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Halkomelem
Halq̓eméylem /Hul̓q̓umín̓um̓ /hən̓q̓əmin̓əm̓
Native to	Canada,United States
Region	SouthwesternBritish Columbia into NorthernWashington
Ethnicity	variousHalkomelem-speaking peoples
Native speakers	ca. 100[1] to 260 in Canada (2014)[2] 25 in US (1997)[2]
Language family	Salishan Coast Salish Central Halkomelem
Writing system	NAPA
Language codes
ISO 639-3	hur
Glottolog	halk1245
ELP	Hulʻqʻumiʻnumʻ (Halkomelem)
Halkomelem is classified as Severely Endangered by theUNESCOAtlas of the World's Languages in Danger
This article containsIPA phonetic symbols. Without properrendering support, you may seequestion marks, boxes, or other symbols instead ofUnicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, seeHelp:IPA.

Halkomelem (/ˌhɒlkəˈmeɪləm/;^[3]Halq̓eméylem in the Upriver dialect,Hul̓q̓umín̓um̓ in the Island dialect, andhən̓q̓əmin̓əm̓ in the Downriver dialect)^[4][5] is a language of variousFirst Nations peoples of theBritish Columbia Coast. It is spoken in what is nowBritish Columbia, ranging from southeasternVancouver Island from the west shore ofSaanich Inlet northward beyondGabriola Island andNanaimo toNanoose Bay and including theLower Mainland from theFraser River Delta upriver toHarrison Lake and the lower boundary of theFraser Canyon.

In the classification ofSalishan languages, Halkomelem is a member of the Central Salish branch. There are four other branches of the family: Tsamosan, Interior Salish, Bella Coola, and Tillamook. Speakers of the Central and Tsamosan languages are often identified in ethnographic literature as "Coast Salish".

The wordHalkomelem is ananglicization of the nameHalq̓eméylem. The language has three distinctdialect groups:

1. Hulquminum / Hulʻqʻumiʻnumʻ (Island dialect) or "Cowichan" (spoken by separate but closely related First Nations onVancouver Island and adjoining islands on the west side of theStrait of Georgia: theSnuneymuxw (Nanaimo),Snaw-naw-as (Nanoose) – the former "Saalequun tribe" is part of both First Nations,Stzꞌuminus (Chemainus),Cowichan Tribes,Lake Cowichan (Tsꞌuubaa-asatx), an originallySouthern Wakashan-speaking people^[6]),Halalt,Lyackson,Penelakut,^[7] andLamalchi.^[8]
2. Hunquminum (hən̓q̓əmin̓əm̓) (Downriver dialect) or "Musqueam" (spoken by seven First Nations in the Lower Mainland in and around Vancouver, as well as in the Fraser River Delta and the lower reaches of the Fraser River; which consider themselves linguistically and culturally related ethnicities – but donot identify as Stó꞉lō (although in the literature mostly attributed to these), but today often refer to themselves as "Musqueam", theMusqueam,Tsawwassen,Kwantlen,Tsleil-Waututh,New Westminster Indian Band,Kwikwetlem (Coquitlam),Katzie, and the now extinctSnokomish (Derby people).)
3. Halqemeylem / Halqʼeméylem (Upriver dialect) or "Stó꞉lō" (spoken by today 24Sto꞉lo First Nations upstream along the Fraser River from Matsqui on toYale; the historic "Tsꞌelxwéyeqw (Chilliwack)" (today's First Nations Aitchelitz, Shxwhá꞉y Village, Skowkale, Soowahlie, Squiala, Tzeachten, and Yakweakwioose), "Pelóxwlh Mestiyexw (Pilalt/Pilʼalt)" (today's First Nations Cheam, Kwaw-kwaw-Apil, and Skwah), "Tiyt (Tait)" or "Upper Stó꞉lō" (today's First Nations Popkum, Skawahlook, Chawathil, Seabird Island, Shxwꞌowꞌhamel, Union Bar, Peters, and Yale), "Pepa꞉thxetel" or "Semà꞉th (Sumas)", and the "Sqʼéwlets/Sqwōwich (Scowlitz)" (Sqꞌewlets First Nation) tribes.^[9]

