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Greater Reconstruction

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Period in US history
Greater Reconstruction
Mid 19th century – late 19th century
Antebellum Era

Age of Jackson
Gilded Age

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TheGreater Reconstruction was a period in thehistory of the United States during the nineteenth century characterized by racial tensions, westward settler colonialism, ideas aboutrepublican citizenship, and expanding federal power. After America claimed substantial western lands in theTreaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo after winning theMexican–American War, thefederal government of the United States clashed over questions of political sovereignty and citizenship with several demographic groups who lived in or migrated to the newly claimed territory, such asAmerican Indians,Chinese Americans,Mexican Americans, andMormons. In the aftermath of theAmerican Civil War, there was similar debate about citizenship and sovereignty for ex-Confederates and recently emancipatedAfrican Americans in thesouthern United States. Americans and their governments debated who could belong in a country that was increasingly diverse. White Americans and government leaders often believed conforming to Euro-American cultural norms was a prerequisite tocitizenship in the United States and were willing to empower the government to enforce such, even with force and violence.

Historiography

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Elliott West coined and introduced the concept of the Greater Reconstruction in 2002 as part of a speech he delivered to theWestern History Association as its president that year.[1] He argued that the history of thewestern United States was connected to questions that theAmerican Civil War andReconstruction era raised about citizenship and that the region lay at the center of the nation's history of race relations and state power.[2] A series editor's introduction to West's 2023Continental Reckoning called the Greater Reconstruction concept "the most notable historiographical idea advanced about the American West in the twenty-first century".[3] In 2024, aWestern Historical Quarterly article described a "Greater Reconstruction historiographical turn".[4]

Periodizations focused on the Civil War generally held that Reconstruction began in 1863, whenAbraham Lincoln issued theEmancipation Proclamation, and ended in 1877, when federal troops stopped occupying thesouthern United States.[5] West has called that Reconstruction "the lesser one".[6] The Greater Reconstruction began with theMexican–American War, when the United States' western territorial acquisitions "triggered an American racial crisis", in West's words, from the perspective of racist Euro-Americans.[7] Historians have proposed a variety of endings for the Greater Reconstruction, including theNez Perce War in 1877, the passage of theChinese Exclusion Act in 1882,[8] the passage of theDawes Act in 1887,[9] and theSpanish–American War in 1898.[10]

History

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In 1848, the United States won the Mexican–American War, and as part of theTreaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo Mexico a vast territory stretching from theRocky Mountains to thePacific Coast. This brought numerous eighty thousandMexicans and numerousAmerican Indians under the purview of American governance.[11] White Americans who held government power reconstructed the newly acquired territory through policies meant to assimilate both Mexicans and American Indians, eliminating what whites considered inferior cultural and racial differences. This included repeatedly rejecting the statehood petitions ofArizona Territory andNew Mexico Territory because of their Hispanic populations and displacing Indigenous peoples from historic homelands toreservations andAmerican Indian boarding schools.[12]

A racist caricature illustration showing an Uncle Sam speaking to George C. Gorham (a Republican gubernatorial candidate in California) carrying a Black Man, a Chinese man, and an Indigenous man on his back. To the side, a man in a tophat leads a monkey by a leash. The image is captioned, "THE RECONSTRUCTION POLICY OF CONGRESS, As illustrated in California." Uncle Sam says, "Young Man! read the history of your Country and learn that this ballot box was dedicated to the white race, alone. The load you are carrying will sink you to perdition, where you belong, or my name is not Jonathan." Gorham answers, "Shut your mouth Cuffy—you're as indiscreet as Bidwell and Dwinelle _ here's the way I express it _ 'The war of opinion is not yet fought through. It must go on until national citizenship shall no longer be controlled by local authority and Manhood alone shall be the test of the right to a voice in the Government." The Black man says, "Massa Gorum, I spose we'se biged to carry dese brudders, kase des'se no stinkshun ob race or culler any more, for kingdum cum." The Chinese man says, "Boss Gollam belly good man. He say chinaman vo _ tee all same melican man _ Ketch _ ee mine all same _ no pay taxee _ belly good." The American Indian man says, "Chemue Walla! Ingen vote! plenty whiskey all time _ Gorom big ingin." The man in the tophat says, "Say, Gorham! put this Brother up"
A racist political cartoon lampooning the idea of citizenship for all people of color[13]

