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Haitian Vodou[a] (/ˈvoʊduː/) is anAfrican diasporic religion that developed inHaiti between the 16th and 19th centuries. It arose through a process ofsyncretism between several traditional religions ofWest andCentral Africa andCatholicism. There is no central authority in control of the religion and much diversity exists among practitioners, who are known as Vodouists, Vodouisants, or Serviteurs.
Vodou teaches the existence of a transcendent creator divinity,Bondye, under whom are spirits known aslwa. Typically deriving their names and attributes from traditional West and Central African deities, they are equated with Catholic saints. Thelwa divide into different groups, thenanchon ("nations"), most notably theRada and thePetwo, about whom various myths and stories are told. Thistheology has been labelled bothmonotheistic andpolytheistic. An initiatory tradition, Vodouists commonly venerate thelwa at anounfò (temple), run by anoungan (priest) ormanbo (priestess). Alternatively, Vodou is also practised within family groups or in secret societies like theBizango. A central ritual involves practitioners drumming, singing, and dancing to encourage alwa to possess one of their members and thus communicate with them. Offerings to thelwa, and to spirits of the dead, include fruit, liquor, andsacrificed animals. Several forms ofdivination are utilized to decipher messages from thelwa. Healing rituals and the preparation of herbal remedies and talismans also play a prominent role.
Vodou developed amongAfro-Haitian communities amid theAtlantic slave trade of the 16th to 19th centuries. Its structure arose from the blending of the traditional religions of those enslaved West and Central Africans brought to the island ofHispaniola, among themKongo,Fon, andYoruba. There, it absorbed influences from the culture of theFrench colonialists who controlled the colony ofSaint-Domingue, most notably Roman Catholicism but alsoFreemasonry. Many Vodouists were involved in theHaitian Revolution of 1791 to 1801 which overthrew the French colonial government, abolished slavery, and transformed Saint-Domingue into the republic of Haiti. The Catholic Church left for several decades following the Revolution, allowing Vodou to become Haiti's dominant religion. In the 20th century, growing emigration spread Vodou abroad. The late 20th century saw growing links between Vodou and related traditions in West Africa and the Americas, such as CubanSantería and BrazilianCandomblé, while some practitioners influenced by theNégritude movement have sought to remove Catholic influences.
Most Haitians practice both Vodou and Catholicism, seeing no contradiction in pursuing the two different systems simultaneously. Smaller Vodouist communities exist elsewhere, especially among Haitian diasporas inCuba and theUnited States. Both in Haiti and abroad Vodou has spread beyond its Afro-Haitian origins and is practiced by individuals of various ethnicities. Having faced much criticism through its history, Vodou has been described as one of the world's most misunderstood religions.
Vodou is a religion.[6] More specifically, scholars have characterised it as anAfro-Haitian religion,[7] and as Haiti's "national religion".[8] Its main structure derives from theAfrican traditional religions of West and Central Africa which were brought to Haiti by enslaved Africans between the 16th and 19th centuries.[9] Of these, the greatest influences came from theFon andBakongo peoples.[10] On the island, these African religions mixed with the iconography of European-derived traditions such as Catholicism andFreemasonry,[11] taking the form of Vodou around the mid-18th century.[12] In combining varied influences, Vodou has often been described assyncretic,[13] a product ofcreolization,[14] or alternatively as a "symbiosis".[15]
As formed in Haiti, Vodou represented "a new religion",[16] "a creolized New World system",[17] one that differs in many ways from African traditional religions.[18] The scholarLeslie Desmangles therefore called it an "African-derived tradition",[19] Ina J. Fandrich termed it a "neo-African religion",[20] and Markel Thylefors called it an "Afro-Latin American religion".[21] Several otherAfrican diasporic religions found in the Americas formed in a similar way, and owing to their shared origins in West African traditional religion, Vodou has been characterized as a "sister religion" of CubanSantería and BrazilianCandomblé,[22] with which it shares a number of beliefs and practices.[23]
Vodou has no central institutional authority,[24] no single leader,[25] and no developed body ofdoctrine.[26] It thus has noorthodoxy,[27] no central liturgy,[28] and no formal creed.[29] Developing over the course of several centuries,[30] it has changed over time.[31] It displays variation at both the regional and local level[32]—including variation between Haiti and the Haitian diaspora[33]—as well as among different congregations.[34] It is practiced domestically, by families on their land, but also by congregations meeting communally,[35] with the latter termed "temple Vodou".[36]
In Haitian culture, religions are not generally deemed totally autonomous. Many Haitians thus practice both Vodou and Roman Catholicism,[37] with Vodouists usually regarding themselves as Roman Catholics.[38] In Haiti, some Vodouists have also practicedProtestantism,[39]Mormonism,[40] or Freemasonry;[41] in Cuba they have involved themselves in Santería,[42] and in the United States withmodern Paganism.[43] Vodou has also absorbed elements from other contexts; in Cuba, some Vodouists have adopted elements fromSpiritism.[44] Influenced by theNégritude movement, other Vodouists have sought to remove Roman Catholic and other European influences from their practice of Vodou.[45]
InEnglish, Vodou's practitioners are termedVodouists;[46] inFrench andHaitian Creole, they are calledVodouisants[47] orVodouyizan.[48] Another term for adherents issèvitè (serviteurs, "devotees"),[49] reflecting their self-description as people whosèvi lwa ("serve thelwa"), the supernatural beings that play a central role in Vodou.[50]
Many words used in the religion derive from theFon language of West Africa;[51] this includes the wordVodou itself.[52] First recorded in the 1658Doctrina Christiana,[53] the Fon wordVôdoun was used in the West African kingdom ofDahomey to signify a spirit or deity.[54] In Haitian Creole,Vodou came to designate a specific style of dance and drumming,[55] before outsiders to the religion adopted it as a generic term for much Afro-Haitian religion.[56] The wordVodou now encompasses "a variety of Haiti's African-derived religious traditions and practices",[57] incorporating "a bundle of practices that practitioners themselves do not aggregate".[58]Vodou is thus a term primarily used by scholars and outsiders to the religion;[58] many practitioners describe their belief system with the termGinen, which especially denotes a moral philosophy and ethical code regarding how to live and to serve the spirits.[33]
Vodou is the common spelling for the religion among scholars, in official Haitian Creole orthography, and by theUnited States Library of Congress.[59] Some scholars prefer the spellingsVodoun,Voudoun, orVodun,[60] while in French the spellingsvaudou[61] orvaudoux also appear.[62] The spellingVoodoo, once common, is now generally avoided by practitioners and scholars when referring to the Haitian religion.[63] This is both to avoid confusion withLouisiana Voodoo, a related but distinct tradition,[64] and to distinguish it from the negative connotations that the termVoodoo has in Westernpopular culture.[65]
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Vodou ismonotheistic,[66] teaching the existence of a single supreme God.[67] This entity is called Bondye or Bonié,[68] a name deriving from the French termBon Dieu ("Good God").[69] Another term for this God—borrowed from Freemasonry[41]—is theGran Mèt.[70] For Vodouists, Bondye is the ultimate source of power,[71] the creator of the universe,[72] and the maintainer of cosmic order.[73] Haitians frequently use the phrasesi Bondye vle ("if Bondye wishes"), suggesting a belief that all things occur in accordance with this divinity's will.[74] Vodouists regard Bondye as being transcendent and remote;[75] as the God is uninvolved in human affairs,[76] they see little point in approaching it directly.[77] While Vodouists often equate Bondye withthe Christian God,[78] Vodou does not incorporate belief in a powerful antagonist that opposes the supreme being akin to the Christian notion ofSatan.[79]
