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 Germany |  Israel |
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| Embassy of Germany, Tel Aviv | Embassy of Israel, Berlin |
Germany–Israel relations (German:Deutsch-israelische Beziehungen;Hebrew:יחסי גרמניה-ישראל) are the diplomatic relationship between theFederal Republic of Germany and theState of Israel. After the end ofWorld War II andthe Holocaust, relations gradually thawed as West Germany offered to payreparations to Israel in 1952[1] and diplomatic relations were officially established in 1965. Nonetheless, a deep mistrust of the German people remained widespread in Israel and the Jewish diaspora communities worldwide for many years after. Relations betweenEast Germany and Israel never materialised. Today, Israel and Germany maintain a "special relationship" based on shared beliefs and a combination of historical perspectives.[2][3] A central pillar of this relationship is Germany’s commitment to Israel’s security as part of itsStaatsräson (reason of state), a policy that has also sparked domestic and international debate regarding its political and legal implications.[4]
Germany is represented in Israel through itsembassy inTel Aviv and honoraryconsuls in Eilat and Haifa. Israel is represented in Germany throughits embassy inBerlin and its Consulate-General inMunich. Both countries are full members of theOrganisation for Economic Co-operation and Development and theUnion for the Mediterranean.
Israel, founded in 1948, had no relations withGermany due to theHolocaust and until the reparations agreement withWest Germany in 1952. TheIsraeli passport stated "This passport is valid for all countries except Germany", but this statement was removed after the reparations agreement with West Germany.
In the early 1950s, the negotiations began between thePrime Minister of IsraelDavid Ben-Gurion, the chairman of the Jewish Claims ConferenceNahum Goldmann, and the Chancellor ofWest GermanyKonrad Adenauer. Because of the sensitivity of accepting reparations, this decision was intensely debated in the IsraeliKnesset. In 1952, theReparations Agreement was signed. All in all, as of 2007 Germany had paid 25 billion euros in reparations to the Israeli state and individual IsraeliHolocaust survivors.[5] This commitment, driven by moral and political responsibility, became central to its Staatsräson—West Germany's post-war national interest.[6] Staatsräson involved addressing historical debts, compensating victims, ensuring Israel’s security, and thus restoring Germany’s international credibility.[6] There were significant reconciliation efforts, particularly from religious institutions such as theGerman Coordinating-Council for Christian-Jewish cooperation and theAction Reconciliation Service for Peace.[7]
In 1950,Hermann Maas became the first German to be officially invited to Israel.[8] It took another fifteen years until West Germany and Israel established diplomatic relations on 12 May 1965.[9] Since then, mutualstate visits regularly occur, although for many years relations were affected by the fact that Jews both in and outside Israel maintained a deep mistrust of Germany and the German people. German PresidentRoman Herzog's first official visit outside Europe was to Israel in 1994. Israeli Prime MinisterEhud Barak was the first foreign leader received in Berlin after the German government's relocation fromBonn in 1999.
West German ChancellorKonrad Adenauer attempted to influence thetrial of Nazi war criminal andHolocaust architectAdolf Eichmann in Israel because he feared that the Nazi past of some senior West German officials, includingHans Globke,[10] would come to light during the trial.[11]
Hans Globke's key position as chief of staff to Adenauer, responsible for matters of national security, made both the West German government and CIA officials wary of exposing his past, despite their full knowledge of it. This led, for instance, to the withholding of Adolf Eichmann's alias from theIsraeli government andNazi hunters in the 1950s.[12][13] The GermanFederal Intelligence Service (BND) had known since 1952 that Eichmann was living in Buenos Aires and working atMercedes-Benz.[14]
German ChancellorGerhard Schröder visited Israel in October 2000. In 2005, the year of the 40th anniversary of bilateral diplomatic relations,[15] German PresidentHorst Köhler and Israel's former PresidentMoshe Katsav exchanged state visits.[16][17] The two countries established a network of contacts between parliamentary, governmental, andnon-governmental organizations, as well as strategic and security ties.