The language differences (namely, in phonology and lexicon) are greatest between the Island and Upriver dialects, with the Downriver dialect (especially the Tsawwassen First Nation) providing a central link between the other two. The diversity of the Halkomelem dialects is noted to be the result of complex social and economic forces and linguistic change, as many Island people crossed the Georgia Strait to camp along the Fraser River (in both the Downriver and Upriver areas) for the summer runs of salmon. Arranged marriages between children in different language areas was also common, helping to establish a regional social network in the Strait of Georgia–Puget Sound Basin.

The Halkomelem language is near extinction. In 2000, it was estimated that the number of fluent Halkomelem speakers was fewer than twenty-five. Most are middle-aged or older, and few are monolingual, as there was a flood of English-speaking settlers in the region in the mid-19th century. Among these, towards the end of the century, the distinguished scientistMaud Menten, spent part of her childhood inHarrison Mills. She learned Halkomelem from a schoolfriend, and was possibly the only biochemist in history to speak it.^[10] Language programs at theStó꞉lō Nation,Seabird Island First Nation, andCowichan First Nation have been developed to save the language. A program aimed at adults atMusqueam is a collaboration between the band and theUniversity of British Columbia First Nations and endangered languages program.

In September 2009, theUniversity of California Press published American linguistBrent Galloway'sDictionary of Upriver Halkomelem.^[11]

A HalkomelemiPhone app was released in 2011.^[12] This was followed by anAndroid version was released in 2016.^[13] The app was developed by the FirstVoices website. There are 1754 words archived and 690 phrases archived on the FirstVoices website.^[14]

As of 2014, 263 fluent speakers had been reported.^[15] In 2014, the number of Head Start Programs was 21, and this included a language-nest immersion preschool.^[16]

Note: All examples are drawn from the Downriver dialect of Halkomelem spoken by theMusqueam band. Relevant differences in thephonology of the Island and Upriver dialects are noted at the foot of thephoneme charts.^[17]

Halkomelem has five vowel phonemes. Long and short vowels (but not schwa) contrast. Vowel length is written in the native orthography as⟨ꞏ⟩.

^1 Upriver Halkomelem dialects also have a mid back vowel/ooː/.^[18][19]

All five vowel phonemes vary considerably phonetically. The phoneme /i/ has three distinct allophones. It is realized as[e] following unrounded uvulars. It is realized as[ɪ] with a central off-glide preceding both unrounded and rounded uvulars. Elsewhere, it is realized as low[i] or high[e]. The /e/ is realized as a low to mid-front vowel, usually between[ɛ] or high[æ]. The /a/ is low and central to back, often close to[ɑ]. The /u/ is high, back, and rounded, realized somewhere between low[u] or high[o].

When stressed, the schwa /ə/ appears in most environments as a mid-central, but it is fronted and raised before /x/, approaching[ɪ]; before /j/ it is also fronted, approaching[ɛ]; before /w/ it is lower and back, approaching[ɑ]; and before rounded velars it is mid-back, close to[o]. Unstressed /ə/ can be as high as[ɪ] before /x/ and /j/, and before labialized velars it is realized as[o] or[ʊ]. This phoneme can also be assimilated to a stressed /e/ or a stressed /a/ in an adjacent syllable, by vowel harmony.

^1 The stops and affricates are grouped together for simplification purposes.

^2 Of recent and/or peripheral phonemic status.

^3 /b d d͡ʒ f ʀ/ occur only in a few borrowed and imitative words.

^4 The five glottalized resonants pose a problem in phonemic analysis, but occur frequently.

^5 Occurs in the Upriver dialect.

The plain plosives are lessaspirate before vowels than in English, but they are more aspirate finally. Although the glottalized plosives areejectives, they are not usually strongly released.