Vodou has also been characterized aspolytheistic.[77] It teaches the existence of beings called thelwa,[80] a term varyingly translated into English as "spirits", "gods", or "geniuses".[81] Theselwa are also known as themystères,anges,saints, andles invisibles,[49] and are sometimes equated with theangels of Christian cosmology.[78] Vodou teaches that there are over a thousandlwa.[82] Serving as Bondye's intermediaries,[83] they communicate with humans through their dreams or by directly possessing them.[84] Vodouists believe thelwa are capable of offering people help, protection, and counsel in return for ritual service.[85] Eachlwa has its own personality,[49] and is associated with specific colors,[86] days of the week,[87] and objects.[49] Particularlwa are also associated with specific human family lineages.[88] These spirits are not seen as moral exemplars for practitioners to imitate.[89] Thelwa can be either loyal or capricious in their dealings with their devotees;[49] they are easily offended, for instance if offered food they dislike.[90] When angered, thelwa are believed to remove their protection from their devotees, or to inflict misfortune, illness, or madness on an individual.[91]
Although there are exceptions, mostlwa derive their names from the Fon and Yoruba languages and originated as deities venerated in West or Central Africa.[92] Newlwa are nevertheless added to the pantheon, with bothtalismans and certain humans thought capable of becominglwa,[93] in the latter case through their strength of personality or power.[94] Vodouists often refer to thelwa living in the sea or in rivers,[87] or alternatively in Ginen,[88] a term encompassing a generalized understanding of Africa as the ancestral land of the Haitian people.[95]
Thelwa divide intonanchon or "nations".[97] This classificatory system derives from the way in which enslaved Africans were divided into "nations" upon their arrival in Haiti, usually based on their African port of departure rather than their ethno-cultural identity.[49] The termfanmi (family) is sometimes used synonymously withnanchon or alternatively as a sub-division of the latter category.[98] It is often claimed that there are 17nanchon,[99] of which theRada and thePetwo are the largest and most dominant.[100]
The Radalwa are seen as being 'cool'; the Petwolwa as 'hot'.[101] This means that the Rada aredous ordoux, or sweet-tempered, while the Petwo arelwa cho, indicating that they can be forceful or violent and are associated with fire.[102] Whereas the Rada are generally righteous, their Petwo counterparts are more morally ambiguous and associated with issues like money.[103] The Rada owe more to Dahomeyan and Yoruba influences;[104] their name probably comes fromArada, a city in the Dahomey kingdom of West Africa.[105] The Petwo derive largely from Kongo religion,[106] although also exhibit Dahomeyan and creolised influences.[107] Somelwa existandezo oren deux eaux, meaning that they are "in two waters" and are served in both Rada and Petwo rituals.[108]
Vodou teaches that there are over a thousandlwa,[82] although certain ones are especially widely venerated.[109] In Rada ceremonies, the firstlwa saluted isPapa Legba, also known as Legba.[110] Depicted as a feeble old man wearing rags and using a crutch,[111] Papa Legba is the protector of gates and fences and thus of the home, as well as of roads, paths, and crossroads.[112] In Petwo rites, the firstlwa invoked is usuallyMèt Kalfou.[113] The secondlwa usually greeted are theMarasa or sacred twins.[114] In Vodou, everynanchon has its own Marasa,[115] reflecting a belief that twins have special powers.[116] Another importantlwa isAgwe, also known as Agwe-taroyo, who is associated with aquatic life and is the protector of ships and fishermen.[117] Agwe is believed to rule the sea with his consort,La Sirène.[118] She is amermaid, and is sometimes described as Èzili of the Waters because she is believed to bring good luck and wealth from the sea.[119] Also given the name Èzili isÈzili Freda or Erzuli Freda, thelwa of love and luxury who personifies feminine beauty and grace,[120] andEzili Dantor, who takes the form of a peasant woman.[121]
Azaka is thelwa of crops and agriculture,[122] usually addressed as "Papa" or "Cousin".[123] His consort is the femalelwa Kouzinn.[124]Loco is thelwa of vegetation, and because he is seen to give healing properties to various plant species is considered thelwa of healing too.[125] Ogou is a warriorlwa,[126] associated with weapons.[127]Sogbo is alwa associated with lightning,[128] while his companion,Bade, is associated with the wind.[129]Danbala is a serpentlwa and is associated with water, being believed to frequent rivers, springs, and marshes;[130] he is one of the most popular deities in the pantheon.[131] Danbala and his consort Ayida-Weddo are often depicted as a pair of intertwining snakes.[130] The Simbi are understood as the guardians of fountains and marshes.[132]
Usually seen as afanmi rather than ananchon,[133] theGede are associated with the realm of the dead.[134] The head of the family isBaron Samedi ("Baron Saturday");[135] he is associated with the phallus, the skull, and the graveyard cross,[136] the latter used to mark out his presence in a Haitian cemetery.[137] His consort is Gran Brigit,[138] who has authority over cemeteries and is mother to many of the other Gede.[139] The Gede regularly satirise the ruling authorities,[140] and are welcomed to rituals as they are thought to bring merriment.[134] The Gede's symbol is an erect penis,[141] while thebanda dance associated with them involves sexual-style thrusting,[142] and those possessed by theselwa typically make sexual innuendos.[143]
Mostlwa are associated with specific Roman Catholic saints.[144] These particular links rely on analogies between the respective functions of these figures;[145] Azaka, thelwa of agriculture, is for instance associated withSaint Isidore the farmer.[146] Similarly, because he is understood as the "key" to the spirit world, Papa Legba is typically associated withSaint Peter, who is traditionally depicted holding keys in Roman Catholic imagery.[147] Thelwa of love and luxury, Èzili Freda, is associated withMater Dolorosa.[148] Danbala the serpent is often equated withSaint Patrick, who is traditionally depicted with snakes, or withMoses, whose staff turned into serpents according to theBook of Exodus.[149] The Marasa, or sacred twins, are typically equated with the twin saintsCosmos and Damian.[150]
Vodouists may originally have adopted the Roman Catholic saints to conceallwa worship when the latter was illegal during the colonial period.[151] By at least the late 20th century, many Vodouists came to express genuine devotion to the Roman Catholic saints,[152] with the scholar Marc A. Christophe stating that most modern Vodouists genuinely see the saints andlwa as one, reflecting Vodou's "all-inclusive and harmonizing characteristics".[153] Many Vodouists possesschromolithographic prints of the saints,[152] while images of these Christian figures can also be found on temple walls,[154] and on thedrapo flags used in Vodou ritual.[155] Vodouists also often adopt and reinterpretbiblical stories and theorise about the nature ofJesus of Nazareth.[156] Catholic and Vodou identity is sufficiently intertwined that a Haitian proverb maintains that "pou sevi lwa yo se pou'w bon katolik" ("you have to be a good Catholicto serve the spirits").[157]
Vodou holds that Bondye created humanity in its image, fashioning humans from water and clay.[158] It teaches the existence of a soul, usually called thenanm,[159] or sometimes theespri,[160] whichis divided in two parts.[161] One of these is theti bonnanj ("little good angel"), understood as the conscience that allows an individual to engage in self-reflection and self-criticism. The other part is thegwo bonnanj ("big good angel") and this constitutes the psyche, source of memory, intelligence, and personhood.[162] Both parts are believed to reside within an individual's head,[163] although thegwo bonnanj is thought capable of leaving the head and travelling while a person sleeps.[164]
Vodouists believe that every individual is connected to a specificlwa, regarded as theirmèt tèt (master of the head).[165] They believe that thislwa informs the individual's personality.[166] Vodou holds that the identity of a person's tutelarylwa can be identified throughdivination or by consultinglwa when they possess other humans.[167] Some of the religion's priests and priestesses are deemed to have "the gift of eyes", capable of seeing the identity of a person's tutelarylwa.[168]