As the federal government's power increased as part of the Greater Reconstruction, it used this power to extend rights of citizenship to more people, in particular the formerly enslaved, through theFourteenth Amendment andCivil Rights Act of 1866, but these new federal protections overtly excluded American Indians from citizenship.[14]

After theAmerican Civil War,Republicans andDemocrats clashed over political control ofCalifornia and debated the place ofpeople of color in the reunified United States, whom white Americans often dismissively called "heathen" in a dual reference to religion and race. California Democrats argued that Republican support for Black citizenship necessarily went hand in hand with support for enfranchising American Indians andChinese immigrants, whom white Californians hated. Republicans, hoping to brush off such accusations while vying for the votes of a deeply racist white Californian electorate, countered thatProtestant Christianity should instead be the litmus test for inclusion in citizenship.Black Americans—the majority of whom had long been Christian—and Chinese immigrant converts, therefore, deserved citizenship in the California Republican worldview. This framework, however, excluded, whether implicitly or explicitly, Jews, Irish Catholics, and atheists. California Democrats disagreed, holding that citizenship should be limited to people racialized as white without regard for religion, thereby including Jews, Irish Catholics, and atheists but excluding Black Americans, American Indians, and Chinese immigrants.[15]

"Sherman's dashing Yankee boys will never make the coast!"
So the saucy rebels said and 'twas a handsome boast,
Had they not forgot, alas! to reckon with the Host,
While we were marching through Georgia
– "Marching Through Georgia", aUnion marching song

"Orland's boys with carpet bags will never take Salt Lake!"
So the royal families said, but that was their mistake,
We’ll show them at the ballot boxes who will "take the cake,"
While we go marching through Zion.
– "Marching Through Zion," aLiberal Party political song[16]

Northern Republicans after the Civil War often thoughtUtah Territory and the Intermountain West—politically dominated by members and leaders ofthe Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (also called "Mormonism")—also needed to be reconstructed in a manner similar to thesouthern United States.[17] The Republican platform of 1856 called southern slavery andMormon polygamy the "twin relics of barbarism," and Republican politicians believed the Mormon West was a place of despotic tyranny in the same way the slavocratic South had been.[18] Historian Sarah Barringer Gordon called the United States' efforts to legislatively and judicially eliminate Mormon polygamy "a second reconstruction in the West" in which the federal government exercised governmental power in a manner similar to the Reconstruction of the South.[19]

Citations

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  1. ^Aron (2023, p. 113).
  2. ^Pierce (2016, p. 153);Aron (2023, p. 113).
  3. ^Etulain (2023, p. xiv).
  4. ^Suárez (2024, pp. 272, 272n7).
  5. ^Kiser (2023, p. 110).
  6. ^West (2003, p. 24).
  7. ^West (2003, pp. 8–9, 24);Kiser (2023, p. 110).
  8. ^West (2003, p. 24).
  9. ^Dean (2015, p. 177).
  10. ^Kiser (2023, p. 110).
  11. ^Hämäläinen (2016, pp. 481–486).
  12. ^Kiser (2023, pp. 109–113);Hämäläinen (2016, pp. 481–486).
  13. ^Paddison (2012, pp. 17–18).
  14. ^Blackhawk (2023, pp. 337–338).
  15. ^Paddison (2012, Chapter 1, "A New Vision of Citizenship, 1861–1870").
  16. ^Prior (2010, p. 283).
  17. ^Kerstetter (2015, pp. 127–134).
  18. ^Prior (2010, pp. 283–310, esp. 283–289).
  19. ^Gordon (2002, pp. 10–15).

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