Suttles (2004) makes several interesting notes on the Musqueamobstruents. The labiodental fricative /f/ occurs in recent loans from English and their derivatives such as inkáfi "coffee" and inčíf "chief." The stops /t/ and /tʼ/ are articulated at a point slightly forward of that of the usual English /t d/, while the affricatesc /ts/ andcʼ /tsʼ/ are somewhat more retracted than these same English /t d/. The affricate[d͡ʒ] has only been recorded inkinjáj "English people" andkinjájqən "English (language)." The glottalized lateral affricate /ƛʼ/[tɬʼ] is produced when the apex of thetongue at theonset is in the position for the lateral release rather than for a /t/, and there is less friction produced than with other affricates. The phonemes /k/ and /kʼ/ occur in "baby talk" as substitutes for /q/ and /qʼ/. The uvular fricativex̌[χ] is produced with a great deal of friction and/or uvular vibration, and it contrasts strongly with the velar fricative /x/.

There is variation in the extent to which Musqueam speakers glottalize resonants. Phonetically, there are glottalized resonants (e.g.[nˀ]) and resonants preceded or followed by glottal stops (e.g.[ʔnnʔ]), however, Suttles (2004) finds no instances ofcontrastive distribution among any of the three. He puts forth two explanations for these facts: that there are two sequences of phonemes, /Rʔ/ and /ʔR/, with overlapping[Rˀ] allophones, or that there is a single phoneme/Rˀ/ that is realized in three distinct ways. In preferring the latter explanation, Suttles holds that there may be five glottalized resonant phonemes in the dialect, although Downriver speakers glottalize resonants very lightly, making them difficult to detect.

In most Upriver dialects, glottalized resonants do not exist, while in Island dialects, they are more sharply articulated (tenseness is a key feature of Island speech). As is the case with many other phonological features, Downriver Halkomelem stands as a link between the other dialect areas, and it is possible that its speakers vary depending on Island or Upriver influence. Other differences between dialects include: Island and Downriver have both /n/ and /l/, while Upriver has merged these as /l/. Upriver Halkomelem lacks the post-vocalic glottal stops of the other two dialects, and showscompensatory lengthening in that environment. Additionally, Upriver dialects have greaterpitch differences, and some words are differentiated by pitch alone.

Based on Suttles' (2004) recordings of several speakers of the Downriver (Musqueam) dialect,stress in Halkomelem consists of an increase in intensity and an accompanying rise inpitch. The three levels of stress are primary (marked /׳/), secondary (marked /`/), and weak (unmarked). There is one vowel with primary stress in every full word, however, its occurrence is not completely predictable.

Inuninflected words with more than onevowel, the primary stress usually falls on the first vowel (e.g. as incéləx "hand" andléləmʼ "house"). There are exceptions to this general pattern (e.g. as inxəmén "enemy"). As shown by the preceding example, if the word contains both a full vowel and one or more schwas, the stress is placed on the full vowel. Again, there are exceptions to this pattern, such as in words with a finalglottal stop that cannot be preceded byschwa (e.g. as innə́cʼaʔ "one").

Althoughminimal pairs contrasting stress are rare, they do exist in the language. The primary stress of a verb root consisting of a resonant, a schwa, and anobstruent followed by thesuffix /-t/ "transitive" can fall on either the root or the suffix, allowing for minimal pairs such asmə̀kʼʷət "salvage it" andməkʼʷə́t "finish it all."

The secondary stress appears most often in words that are composed of a root that has retained its stress and a stressed suffix (e.g. as incʼéwəθàmx "help me"). It may be the case, however, that the secondary stress recorded by Suttles (2004) in words likecʼéwəθàmx is actually a falling pitch; this seems to be characteristic of the last stressed syllable of a phrase in the language. Additional analyses of the sententialintonation patterns are needed.

All obstruents (except the glottals) typically follow one another in sequences of up to four, although a sequence of five is also possible (e.g. as intxʷstx̌ʷásʔal "just standing in shock"). There are no specific restrictions on the types of obstruent sequences that can occur.Plosives appearing in sequences are rearticulated, and sequences of /ss/ are common in the language.

Resonants only appear adjacent to vowels. When these sounds occur in the middle of words, they are found in sequences of resonant-obstruent, resonant-resonant, and obstruent-resonant. An initial resonant is always followed by a vowel, and a final resonant must be preceded by one.