Vodou holds that Bondye has preordained the time of everyone's death,[169] but does not teach the existence of an afterlife realm akin to the Christian ideas ofheaven andhell.[170] Instead, a common belief is that at bodily death, thegwo bonnanj join the Ginen, or ancestral spirits, while theti bonnanj proceeds to face judgement before Bondye.[171] This idea of judgement is more common in urban areas, having been influenced by Roman Catholicism, while in the Haitian mountains it is more common for Vodouists to believe that theti bonnanj dissolves into the navel of the earth nine days after death.[172] The land of the Ginen is often identified as being located beneath the sea, under the earth, or above the sky.[173] Some Vodouists believe that thegwo bonnanj stays in the land of the Ginen for a year and a day before being absorbed into the Gede family.[174] However, Vodouists usually distinguish the spirits of the dead from the Gede proper, for the latter arelwa.[175] Vodou also teaches that the dead continue to participate in human affairs,[176] with these spirits often complaining that they suffer from hunger, cold, and damp,[177] and thus requiring sacrifices from the living.[77]
Vodou ethical standards correspond to its sense of cosmological order,[73] with a belief in the interdependence of things playing a role in Vodou approaches to ethical issues.[178] Serving thelwa is central to Vodou and its moral codes reflect the reciprocal relationship that practitioners have with these spirits;[179] for Vodouists, virtue is maintained by ensuring a responsible relationship with thelwa.[89] Vodou also promotes a belief indestiny, although individuals are still deemed to have freedom of choice.[180] This view of destiny has been interpreted as encouraging afatalistic outlook,[181] something that the religion's critics, especially from Christian backgrounds, have argued has discouraged Vodouists from improving their society.[182] This has been extended into an argument that Vodou is responsible forHaiti's poverty,[183] a view that in turn has been accused of being rooted in European colonial prejudices towards Africans.[184]
Although Vodou permeates every aspect of its adherent's lives,[185] it offers no prescriptive code of ethics.[186] Rather than being rule-based, Vodou morality is deemed contextual to the situation,[187] with no clear binary division between good and evil.[188] Vodou reflects people's everyday concerns, focusing on techniques for mitigating illness and misfortune;[189] doing what one needs to in order to survive is considered a high ethic.[190] Among Vodouists, a moral person is regarded as someone who lives in tune with their character and that of their tutelarylwa.[187] In general, acts that reinforce Bondye's power are deemed good; those that undermine it are seen as bad.[73]Maji, meaning the use of supernatural powers for self-serving and malevolent ends, are usually thought bad.[191] The term is quite flexible; it is usually used to denigrate other Vodouists, although some practitioners have used it as a self-descriptor in reference to Petwo rites.[192]
Theextended family is of importance in Haitian society,[193] with Vodou reinforcing family ties,[194] and emphasising respect for the elderly.[195] Although there are accounts of male Vodou priests mistreating their female followers,[196] in the religion women can also lay claim to moral authority as social and spiritual leaders.[197] Vodou is also considered sympathetic to gay people,[198] with many gay and bisexual individuals holding status as Vodou priests and priestesses,[199] and some groups having largely gay congregations.[200] Some Vodouists state that thelwa determine a person's sexual orientation.[201] Thelwa Èzili Dantò is sometimes regarded as a lesbian,[202] and forms of Èzili are also seen as the patron ofmasisi (gay men).[203]
The anthropologistAlfred Métraux described Vodou as "a practical and utilitarian religion".[87] Its practices largely revolve around interactions with thelwa,[204] and incorporate song, drumming, dance, prayer,spirit possession, andanimal sacrifice.[205] Practitioners gather together forsèvices (services) in which they commune with thelwa.[206] Ceremonies for a particularlwa often coincide with the feast day of the Roman Catholic saint which thatlwa is associated with.[207] The mastery of ritual forms is considered imperative in Vodou.[208] The purpose of ritual is toechofe ("heat things up"), thus bringing about change, whether that be to remove barriers or to facilitate healing.[209] Ritual activities are often termedtravay (work).[210]
Secrecy is important in Vodou.[211] It is an initiatory tradition,[212] operating through a system of graded induction or initiation.[103] When an individual agrees to serve alwa, it is deemed a lifelong commitment.[213]Vodou has a strong oral culture, and its teachings are primarily disseminated through oral transmission,[214] although many practitioners began to use texts after they appeared in the mid-20th century.[215] The terminology used in Vodou ritual is calledlangaj.[216] Unlike in Santería and Candomblé, which employ Yoruba as a liturgical language not understood by most practitioners, in Vodou the liturgies are predominantly in Haitian Creole, the everyday language of most Vodouists.[217]
Male priests are referred to as anoungan, alternatively spelledhoungan orhungan,[218] or aprèt Vodou ("Vodou priest").[219] Priestesses are termedmanbo, alternatively spelledmambo.[220]Oungan numerically dominate in rural Haiti, while there is a more equitable balance of priests and priestesses in urban areas.[221] Theoungan andmanbo are tasked with organising liturgies, preparing initiations, offering consultations with clients using divination, and preparing remedies for the sick.[222] There is no priestly hierarchy, withoungan andmanbo being largely self-sufficient.[222] In many cases, the role is hereditary.[223] Historical evidence suggests that the role of theoungan andmanbo intensified over the course of the 20th century.[224] As a result, "temple Vodou" is now more common in rural areas of Haiti than it was in historical periods.[225]
Vodou teaches that thelwa call an individual to become anoungan ormanbo,[226] and if the latter refuses then misfortune may befall them.[227] A prospectiveoungan ormanbo must normally rise through the other roles in a Vodou congregation before undergoing an apprenticeship with a pre-existingoungan ormanbo lasting several months or years.[228] After this apprenticeship, they undergo an initiation ceremony, the details of which are kept secret from non-initiates.[229] Otheroungan andmanbo do not undergo any apprenticeship, but claim that they have gained their training directly from thelwa.[230] Their authenticity is often challenged, and they are referred to ashungan-macoutte, a term bearing some disparaging connotations.[228] Becoming anoungan ormanbo is expensive, often requiring the purchase of ritual paraphernalia and land on which to build a temple.[231] To finance this, many save up for a long time.[231]
Vodouists believe that theoungan's role is modelled on thelwa Loco;[232] in Vodou mythology, he was the firstoungan and his consort Ayizan the firstmanbo.[233] Theoungan andmanbo are expected to display the power ofsecond sight,[234] something regarded as a gift from Bondye that can be revealed to the individual through visions or dreams.[235] Many priests and priestesses are often attributed fantastical powers in stories told about them,[236] and may bolster their status with claims to have received revelations from thelwa, sometimes via visits to thelwa's own abode.[237]
There is often bitter competition between differentoungan andmanbo.[238] Their main income derives from healing the sick, supplemented with payments received for overseeing initiations and selling talismans and amulets.[239] In many cases,oungan andmanbo become wealthier than their clients.[240]Oungan andmanbo are generally powerful and well-respected members of Haitian society.[241] Being anoungan ormanbo provides an individual with both social status and material profit,[242] although the fame and reputation of individual priests and priestesses can vary widely.[243] Respected Vodou priests and priestesses are often literate in a society where semi-literacy and illiteracy are common.[244] They can recite from printed texts and write letters for illiterate members of their community.[244]Owing to their prominence in a community, theoungan andmanbo can effectively become political leaders,[235] or otherwise exert an influence on local politics.[242]
A Vodou temple is called anounfò,[245] varyingly spelledhounfò,[246]hounfort,[247] orhumfo.[35] An alternative term isgangan, although the connotations of this term vary regionally in Haiti.[248] Most communal Vodou activities centre around thisounfò,[233] forming what is called "temple Vodou".[36] The size and shape ofounfòs vary, from basic shacks to more lavish structures, the latter being more common in Port-au-Prince.[233] Their designs are dependent on the resources and tastes of theoungan ormanbo running them.[249] Eachounfò is autonomous,[250] and often has its own unique customs.[251]
