (usingMax Weber's term). This looked into the origins of sociology, saying that it came from thephilosophy of history; that it had emerged from people's attempts to understand the connections between the past and the present. In Freyer's view, sociology was needed as a science to understand why changes in society had happened and, based on these findings, to help transform society.
Freyer's 1931 articleDie Revolution von Rechts studied freedom, saying that people should be free only if they were part of a common will and that individual freedom should be limited for the sake of the community. The "revolution" is a matter for the "toughest" and "strongest" people of all political tendencies.
During the National Socialist era, further treatises appeared, some of which were close to the Nazi ideology and were not later published again. In the post-war period, Freyer was widely criticized in academia[by whom?] alongside his pupilArnold Gehlen as well asErnst Jünger andMartin Heidegger as a spiritual forerunner and supporter of National Socialism.
Freyer is considered a convinced National Socialist, which is particularly evident in his workPallas Athene. Ethics of the political people (Jena, 1935). There he writes that conscience must become political and thereby anti-individualistic and anti-universalistic. Such a political conscience is prepared for and willing to use violence; political virtue is tied to the people, while their ethos lies in the destruction of the enemy. The leader who refers radically to this plan embodies the will of the people, which must be shaped through race, discipline, education, violence and coercion. Such a people, which constitutes itself in war, remains politically in war at all hours; to ascend, it must tear itself apart and sacrifice.
After the end of the Second World War, the following writings by Freyer were included in the list of literature to be discarded in the Soviet occupation zone:Revolution from the Right (Diederichs, Jena 1931),The Political Semester. A proposal for university reform (Diederichs, Jena 1933),The historical self-awareness of the 20th century (Keller, Leipzig 1937), in the GDR additionallyThe State (Rechfelden, Leipzig 1925) andPallas Athene (Diederichs, Jena 1935).
In his post-war writings there is no fundamental break with earlier works. As before, he belonged to the representatives of an extremely conservative current and had some influence on thinking in the newly founded Federal Republic of Germany.
In 1955, Freyer developed his theory of industrial society with the historical-philosophical and sociological treatiseTheory of the Present Age. In it, Freyer describes all social systems beforeindustrialization as grown "primary systems", while the industrial age is described as a "secondary system" consciously produced by humans. In particular, he is concerned with the rapid development of industrial society in the 20th century, characterized by the expansion of technology, the displacement of small companies by large ones and the concentration of human masses in metropolitan areas. According to Freyer, state and society are less and less separated; science gains central importance.
He describes the "industrial system" that emerged from the Industrial Revolution around 1800 as a fundamental epochal change in human relations. He compares this turning point in world history with man's transition to sedentariness.
Freyer draws the conclusion that earlier descriptions of industrial society are currently (1955) no longer applicable and that new keyconcepts must be formulated. He criticizes the historical "illusion of progress" in Marxism, which assumes that the new human being will be created automatically. On the other hand, he considers alienation to be the normal human condition in industrial society. He also opposes "modern chiliasm ". He sees the kingdom of God as a future secularized “paradise of civilization”. Although he rejects all historical optimism, he approves of cultural criticism. Philosophers of history, who conjure up an ongoing "crisis myth" and want to condemn and limit technical development, do not agree. Rather, he assumes that technical progress is an important part of the industrial age. Freyer refers to the balance between "technology negation" and "technology glorification".
As a way forward in the industrial age, he emphasizes the value of conservative thinking and acting for the present (1955). Freyer sees the combination of progress and perseverance as the "secret" of history. Accordingly, the forces of mankind grow out of tradition. The representatives of the Conservative Revolution and the conservative reformers acted accordingly. However, recourse to tradition should not refer to “primitive instincts” or “primeval things”, but to the “unused” forces that can be mobilized “without falsification” from the “deep layers” of human heritage, which become active under the conditions of modern times and thus show their ability to change. His aim was to combine conservatism with a "modern" theory of industrial society. These views had great influence in theAdenauer era (Richard Hiscocks).
| International | |
|---|---|
| National | |
| Academics | |
| People | |
| Other | |