Thelaryngeals are more restricted than members of the other natural classes in Halkomelem. The glottal stop occurs only adjacent to a vowel, and, within words, it does not follow any obstruent except (the prefix) /s/. It can never occur in final position following aschwa. /h/ occurs only before vowels, following a resonant or one of thefricatives at morpheme boundaries, but never following other obstruents. It can appear between an unstressed and a stressed vowel, but it cannot occur between a stressed and an unstressed vowel.

Certain processes affect the realization of underlying sounds in Halkomelem. Alternations that occur fairly commonly are discussed in this section, rather than in the following section onmorphology.

• In rapid speech, there is optionalloss of some instances of schwa, glottal stop, glottalization of resonants, and /h/.
  • An unstressed schwa following an initial nasal stop may be lost, if there is a vowel preceding; the nasal is sometimes heard as part of that syllable (e.g. as intənəmén ~tən mén "my father").
  • /nə/ with no preceding vowel sometimes appears as syllabic[n] (e.g. as inxʷnəcʼáwəθ ~xʷncʼáwəθ "one kind").
  • A glottal stop after an unstressed final vowel may be lost, in which case the vowel will be reduced to a schwa (e.g. as inméqeʔ ~méqə).
  • The glottalization of resonants following unstressed vowels is often inaudible (e.g. as insmənʼéꞏm ~smənéꞏm "descendants").
  • /h/ before a stressed vowel may be lost when preceded by a spirant (e.g. as insháꞏyʼ ~sáꞏyʼ "finished").
• An unstressed schwa may take on the quality of an adjacent full vowel, or one that is separated from it by a glottal stop (e.g. as inspéʔəθ ~spéʔeθ "black bear").
• When a root with the shape of /CARˀ/ (C is any consonant, A is a full vowel, Rˀ is a glottalized resonant), takes the suffix /-ət/ "transitive," the resulting form is /CAʔəRt/. It appears that the resonant and schwa have switched positions (a form ofmetathesis), but the glottal stop protects the schwa fromassimilating to the full vowel (e.g. as inwílʼ "appear" andwíʔəlt "make it appear").
• Several roots appear alone, without having undergoneaffixation (e.g. as inʔí "big" andpá "get blown on"). When this type of root is followed by asuffix that begins with a stressed vowel, (e.g. as in /-ínəs/ "chest"), an /h/ appears (e.g. as inθəhínəs "barrel-chested"). A final /h/ is never realized after a stressed vowel.
• A number of suffixes beginning with /n/ have forms with initial /l/ when they are added to aroot orstem ending in /l/ (i.e. there isalternation of /n/ and /l/ in certain morphological cases in this language) (e.g. as in /-nəxʷ/ ~ /-ləxʷ/ "limited control" inɬə́qʼəlləxʷ "know it" andcə́llexʷ "catch up with him").
• In theprogressive andresultative forms of few verbs with initial /c/ or /x/ followed by /a/, the /c/ isreduplicated as /kʷ/ and the /x/ as /xʷ/ (e.g. as incám "go/come inland" and its progressivecákʷəm "be going/coming inland").
• Vowel gradation often occurs between a full vowel, schwa, and zero, depending on the type of root or stem, type of suffix, and placement of stress.
• When some suffixes are joined with stems, a change in the quality of the stressedvowel, from one full vowel to another, in the stem, or (rarely) in the suffix results. The vowel mutations are the product of the assimilation of one vowel to that of an adjacentsyllable at an earlier stage in the language'shistory. Three kinds of these mutations exist (although only the first example is common). In the first two examples, the vowel mutation is similar to theumlauting effect of a suffix on stems in Germanic languages.
  • Stem /e/ changes to /a/ (e.g. as inxʷƛʼáqtəs "long-faced" [ƛʼéqt "long"]).
  • Stem /a/ to /e/ (e.g. as inpéꞏltʼθeʔ "buzzard (turkey vulture)," which is composed ofspáꞏl "raven" and the suffix /-itθeʔ/ "clothing, blanket" [with metathesis]).
  • Suffix /e/ to /a/ (e.g. as insqʼəqʼəxán "partner," which is composed ofsqʼəqʼáʔ "accompanying" and the suffix /-xən/ ~ /-xén/ "foot").