The main ceremonial room in theounfò is theperistil,[252] understood as amicrocosmic representation of the cosmos.[253] In theperistil, brightly painted posts hold up the roof;[254] the central post is thepoto mitan,[255] which is used as a pivot during ritual dances and the pillar through which thelwa enter the room during ceremonies.[254] It is around this central post that offerings, including bothvèvè patterns and animal sacrifices, are made.[204] However, in the Haitian diaspora many Vodouists perform their rites in basements, where nopoto mitan are available.[256] Theperistil typically has an earthen floor, allowing libations to thelwa to drain directly into the soil;[257] where this is not possible, libations are poured into an enamel basin.[258] Someperistil include seating around the walls.[259]
Adjacent rooms in theounfò include thecaye-mystéres, also known as thebagi,badji, orsobadji.[260] This is where stonework altars, known aspè, stand against the wall or are arranged in tiers.[260] Also present may be a sink dedicated to thelwa Danbala-Wedo.[261] Thecaye-mystéres is also used to store clothing that will be worn by those possessed by thelwa during rituals.[262] If space is available, theounfò may also have a room set aside for the patronlwa of that temple.[263] Manyounfòs have a room known as thedjévo in which the initiate is confined during their initiatory ceremony.[262] Everyounfò usually has a room or corner of a room devoted to Erzuli Freda.[264] Someounfò will also have additional rooms in which theoungan ormanbo lives.[263]
The area around theounfò often contains objects dedicated to particularlwa, such as a pool of water for Danbala, a black cross for Baron Samedi, and apince (iron bar) embedded in abrazier for Criminel.[265] Sacred trees, known asarbres-reposoirs, sometimes mark theounfò's external boundary.[266] Hanging from these trees can be foundmacounte straw sacks, strips of material, and animal skulls.[266] Various animals, particularly birds but also some mammal species such as goats, are sometimes kept within the perimeter of theounfò for use as sacrifices.[266]
Forming a spiritual community of practitioners,[204] theounfò's congregation are known as thepititt-caye (children of the house).[267] They worship under the authority of anoungan ormanbo,[35] below whom is ranked theounsi, individuals who make a lifetime commitment to serving thelwa.[268] Members of either sex can join theounsi, although most are female.[269] Theounsi's duties include cleaning theperistil, sacrificing animals, and taking part in the dances at which they must be prepared to be possessed by alwa.[270] Theoungan andmanbo conduct initiatory ceremonies whereby people becomeounsi,[235] oversee their training,[233] and act as their counsellor, healer, and protector.[271] In turn, theounsi are expected to be obedient to theiroungan ormanbo.[270]
One of theounsi becomes thehungenikon orreine-chanterelle, the mistress of the choir. They are responsible for overseeing the liturgical singing and shaking thechacha rattle which dictates the rhythm during ceremonies.[272] They are aided by thehungenikon-la-place,commandant general de la place, orquartermaster, who is charged with overseeing offerings and keeping order during the rites.[233] Another figure isle confiance (the confidant), theounsi who oversees theounfò's administrative functions.[273] Congregants often form asosyete soutyen (société soutien, support society), through which subscriptions are paid to help maintain theounfò and organize the major religious feasts.[274] Another ritual figure sometimes present is theprèt savann ("bush priest"), a man with a knowledge of Latin who is capable of administering Catholic baptisms, weddings, and thelast rites, and who is willing to perform these at Vodou ceremonies.[275]
In rural areas especially, a congregation may consist of an extended family.[222] Here, the priest will often be the patriarch of that family.[276] Families, particularly in rural areas, often believe that through theirzansèt (ancestors) they are tied to apremye mèt bitasyon (original founder); their descent from this figure is seen as giving them their inheritance both of the land and of familial spirits.[33]In other examples, particularly in urban areas, anounfò can act as an initiatory family.[277] A priest becomes thepapa ("father") while the priestess becomes themanman ("mother") to the initiate;[278] the initiate becomes their initiator'spitit (spiritual child).[215] Those who share an initiator refer to themselves as "brother" and "sister."[228]Individuals may join a particularounfò because it exists in their locality or because their family are already members. Alternatively, it may be that theounfò places particular focus on alwa whom they are devoted to, or that they are impressed by theoungan ormanbo who runs theounfò in question, perhaps having been treated by them.[270]
Vodou is hierarchical and includes a series of initiations.[279] There are typically four levels of initiation,[280] the fourth of which makes someone anoungan ormanbo.[281] There is much variation in what these initiation ceremonies entail,[115] and the details are kept secret.[282] Each initiatory stage is associated with a state of mind called akonesan (conaissance or knowledge).[283] Successive initiations are required to move through the variouskonesans,[235] and it is in thesekonesans that priestly power is believed to reside.[284]
The first initiation rite is thekanzo;[285] this term also describes the initiate themselves.[286] Initiation is generally expensive,[287] complex,[281] and requires significant preparation.[115] Prospective initiates are for instance required to memorise many songs and learn the characteristics of variouslwa.[115] Vodouists believe thelwa may encourage an individual towards initiation, bringing misfortune upon them if they refuse.[288]
Initiation will often be preceded by bathing in special preparations.[289] The first part of the initiation rite is known as thekouche orhuño, and is marked by salutations and offerings to thelwa.[290] It begins with thechire ayizan, a ceremony in which palm leaves are frayed and then worn by the initiate.[115] Sometimes thebat ge orbatter guerre ("beating war") is performed instead, designed to beat away the old.[115] During the rite, the initiate comes to be regarded as the child of a particularlwa, theirmèt tèt.[115]
This is followed by a period of seclusion within thedjèvo known as thekouche.[115] A deliberately uncomfortable experience,[163] it involves the initiate sleeping on a mat on the floor, often with a stone for a pillow.[291] They wear a white tunic,[292] and a specific salt-free diet is followed.[293] It includes alav tèt ("head washing") to prepare the initiate for having thelwa enter and reside in their head.[294] Voudoists believe that one of the two parts of the human soul, thegwo bonnanj, is removed from the initiate's head, thus making space for thelwa to enter and reside there.[163]
The initiation ceremony requires the preparation ofpot tèts (head pots), usually white porcelain cups with a lid in which a range of items are placed, including hair, food, herbs, and oils. These are regarded as a home for the spirits.[295] After the period of seclusion in thedjèvo, the new initiate is brought out and presented to the congregation; they are now referred to asounsi lave tèt.[115] When the new initiate is presented to the rest of the community, they carry theirpot tèt on their head, before placing it on the altar.[163] The final stage of the process involves the initiate being given anason rattle.[296] The initiation process is seen to have ended when the new initiate is first possessed by alwa.[163] Initiation is seen as creating a bond between a devotee and their tutelarylwa,[297] and the former will often take on a new name that alludes to the name of thislwa.[298] Finally, after thekouche, the new initiate may be expected to visit a Catholic church.[299]
The creation of sacred works is important in Vodou.[208] Votive objects used in Haiti are typically made from industrial materials, including iron, plastic, sequins, china, tinsel, and plaster.[31]
An altar, orpè, will often contain images (typicallylithographs) of Roman Catholic saints.[300] Since developing in the mid-19th century,chromolithography has also had an impact on Vodou imagery, facilitating the widespread availability of images of the Roman Catholic saints who are equated with thelwa.[301] Various Vodouists have made use of varied available materials in constructing their shrines. Cosentino encountered a shrine in Port-au-Prince where Baron Samedi was represented by a plastic statue ofSanta Claus wearing a black sombrero,[302] and in another by a statue ofStar Wars-characterDarth Vader.[303] In Port-au-Prince, it is common for Vodouists to include human skulls on their altar for the Gede.[219] Inounfòs where both Rada and Petwo deities are worshipped, their altars are kept separate.[304]