In 1997, the Musqueam First Nation officially adopted theAmericanist phonetic alphabet.^[20] This alphabet does not use upper-case letters.

TheStó꞉lō use a cased Latin alphabet withmodifier apostrophes,letter colon for both vowel length and geminate consonants, and the special lettersŌ andX̱. The vowel letters area for/e/,e for/ə/,o for/a/, andō for/o/.Sh is/s/ beforexw, and is found in a few English and French loans.

Using the lettera as a carrier,á marks high tone,à mid tone, anda low tone.

The Cowichan use a cased Latin alphabet with modifier apostrophes and doubled letters for vowel length.Ou is used for the long [u] sound in French loanwords, andu is used for schwa. The alphabet includes thetetragraphtthʼ.

TheMusqueam Band language department collaborated with theUniversity of British Columbia to create a typeface called Whitney Salishan that displays all the characters correctly.^[23]

Like the majority ofSalishan languages, Halkomelem ispolysynthetic. A word in Halkomelem may consist of a root standing alone and unaltered, or of a root altered by one or more processes of internal modification and/or accompanied by one or more affixes. Since all words (with the exception of a few adverbs) can function aspredicate heads, there is no basis for distinguishing verbs, nouns, and adjectives. There are other bases, however, for distinguishing these classes. Verbs haveprogressive forms and do not takepossessive affixes, while nouns do not have progressive forms and do take possessive affixes. Adjectives have neither progressive forms, nor do they take possessive affixes.Compounding is non-existent in the language, although some scholars believe to have found a few possible examples.^[25]

The majority of verb roots have the shapes CAC, CəC, CəCC, while noun roots typically have the shape CVCVC (V is any vowel). The most common shapes of adjective roots are CəC and CAC. There is a prefix that nominalizes verbs and adjectives, and there are several prefixes that make verbs out of nouns. Additionally, there are several ways to make adjective-like words from nouns. Processes of internal modification of the root includereduplication (of initial CV and CVC), shift in stress and vowel grade, andglottalization of resonants (which also affects suffixes). Roots of different shapes often undergo different processes to produce forms that are grammatically identical.^[25]

Verbs roots are identified asperfective, as opposed to progressive, aspect.

• Perfectivesə̀qʼ "split, tear"
• Progressivesəsə̀qʼ "be splitting, be tearing"

Several verbs also have adurative aspect, which can occur in both forms.

• Perfectiveqʼíkʼʷət "bite it"
• Progressiveqʼíqʼəkʼʷət "be biting it"

A number also have an iterative-dispositional aspect. For a few of these verb roots, this aspect can appear in both a progressive and in a perfective form.

• sə́qʼsəqʼ "easy to split"

The majority of verbs have aresultative form which is adjective-like and does not carry a progressive-perfective distinction.

• ssəsíqʼ "split, torn"
• skʼʷəkʼʷíɬ "spilled, capsized"

Theplural can be optionally marked in all of these forms. Thediminutive is also marked, optionally, in only the progressive and resultative aspects.

It is possible to internally modify noun roots in Halkomelem for the plural, the diminutive, and the diminutive plural. Compare:

• céləx "hand"
• cəlcéləx "hands"
• cécləx "little hand"
• cəcécləx "little hands"

A few nouns may have resultative forms. They do not have progressive forms, but they may be made into a verb with a verbalizing affix and then express this form.

Similar to noun roots, adjective roots can be internally modified for plural, diminutive, and diminutive plural. They can only have progressive forms if made into verbs by means of a verbalizing affix.

• pʼə́qʼ "white"
• pʼépʼqʼ "white" (PL)

Complex adjectives are formed from adjective roots and lexical suffixes.

• máʔəqʷ "large bird"

Halkomelem containsprefixes,suffixes, andinfixes. All infixes of the language have been described in the preceding sections. Affixes are typically divisible intoinflectional orderivational andgrammatical orlexical categories, depending on their involvement in paradigms and meaning, however, a number of Halkomelem affixes mix these categories. Suttles (2004) identifies the following classes of suffixes and prefixes; a sampling of these affixes follow.

• Non-personal affixes
  • Suffixes of the voice system
    • Transitive: /-t/ /-nəxʷ/ /-x/ "transitive"
    • Intransitive: /-əm/ "intransitive," /-éls/ "activity" (comparepə́n "get buried,"pə́nət "bury it,"pə́nəm "plant," andpə́néls "bury something")
    • Causative: /-stəxʷ/ "causative"
    • Permissive: /-s/ "let," as in "let him go" or "let it be"
    • Applicative: /-nəs/ "goal" (e.g. as innəʔémnəs "go after him"), /-ném/ "go"
    • Reflexive: /-θət/ "oneself," /-námət/ "oneself (limited control)"
    • Reciprocal: /-təlʼ/ "each other"
    • Subordinate passive: /-ət/ "subordinate passive"
  • Aspectual and modal affixes
    • Aspectual prefixes: /wə-/ "established,"wəɬ- "already"
    • Modal suffixes: /-ə́lmən/ "want to, intend to, seem about to"
  • Derivational affixes
    • Affixes with purely grammatical meaning
      • Nominalizing prefix: /s-/ "nominalize (verbs and adjectives)"
    • Verbalizing affixes (combine grammatical and lexical meaning): /c-/ "get, make, do, go to,"ɬ- "partake of," /txʷ-/ "buy," /-àꞏl/ "travel by"
    • Lexical prefixes: /mə-/ "come," /tən-/ "from"
    • Lexical suffixes
      • Body parts: /-aqʷ/ "head"
      • Common artifacts: /-wət/ "canoe"
      • Natural phenomena: /-ətp/ "plant, tree"
• Personal affixes

The following table lists the possessive affixes which appear in attributive possessive structures in Halkomelem.^[26]

Possession is marked either on the possessed noun (the head) or the word preceding it through these affixes. Together with the appearance of affixes, possession also requires a structural component, in that the possessor of the head is found to the right of the head. The possessor is always preceded by a determiner, although depending on the noun class, it can also appear with anoblique case marker. If the possessor is a common noun, it will be introduced by a determiner, but without an oblique case marker. If, however, the possessor is a proper noun, it must appear in the oblique case. Thus, it will be preceded by an oblique case marker, and the possessed noun will appear without a possessive affix. For proper nouns, the determiner and the oblique case marker are fused into a single particle. Marking common nouns with an oblique case marker results in an ungrammatical construction:^[27]

Most verbs roots aresemanticallypatient-oriented (e.g. they have glosses like "get hit" or "get washed"), while few verbs are semanticallyagent-oriented (e.g. "look" or "see"). All are grammaticallyintransitive. These relations are different with the suffixes of thevoice system. A verb that is made up of an inactive root and an intransitive suffix is grammatically intransitive, but semantically active. An inactive or active root that takes on atransitive suffix is grammatically transitive and takes an object. The transitive suffix is the base for an object or passive person suffix. Two of the most commonly used transitive suffixes distinguish actions performed with limited control or accidentally from those performed with full control or purposely.

Aspectual prefixes, which precede predicate heads, have adverbial meaning and express temporal distinctions.Modal suffixes follow the suffixes of the voice system and indicate desire or intention and search or arrangement.

Lexical suffixes can be related to verb roots asobjects, locus, or instruments; to adjective roots as nounheads; and to noun roots as noun possessors or the noun heads ofmodifiers.

Thepersonal affixes distinguish first, second, and third person in singular and plural. There are neitherdual forms norinclusive/exclusive distinctions in this language. There is also a set of possessive affixes (prefixes for first and second person singular, suffixes for first-person plural and third person, and a combination of prefix and suffix for second-person plural). This system will be covered, in detail, in the "Syntax" section.