Various spaces other than the temple are used for Vodou ritual.[305] Cemeteries are seen as places where spirits reside, making them suitable for certain rituals,[305] especially to approach the spirits of the dead.[306] In rural Haiti, cemeteries are often family owned and play a key role in family rituals.[307] Crossroads are also ritual locations, selected as they are believed to be points of access to the spirit world.[305] Other spaces used for Vodou rituals include Christian churches, rivers, the sea, fields, and markets.[305]
Certain trees are regarded as having spirits resident in them and are used as natural altars.[244] Different species of tree are associated with differentlwa; Oyu, for example, is linked with mango trees, and Danbala withbougainvillea.[87] Selected trees in Haiti have had metal items affixed to them, serving as shrines to Ogou, who is associated with both iron and the roads.[308] Spaces for ritual also appear in the homes of many Vodouists,[309] namely as a home altar called awogatwa.[310] These may vary from complex altars to more simple variants including only images of saints alongside candles and arosary.[36] Many practitioners will also have an altar devoted to their ancestors in their home, to which they direct offerings.[311]
Drawings known asvèvè are sketched onto the floor of theperistil using cornmeal, ash, coffee grounds, or powdered eggshells;[312] these are central to Vodou ritual.[253] Usually arranged symmetrically around thepoto-mitan,[313] these designs sometimes incorporate letters;[244] their purpose is to summonlwa.[313] Inside theperistil, practitioners also unfurl ceremonial flags known asdrapo (flags) at the start of a ceremony.[314] Often made of silk or velvet and decorated with shiny objects such as sequins,[315] thedrapo often feature either thevèvè of specificlwa they are dedicated to or depictions of the associated Roman Catholic saint.[155] Thesedrapo are understood as points of entry through which thelwa can enter theperistil.[316]
Abatèms (baptism) is a ritual used to make an object a vessel for thelwa.[317] Objects consecrated for ritual use are believed to contain a spiritual essence or power callednanm.[318] Theason is a sacred rattle used in summoning thelwa,[319] especially for Rada rites.[320] It consists of an empty, dried gourd covered in beads and snake vertebra.[321] Prior to being used in ritual it requires consecration.[322] It is a symbol of the priesthood;[322] assuming the duties of amanbo oroungan is referred to as "taking theason."[323] For Petwo rites a different rattle, thetcha-tcha, is favored.[320] Another type of sacred object are the "thunder stones", often prehistoric axe-heads, which are associated with specificlwa and kept in oil to preserve their power.[324]
Feeding thelwa is of great importance,[325] with offering rites often termedmanje lwa ("feeding thelwa").[326] Offering food and drink to thelwa is Vodou's most common ritual, conducted both communally and in the home.[325] The choice of food and drink offered varies depending on thelwa in question, with differentlwa believed to favor certain foodstuffs and beverages.[327] Danbala for instance requires white foods, especially eggs,[328] while Legba's offerings, whether meat, tubers, or vegetables, need to be grilled on a fire.[325] Thelwa of the Ogu and Nago nations prefer raw rum orclairin,[325] while thelwa Ayizan avoids alcohol.[329] Certain foods are also offered in the belief that they are intrinsically virtuous, such as grilled maize, peanuts, and cassava.[179]
Amanje sèk (dry meal) is an offering of grains, fruit, and vegetables that often precedes a simple ceremony; it takes its name from the absence of blood.[330]Animal sacrifices are often favored at annual feasts that anoungan ormanbo organizes for their congregation.[179] Species used for sacrifice include chickens, goats, and bulls, with pigs often favored for Petwolwa.[331] The animal may be washed, dressed in the color of the specificlwa, and marked with food or water.[332] Often, the animal's throat will be cut and the blood collected in acalabash.[333] Chickens are often killed by the pulling off of their heads; their limbs may be broken beforehand.[334] In the case of Agwé, alwa of the sea, a white sheep may be sailed out to Trois Ilets and thrown overboard as a sacrifice.[335]
Once killed, the animal may be butchered and organs removed, sometimes cooked, and placed on the altar orvèvè.[336] Here, it sometimes sites within akwi, a calabash shell bowl.[337] Vodouists believe that thelwa consume the essence of the food.[179] Food is typically offered when it is cool, and is left for a while before humans may eat it.[337] Offerings not consumed by the celebrants are often buried or left at a crossroads.[338] Libations might be poured into the ground.[179]
Vodou's nocturnal gatherings are often referred to as thedans ("dance"), reflecting the prominent role that dancing has in such ceremonies.[256] Their purpose is to invite alwa to enter the ritual space and possess one of the worshippers, through whom they can communicate with the congregation.[339] The success of this procedure is predicated on mastering the different ritual actions and on getting the aesthetic right to please thelwa.[339] The proceedings can last for the entirety of the night.[256]
On arriving, the congregation typically disperse along the perimeter of theperistil.[256] The ritual often begins with Roman Catholic prayers and hymns;[340] these may be led by theprèt savann, although not allounfò have anyone in this role.[341] This is followed by the shaking of theason rattle to summon thelwa.[342] Two Haitian Creole songs, the Priyè Deyò ("Outside Prayers"), may then be sung, lasting from 45 minutes to an hour.[343] The mainlwa are then saluted, individually, in a specific order.[343] Legba always comes first, as he is believed to open the way for the others.[343] Eachlwa may be offered either three or seven songs, which are specific to them.[344]
The rites employed to call down thelwa vary depending on thenanchon in question.[345] During large-scale ceremonies, thelwa are invited to appear through the drawing ofvèvè on the ground using cornmeal.[225] Also used to call down the spirits is a process of drumming, singing, prayers, and dances.[225] Libations and offerings of food are made to thelwa, which includes animal sacrifices.[225]The order and protocol for welcoming thelwa is referred to asregleman.[346]
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A symbol of the religion,[347] the drum is perhaps the most sacred item in Vodou.[348] Vodouists believe that ritual drums contain an etheric force, thenanm,[349] and a spirit calledountò.[350] Specific ceremonies accompany the construction of a drum so that it is considered suitable for ritual use.[351] In thebay manje tanbou ("feeding of the drum") ritual, offerings are given to the drum itself.[349] Reflecting its status, when Vodouists enter theperistil they customarily bow before the drums.[352] Different types of drum are used, sometimes reserved for rituals devoted to specificlwa; Petwo rites for instance involve two types of drum, whereas Rada rituals require three.[353] Ritual drummers are calledtanbouryes,[354] and becoming one requires a lengthy apprenticeship.[355] The drumming style, choice of rhythm, and composition of the orchestra differs depending on which nation oflwa are being invoked.[356] The drum rhythms typically generate akase ("break"), which the master drummer will initiate to oppose the main rhythm being played by the rest of the drummers. This is seen as having a destabilizing effect on the dancers and helping to facilitate their possession.[357]
Drumming is typically accompanied by singing,[352] usually in Haitian Creole,[358] although sometimes in Fon or Yoruba.[359] These songs are often structured around a call and response, with a soloist singing a line and the chorus responding with either the same line or an abbreviated version.[360] The soloist is theoundjenikon, who maintains the rhythm with a rattle.[361] Lyrically simple and repetitive, these songs are invocations to summon alwa.[352] Dancing also plays a major role in ritual,[362] utilising the rhythm of the drummers.[360] The dances are simple, lacking complex choreography, and usually involve the dancers moving counterclockwise around thepoto mitan.[363] Specific dance movements can indicate thelwa or theirnanchon being summoned;[364] dances for Agwe for instance imitate swimming motions.[365] Vodouists believe that thelwa renew themselves through the vitality of the dancers.[366]
Spirit possession is important,[367] being central to many Vodou rituals.[89] The person being possessed is called thechwal (horse);[368] the act of possession is termed "mounting a horse".[369] Vodou teaches that both male and femalelwa can possess either men or women.[370] Although children are often present at these ceremonies,[371] they are rarely possessed as it is considered too dangerous.[372] Some individuals attending the dance will put a certain item, often wax, in their hair or headgear to prevent possession.[373] While the specific drums and songs used are designed to encourage a specificlwa to possess someone, sometimes an unexpectedlwa appears and takes possession instead.[374]
The possession trance is termed thekriz lwa.[355] Vodouists believe that thelwa enters the head of thechwal and displaces theirgwo bon anj,[375] making thechwal tremble and convulse.[376] As their consciousness has been removed from their head during the possession, Vodouists believe that thechwal will have no memory of the incident.[377] The length of the possession varies, often lasting a few hours but sometimes several days.[378] Sometimes a succession oflwa possess the same individual, one after the other.[379] Possession may end with thechwal collapsing in a semi-conscious state,[380] being left physically exhausted.[366]
Once thelwa possesses an individual, the congregation greet it with a burst of song and dance.[366] Thechwal will typically bow before the officiating priest or priestess and prostrate before thepoto mitan.[381] Thechwal is often escorted into an adjacent room where they are dressed in clothing associated with the possessinglwa. Alternatively, the clothes are brought out and they are dressed in theperistil itself.[382] These costumes and props help thechwal take on the appearance of thelwa;[360] manyounfò have a large wooden phallus used by those possessed by Gedelwa, for instance.[383] Once thechwal has been dressed, congregants kiss the floor before them.[370]
Thechwal adopts the behavior of the possessinglwa;[384] their performance can be very theatrical.[374] Those believing themselves possessed by the serpent Danbala, for instance, often slither on the floor, dart out their tongue, and climb the posts of theperistil.[130] Those possessed by Zaka,lwa of agriculture, will dress as a peasant in a straw hat with a clay pipe and will often speak in a rustic accent.[385] Thechwal will often join in with the dances,[366] eat or drink.[360] Sometimes thelwa, through thechwal, will engage in financial transactions with members of the congregation, for instance by selling them food that has been given as an offering or lending them money.[386]
Possession facilitates direct communication between Vodouists and thelwa;[366] through thechwal, thelwa communicates with their devotees, offering counsel, chastisement, blessings, warnings about the future, and healing.[387]Lwa possession has a healing function, with the possessed individual expected to reveal possible cures to the ailments of those assembled.[366] Clothing that thechwal touches is regarded as bringing luck.[388] Thelwa may also offer advice to the individual they are possessing; because the latter is not believed to retain any memory of the events, it is expected that other members of the congregation will pass along thelwa's message.[388] In some instances, practitioners have reported being possessed at other times of ordinary life, such as when someone is in the middle of the market,[389] or when they are asleep.[390]
A common form of divination employed byoungan andmanbo is to invoke alwa into a pitcher, where it will then be asked questions.[391] Other forms of divination used by Vodouists include the casting of shells,[391]cartomancy,[392] studying leaves, coffee grounds or cinders in a glass, or looking into a candle flame.[393] A form of divination associated especially with Petwolwa is the use of agembo shell, sometimes with a mirror attached to one side and affixed at both ends to string. The string is twirled and the directions of the shell used to interpret the responses of thelwa.[391]
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Healing plays an important role in Vodou.[394] A client will approach amanbo oroungan complaining of illness or misfortune and the latter will use divination to determine the cause and select a remedy.[395]Manbo andoungan typically have a wide knowledge of plants and their medicinal uses.[192] When collecting plants they are expected to show them respect, for instance by leaving coins in payment for removing leaves.[396]
To heal, Vodou specialists often prescribe baths, consisting of water infused with various ingredients,[397] or produce powders for a specific purpose, such as to attract good luck or aid seduction.[398] Alternatively, they may create a material object infused with spirits or medicines, awanga,[399] although these can also be devoted to harmful purposes.[400]Manbo andoungan often provide talismans,[401] called apwen (point),[402]travay maji (magic work),[403]pakèt orpakèt kongo.[404] The latter term highlights the potential influence of the Bakongominkisi on these Haitian ritual creations.[405]
In Haiti,oungan ormanbo may advise their clients to seek assistance from medical professionals, while the latter may also send their patients to see anoungan ormanbo.[240] Although in the late 20th century there were concerns that the Haitian reliance onoungan andmanbo was contributing to the spread ofHIV/AIDS,[406] by the early 21st century, variousNGOs and other groups were working on bringing Vodou officiants into the broader campaign against the virus.[407] In Haiti, there are alsodoktè fèy ("herb doctors"; "leaf doctors") who offer herbal remedies for ailments but deal in fewer problems thanoungan andmanbo.[408]
Vodou teaches that supernatural factors cause or exacerbate many problems.[409] It holds that humans can cause supernatural harm to others, either unintentionally or deliberately,[410] in the latter case exerting power over a person through possession of hair or nail clippings belonging to them.[411] Vodouists also often believe that supernatural harm can be caused by other entities. Thelougawou is a human, usually female, who transforms into an animal and drains blood from sleeping victims,[412] while members of theBizango secret society are feared for their reputed ability to transform into dogs, in which form they walk the streets at night.[413]
An individual who turns to thelwa to harm others is achoché,[188] or abòkò,[414] although this latter term can also refer to anoungan generally.[188] They are described as someone whosert des deux mains ("serves with both hands"),[415] or istravaillant des deux mains ("working with both hands").[226] As the goodlwa have rejected them as unworthy,bòko are believed to work withlwa achte ("boughtlwa"),[416] spirits that will work for anyone who pays them,[417] and often members of the Petwonanchon.[418] According to Haitian popular belief,bòkò engage inanvwamò ("expeditions"), setting the dead against an individual to cause the latter's sudden illness and death,[419] and utilisebaka, malevolent spirits sometimes in animal form.[420] In Haiti, there is much suspicion and censure toward those suspected of beingbòkò.[226] The curses of thebòkò are believed to be countered by theoungan andmanbo, who can revert the curse through an exorcism that incorporates invocations of protectivelwa, massages, and baths.[421] In Haiti, someoungan andmanbo have been accused of working with abòkò, arranging for the latter to curse individuals so that they can financially profit from removing these curses.[226]
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Vodou features complex funerary customs.[423] Following an individual's death, thedesounen ritual frees thegwo bonnanj from their body and disconnects them from their tutelarylwa.[424] The corpse is then bathed in a herbal infusion by an individual termed thebenyè, who gives the dead person messages to take with them.[425] Awake, theveye, follows.[426] The body is then buried in the cemetery,[427] often according to Roman Catholic custom.[428]
In northern Haiti, an additional rite takes place at theounfò on the day of the funeral, thekase kanari (breaking of the clay pot). In this, a jar is washed in substances includingkleren, placed within a trench dug into theperistil floor, and smashed. The trench is then refilled.[429] The night after the funeral, thenovena takes place at the home of the deceased, involving Roman Catholic prayers;[430] a mass for them is held a year after death,[431] sometimes performed by aprèt savann.[432] Vodouists fear the dead's ability to harm the living;[433] it is believed that the deceased may for instance punish their living relatives if the latter fail to appropriately mourn them.[434]