Derivational prefixes and suffixes form an inner layer around the word root, whileinflectional affixes form an outer layer around the root. Among derivational affixes, those with lexical meaning stand closer to the root than those with purely grammatical meaning. Among inflectional affixes, those of the voice and person systems stand closer to the root than theaspectual prefixes andmodal suffixes.

• xʷqʷénəctəs. "[She] punches holes in the bottom of it."

In Musqueam, a sentence minimally consists of apredicate. Predicateheads can be bareroots (e.g.cákʼʷ "far"), derived forms (e.g.spéʔeθ "black bear"), inflected forms (e.g.cʼéwət "help him/her/them"), and forms including bothderivational andinflectional affixes (e.g.kʷə́xnəct "name-base-transitive," as in "name a price"). Predicate heads can also be words that are definable morphologically. This includes verbs (e.g.ném "go"), adjectives (e.g.θí "big"), nouns (e.g.swə́yʼqeʔ "man"), members of the closed sets of personal words (see the following section), and interrogative words (e.g.stém "what").^[28]

A verbal predicate may be expanded with the addition of one or twoauxiliary verbs before the head and/or one or more adverbs preceding or following the head.

• ʔi(AUX)cən cʼécʼəw-ət. "I am helping him."
  • Two pairs of verbs function as auxiliaries, setting the predicate within a spatial context. The choice between thelocative pair, /ʔi/ "be here" and /niʔ/ "be there," depends on the location of the speaker relative to whatever the predicate refers to. The directional auxiliaries, /ʔəmí/ "come" and /ném/ "go," identify motions toward or away from the speaker.
• ƛʼ(ADV)cən nəwɬ x̌té. "I did it again."

Verb heads are also found with verbcomplements and compound verbs.

• θə́t("try")ɬákʷ. "He tried to fly."

Like verbal predicates, adjectival and nominal predicates can be expanded with other elements. Nominal predicate heads can appear alone, followed by particles and adverbs.

• swə́yʼqeʔ cən. "I am a man."
• swə́yʼqeʔ čxʷ ƛʼe. "You're a man too."

Syntactically, adjectival and nominal predicate heads appear with auxiliaries less often than verbs. Adjectives and nouns can appear together in nominal predicates expanded with adjectives. A nominal predicate head can be preceded by a modifying adjective or numeral.

• ʔə́yʼ("good")čxʷ("you")swə́yʼqeʔ("man"). "You're a good man."

Adjectives usually appear as predicate heads accompanied byparticles only, but they can be preceded by auxiliaries and adverbs acting asintensifiers.

• kʼʷámʼkʼʷəmʼ cən. "I'm strong."
• ni(AUX)ʔukʼʷámʼkʼʷəmʼ. "He [absent] is strong all right."
• x̌ə́ɬ(ADV)qʼáqʼəyʼ. "He was very sick."

The Halkomelem person markers (forms that correspond in meaning to English personal pronouns) include a set of affixes, one set of particles, and two sets of words (personal andpossessive). As mentioned in the "Morphology" section, there is nodual number orinclusive/exclusive distinction in the language, however, some scholars believe that the forms identified here as second-person "singular" were once used in addressing a married couple, a pair of brothers, or even a family, while the "plural" forms were used for a larger or less integrated group.^[29]

The first- and second-person particles pattern like anominative–accusative case marking system. In other words, the same particles mark first- and second-personarguments in bothintransitive andtransitive predicates in main clauses (coordinate constructions).

Suttles (2004) classified the first- and second-person argument particles as second-positionpredicate particles, along with about twenty other particles that can appear within the predicate. Most of the second-position predicate particles are mobile, appearing after the first word of the predicate (whatever that may be). If the only word in the predicate is the head, the first- and second-person argument particles will follow it; if the head is preceded by an auxiliary verb, they will follow the auxiliary; if the head is preceded by anadverb, they will follow the adverb.

• cʼéw-ət cən ceʔ. "I'll help him/her/them."
• ʔi cən cʼécʼəw-ət. "I am helping him/her/them."
• lə́qʼ cən wəmʼi técəl. "I generally get here."