Many Vodouists believe that a practitioner's spirit dwells in the land of Ginen, located at the bottom of a lake or river, for a year and a day.[435] A year and a day after death, thewete mò nan dlo ("extracting the dead from the waters of the abyss") ritual may take place, in which the deceased'sgwo bonnanj is reclaimed from the realm of the dead and placed into a clay jar or bottle called thegovi. Now ensconced in the world of the living, thegwo bonnanj of this ancestor is deemed capable of assisting its descendants and guiding them with its wisdom.[436] Practitioners sometimes believe that failing to conduct this ritual can result in misfortune, illness, and death for the family of the deceased.[437] Offerings then given to this spirit of the dead are termedmanje mò.[438] The notion of a spirit being encased in a vessel and then used for workings likely derives from Bakongo influences,[439] and has similarities with the Bakongo-derivedPalo religion from Cuba.[440]
Another belief about the dead, that ofzonbis, is one of the most sensationalized aspects of Haitian religion.[442]Zonbi are often regarded as thegwo bonnanj of the recently deceased that have been captured and forced to work for their master.[443] Thegwo bonnanj may then be kept inside a bottle or other vessel.[444] The practice is often linked toChanpwèl (secret societies), which are suspected of murdering the individual they wish to turn into azonbi.[445] To achieve this, they may obtain the bones of a deceased person, especially their skull, sometimes by bribing cemetery workers;[446] the skull will often be baptised, given food, and set a particular task to specialise in, such as healing a specific malady.[48] Those intending to take agwo bonnanj as azonbi may have to borrow or buy them from Baron Samedi.[447]
An alternative idea in Haitian lore is that it is the body that is turned into azonbi,[448] in which case abòkò has seized an individual'sti bonnanj and left the body as an empty vessel that can be manipulated.[449] The reality of this phenomenon is contested,[447] although the anthropologistWade Davis argued that this was based on a real practice whereby Bizango societies used poisons to make certain individuals more pliant.[450] Haitians generally do not fearzonbis, but rather fear becoming one themselves.[449] The figure of thezonbi has also been interpreted as a metaphor for the enslavement central to Haitian history.[451]
On the saints' days of the Roman Catholic calendar, Vodouists often hold "birthday parties" for thelwa associated with the saint whose day it is.[452] These are marked with special altars for the celebratedlwa,[453] as well as the preparation of their preferred food.[454] Devotions to the Gede are particularly common around the days of the dead,All Saints (1 November) andAll Souls (2 November),[455] with celebrations largely taking place in the cemeteries of Port-au-Prince.[456] At this festival, those devoted to the Gede dress in black and purple, with funeral frock coats, black veils, and top hats, all linking to the Gede's associations with death.[457]
The build-up toEaster seesRara bands, largely consisting of peasants and the urban poor, process through the streets singing and dancing.[458] Each Rara band is considered to be under the patronage of a particularlwa, holding a contract with them that typically lasts seven years.[459] Performing Rara is regarded as a service to thelwa,[460] and some Rara leaders claim that alwa instructed them to form their band.[461] Anoungan will typically be part of the Rara band and will oversee their religious obligations, for instance performing rituals during their procession,[462] or providing members with abenyen protective bath before they perform.[463] They may also attempt to curse or poison rival Rara bands.[464]
Pilgrimage is part of Haitian religious culture.[465] In July, Vodouist pilgrims visit Plaine du Nord near Bwa Caiman, where according to legend the Haitian Revolution began. There, sacrifices are made and pilgrims immerse themselves in thetwou (mud pits).[466] The pilgrims often mass before the Church of Saint Jacques, withSaint Jacques perceived as being thelwa Ogou.[467] Another popular pilgrimage site, again typically visited in July, isSaut d'Eau ("waterfall") or Sodo, located outside the village ofVille-Bonheur where the Virgin Mary (Èzili) allegedly appeared in the 1840s. At the site, pilgrims bathe under waterfalls associated with water-spirits like Danbala.[468]
Haitian pilgrims commonly wear coloured ropes around their head or waist;[465] a tradition that may derive from a Bakongo custom,kanga ("to tie"), during which sacred objects were bound with rope.[469] Haitians abroad have also established pilgrimage sites, with thousands of Haitians visiting theChurch of Our Lady of Mount Carmel inEast Harlem, New York City for the feast day of the Virgin, whom the Vodouists in attendance interpret as Èzili Dantò.[470]
In 1492,Christopher Columbus' expedition established a Spanish colony onHispaniola.[471] A growing European presence decimated the island's IndigenousTaíno population, both through introduced diseases and exploitation as laborers.[472] The European colonists then turned to imported West African slaves as a new source of labor; Africans first arrived on Hispaniola circa 1512.[473] Most of the enslaved were prisoners of war.[474] Some were probably priests of traditional religions, helping to transport their rites to the Americas.[474] Others were probably Muslim, although Islam exerted little influence on Vodou,[475] while some probably practiced traditional religions that had already absorbed Roman Catholic iconographic influences.[476]
By the late 16th century, French colonists were settling in western Hispaniola; Spain recognized French sovereignty over that part of the island, which becameSaint-Domingue, ina series of treaties signed in 1697.[477] Moving away from its previoussubsistence economy, in the 18th century Saint-Domingue refocused its economy around the mass export of indigo, coffee, sugar, and cocoa to Europe.[478] To work the plantations, the French colonists placed a renewed emphasis on importing enslaved Africans; whereas there were twice as many Africans as Europeans in the colony in 1681, by 1790 there were eleven times as many Africans as Europeans.[479] Ultimately, Saint-Domingue became the colony with the largest number of slaves in the Caribbean.[480]
Roman Catholicism was the official religion of Saint-Domingue.[481] TheCode Noir issued byKing Louis XIV in 1685 forbade the open practice of African religions on the colony.[482] This Code compelled slave-owners to have their slaves baptised and instructed as Roman Catholics;[483] the fact that the process of enslavement led to these Africans becoming Christian was a key way in which the slave-owners sought to morally legitimate their actions.[484] However, many slave-owners took little interest in having their slaves instructed in Roman Catholic teaching;[484] they often did not want their slaves to spend time celebrating saints' days rather than laboring and were also concerned that black congregations could provide scope to foment revolt.[485]
Enslavement destroyed the social fabric of African traditional religions, which were typically rooted in ethnic and family membership.[486] Although certain cultural assumptions about the nature of the universe would have been widely shared among the enslaved Africans, they came from diverse linguistic and ethno-cultural backgrounds and had to forge common cultural practices on Hispaniola.[487] Gradually over the course of the 18th century, Vodou emerged as "a composite of various African ethnic traditions",[clarification needed] merging diverse practices into a more cohesive form.[488]
African religions had to be practiced secretly, with Roman Catholic iconography and rituals probably used to conceal the true identity of the deities venerated.[489] This resulted in a system of correspondences between African spirits and Roman Catholic saints.[489] Afro-Haitians adopted other aspects of French colonial culture;[490] Vodou drew influence from Europeangrimoires,[491]commedia performances,[492] and Freemasonry, with Masonic lodges having been established across Saint-Domingue in the 18th century.[493] Vodou rituals took place in secret, usually at night; one such rite was described during the 1790s by a white man,Médéric Louis Élie Moreau de Saint-Méry.[494]Some enslaved Afro-Haitians escaped to formMaroon groups, which often practiced Vodou.[495]
In Haitian lore, Vodou is often presented as having played a vital role in the Haitian Revolution,[21] although scholars debate the extent to which this is true.[496] According to legend, a Vodou ritual took place inBois-Caïman on 14 August 1791 at which the participants swore to overthrow the slave owners before massacring local whites and sparking the Revolution.[497] Although a popular tale in Haitian folklore, it has no historical evidence to support it.[498] Moreover, two of the revolution's early leaders,Boukman andFrancois Mackandal, were reputed to be powerfuloungans.[499] Amid growing rebellion, the French EmperorNapoleon Bonaparte ordered troops into the colony in 1801,[500] but in 1803 the French conceded defeat and the rebel leaderJean-Jacques Dessalines proclaimed Saint-Domingue to be a new republic named Haiti.[501]