Anobject person marker can only be suffixed to a transitive verb (i.e. a verb stem that has a transitive suffix). The four forms appear to be composed of identifiable elements: /-S/ and /-am/ "non-third-person singular," /-al-/ "non-third-person plural," /-x/ and /-xʷ/ "first person," and /-ə/ second person. Third-person objects are unmarked.

The element /-S/ occurs with the transitivizer /-t/, and they coalesce as /θ/. With the rootcʼéw- "help" and /-t/ "transitive," we find:

• cʼéwəθàmx "help me"
• cʼéwəθàlʼxʷ "help us"

These forms are normally accompanied by person markers.

The third-person arguments follow anergative–absolutive system. With an intransitive predicate head, a third-person argument is like a third-person object in being marked by zero. Plurality is optionally indicated by the particleʔéꞏɬtən.

• némʼ ceʔ. "He/she/it/they will go."
• némʼ ceʔ ʔéꞏɬtən. "They will go."

With a transitive predicate head in a main clause, on the other hand, a third-person agent must be marked by the suffix /-əs/. It always follows the transitivizer and object person marker, if any. Unlike the first- and second-person particles, the suffix does not move to follow an auxiliary or adverb. Again, the plurality of the third-person may be indicated by the particleʔéꞏɬtən.

• cʼéwətəs ceʔ. "He/she will help him/her."
• ni cʼéwətəs. "He/she helped him/her."
• kʼʷəcnámxəs ceʔ ʔéꞏɬtən. "They will see me."

In theactive paradigm, a third person cannot be the agent with a second person as the object. Instead, we find passive forms.

• cʼéwətàləm ceʔ. "You folks will be helped."

Only third persons can be agents in thepassive. Other relations (e.g. the forms "*I am seen by you" or "*he is seen by me") can be expressed only in the active (e.g. "you see me" and "I see him").

Asubordinate clause is produced by prefixing one of the two subordinating particles, /wə-/ "if, when, that" and /ʔəl/ "whenever, whatever," to the first word in a predicate and replacing itscoordinate agent marker with a subordinate agent marker. Subordinate agent markers are the same in both intransitive and transitive active predicates.

Subordinate clauses usually follow main clauses, but there are a few exceptions.

• kʼʷəcnámə cən ceʔ, wənémʼèꞏn. "I will see you, if/when/that I go."

• List of Halkomelem-speaking peoples
• Brent Galloway
• Donna Gerdts
• Patricia Shaw
• Wayne Suttles

General

• Carlson, Keith Thor, ed. (2001). 'A Stó꞉lō-Coast Salish Historical Atlas. Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre.
• Galloway, Brent D. (1977)."A Grammar of Chilliwack Halkomelem". University of California. RetrievedOctober 24, 2015.
• Galloway, Brent D. (1993). A Grammar of Upriver Halkomelem. London, UK: University of California Press.
• Gerdts, Donna B. (1988)."Object and Absolutive in Halkomelem Salish"(PDF). New York, NY: Garland Publishing. RetrievedOctober 24, 2015.
• Suttles, Wayne. (1990). Central Coast Salish. In Northwest Coast, 453–476. Washington: Smithsonian Institution.
• Suttles, Wayne. (2004). Musqueam Reference Grammar. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press.

• First Nations Languages of British Columbia page on Halkomelem
• Language Geek page on Halkomelem
• Status of British Columbia First Nations Languages
• Hulꞌqꞌuminꞌum Talking Dictionary
• Halkomelem Ethnobiology Web Site (SFU)
• Themes, thoughts, and theories on strategic planning for Hulꞌqumiꞌnum language revitalization
• Lessons and Information about Hulꞌqꞌumiꞌnum
• "Geek Speak: Jared Deck, Sto꞉lo Shxweli Halqꞌeméylem Language Program".Straight.com, Vancouver's Online Source. May 4, 2012. RetrievedAugust 8, 2012.
• OLAC resources in and about the Halkomelem language
• Halkomelem basic lexicon at the Global Lexicostatistical Database

• Coast Salish languages
• Indigenous languages of the Pacific Northwest Coast
• First Nations languages in Canada

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