The Revolution broke up the large land-ownings and created a society of small subsistence farmers.[502] Haitians largely began living inlakous, or extended family compounds, which enabled the preservation of African-derived Creole religions.[503] Theselakous often had their ownlwa rasin (rootlwa),[504] being intertwined with concepts of land and kinship.[505] Many Roman Catholic missionaries had been killed in the Revolution,[506] and after its victory Dessalines declared himself head of the Church in Haiti.[506] Protesting these actions, the Roman Catholic Church cut ties with Haiti in 1805;[507] this allowed Vodou to predominate in the country.[508] Many churches left abandoned were adopted for Vodou rites, continuing the syncretization between the two systems.[509] At this point, with no new arrivals from Africa, Vodou began to stabilise,[510] transforming from "a widely-scattered series of local cults" into "a religion".[511] The Roman Catholic Church re-established its formal presence in Haiti in 1860.[508]
Haiti's first three presidents sought to suppress Vodou, using police to break-up rituals which they feared as a source of rebellion.[512] In 1847,Faustin Soulouque became president; he was sympathetic to Vodou and allowed it to be practiced more openly.[513] In the Bizoton Affair of 1863, several Vodou practitioners were accused of ritually killing a child before eating it. Historical sources suggest that they may have been tortured prior to confessing to the crime, at which they were executed.[514] The affair received much attention.[514]
The United Statesoccupied Haiti between 1915 and 1934,[516] although it faced armed resistance from Haitian peasants, many of them Vodouists.[517] American occupation encouraged international interest in Vodou,[518] something catered for in the sensationalist writings ofFaustin Wirkus,William Seabrook, andJohn Craige,[519] as well as in Vodou-themed shows for tourists.[520] The period also saw the growing influence of the Roman Catholic Church,[521] and in 1941 the Church backedOperation Nettoyage (Operation Cleanup), a government campaign to expunge Vodou, during which manyounfòs were destroyed.[522] Violent responses from Vodouists led PresidentÉlie Lescot to abandon the Operation.[523]
During the occupation, theindigénisme (indigenist) movement developed among Haiti's middle classes, later transmogrifying into the international Négritude movement. These encouraged a more positive assessment of Vodou and peasant culture, a trend supported by the appearance of professionalethnological research on the topic from the 1930s onward.[524] Church influence in Haiti was curtailed byFrançois Duvalier, the country's president from 1957 to 1971.[525] Although he restored Catholicism as the state religion, Duvalier was widely perceived as a champion of Vodou,[526] calling it "the supreme factor of Haitian unity".[515] He utilized it for his own purposes, encouraging rumors about his own supernatural powers,[527] and selectingoungans as hischefs-de-sections (rural section chiefs).[528]
After Duvalier's son and successor,Jean-Claude, wasoverthrown in 1986, there were attacks on Vodouists perceived to have supported the Duvaliers, partly motivated by Protestant anti-Vodou campaigns; practitioners called this violence the Dechoukaj ('uprooting').[529] Two groups, theZantray andBode Nasyonal, were formed to defend the rights of Vodouists and hold rallies.[530] Haiti's 1987 constitution enshrinedfreedom of religion,[531] after which PresidentJean-Bertrand Aristide granted Vodou official recognition in 2003,[532] thus allowing Vodouists to officiate at civil ceremonies such as weddings and funerals.[533]
The latter half of the 20th century saw the substantial growth ofevangelical Protestantism in Haiti, generating tensions with Vodouists.[534] These Protestants regard Vodou asSatanic,[535] and unlike the Roman Catholic authorities have generally refused to compromise with its practitioners.[536] The2010 Haiti earthquake fuelled conversion from Vodou to Protestantism,[537] with many Protestants claiming that the earthquake was punishment for the sins of the Haitian population, including their practice of Vodou.[538] Mob attacks on Vodouists followed in the wake of the earthquake,[539] and again following the2010 cholera outbreak.[540]
The first three decades of the 20th century saw growing Haitian migration to eastern Cuba, introducing Vodou to the island.[541] From 1957, many Haitians emigrated to escape Duvalier, taking Vodou with them.[542] In the U.S., Vodou has attracted non-Haitians, especiallyAfrican Americans and Caribbean migrants,[418] and has syncretized with other religions like Santería and Spiritism.[418] During the latter half of the 20th century, thoseseeking to revive New Orleans Voodoo initiated practices that brought the religion closer to Haitian Vodou or Santería than it had been early in that century.[543]
Vodou is the majority religion ofHaiti,[545] for most Haitians practice both Vodou and Roman Catholicism.[49] An often used joke about Haiti holds that the island's population is 85% Roman Catholic, 15% Protestant, and 100% Vodou.[546] Even some of those who reject Vodou acknowledge its close associations with Haitian identity.[21]
It is difficult to determine how many Haitians practice Vodou, largely because the country has never had an accurate census and many Vodouists will not openly admit they practice the religion.[547] Among the country's middle and upper-classes, for instance, many individuals publicly decry Vodou yet privately practice it.[548] Estimates have nevertheless been made; one suggested that 80% of Haitians practice Vodou,[549] while in 1992, Desmangles put the number of Haitian practitioners at six million.[550] Several scholars have suggested that Haitian religion could be seen as a continuum with Vodou on one end and Roman Catholicism at the other, but with most Haitians operating between the two, going through Roman Catholic rites of passage but turning to Vodou ritual specialists in times of crisis.[551]
Vodouists learn about the religion by taking part in its rituals,[552] with children learning by observing adults.[281] Vodou does not focus on proselytizing;[553] according to Brown, it has "no pretensions to the universal."[545] It has nevertheless spread beyond Haiti; amid the Revolution, many Haitians fled toLouisiana, where their Vodou contributed to the development of Louisiana Voodoo.[554] Since then, Vodou has also spread to other Caribbean countries like the Dominican Republic,Cuba, and Puerto Rico,[555] as well as to Western countries such as France,[555] Canada,[210] and the United States.[555] Majorounfòs exist in U.S. cities such as Miami, New York City, Washington, DC, Boston, andOakland, California.[556]
Various scholars describe Vodou as one of the world's most maligned and misunderstood religions.[557] Throughout Haitian history, Christians have often presented Vodou as Satanic,[558] while in broader Anglophone and Francophone society it has been widely associated withsorcery,witchcraft, andblack magic.[559] In U.S. popular culture, for instance, Haitian Vodou is usually portrayed as destructive and malevolent.[560] Non-practitioners have often depicted Vodou in literature, theater, and film;[561] in many cases, such as the filmsWhite Zombie (1932) andLondon Voodoo (2004), these promote sensationalist views of the religion.[562] The lack of any central Vodou authority has hindered efforts to combat these negative representations.[563]
Humanity's relationship with thelwa has been a recurring theme in Haitian art,[339] and the Vodou pantheon was a major topic for the mid-20th century artists of the "Haitian Renaissance."[564] In the late 1950s, art collectors began to take an interest in Vodou ritual paraphernalia and by the 1970s an established market for this material had emerged.[565] Exhibits of Vodou ritual material have been displayed abroad; theFowler Museum's exhibit on "Sacred Arts of Haitian Vodou" for instance traveled the U.S. for three years in the 1990s.[566] Vodou has appeared in Haitian literature,[567] and has also influenced Haitian music, as with therasin bandBoukman Eksperyans,[568] while theatre troupes have performed simulated Vodou rituals for audiences outside Haiti.[569] Documentaries focusing on Vodou have appeared[570]—such asMaya Deren's 1985 filmDivine Horsemen[571][572] orAnne Lescot andLaurence Magloire's 2002 workOf Men and Gods[573]—which have in turn encouraged some viewers to take a practical interest in the religion.[574]
Williams 1997
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