On 30 January 2008, ChancellorAngela Merkel's spokesman announced that the German and Israeli cabinets would meet in Israel in March 2008, in honor of Israel's 60th anniversary celebrations. This was the first time the German cabinet met with another cabinet outside of Europe. The joint meeting was expected to become an annual occurrence.[18] On 17 March 2008, Merkel paid a three-day visit to Israel to mark Israel's 60th anniversary. Merkel and Israeli Prime MinisterEhud Olmert signed agreements on a range of projects in education, the environment and defense.[19] Merkel spoke of her support for the Jewish state during an unprecedented speech to theKnesset on 18 March 2008.[20]
In January 2011, Merkel visited Israel and met with Prime MinisterBenjamin Netanyahu and oppositionKadima leaderTzipi Livni.[21] In February 2011, Netanyahu called Merkel to discuss Germany's vote in theUnited Nations Security Council in favor of the Palestinian proposal. Merkel reportedly told Netanyahu that he had disappointed her and done nothing to advance peace.[22] To clear the air, Netanyahu was invited for a reconciliation visit to Berlin in mid-March 2011.[22] In September 2011, Merkel criticized Israel for construction in settlements in Jerusalem and said that the new housing permits raised doubts over Israel's readiness to negotiate with the Palestinians.[23]
Germany was one of 14 countries that voted against Palestine'sUNESCO membership in October 2011, within the context of thePalestine 194 initiative. When Israel announced that building settlements would continue in response to Palestinian attempts to declare statehood unilaterally, Germany threatened to stop deliveries to Israel of submarines capable of firing nuclear warheads.[24]
Deutsche Bahn, the German national railway, in May 2011 pulled out of thehigh-speed railway to Jerusalem project because the line will pass in part through theWest Bank. According to press reports, the German transport ministerPeter Ramsauer told Deutsche Bahn's CEO that the projected rail line was "problematic from a political perspective" and violated international law. As a result, the company, which is owned by the German government, withdrew from the project. The company's decision was seen as a victory for left-wing Israeli and Palestinian activists who had waged a campaign within the context of the internationalBoycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement.[25]
In May 2019, the Bundestag passed a resolution condemningBDS as antisemitism.[26][27] In March 2022, the newly electedChancellor of Germany,Olaf Scholz, made his first official visit to Israel.[28]
In April 2005, German Ambassador to IsraelRudolf Dreßler stated that "the secure existence of Israel is in Germany’s national interest and is therefore an element of our reason of state".[29] ChancellorAngela Merkel formally articulated this in 2006 by declaringIsrael’s right to exist as a German national interest.[30] According to Israel’s ambassador at the time, this declaration marked a shift away from German neutrality in the Middle East.[31] Merkel later reiterated this stance in a 2007UN speech and again in her 2008Knesset address, where she stated: "The secure existence of Israel is in Germany’s national interest and is therefore an element of our reason of state" calling it "fundamental and non-negotiable", in light of Iranian threats.[32][31][33]
Critics, including former ChancellorHelmut Schmidt, described Merkel’s position as “emotionally comprehensible, yet foolish view which could have serious consequences".[6] PresidentJoachim Gauck notably avoided using the term during his 2012 visit to Israel, expressing concern that invokingStaatsräson implied obligations the state might not be able or willing to fulfill.[31] Under Merkel's leadership, the Staatsräson shaped Germany's position during the2012 and2014 Gaza conflicts, gaining wide bipartisan support, and being included in the 2021 coalition agreement, cementing it as a broad political consensus.[34][35]
Germany's Staatsräson is reflected in its arms cooperation with Israel, its efforts to maintain regional stability, and its opposition to Iran's nuclear ambitions.[31] Additionally, Germany supports Israel's interests in international organisations.[31] Staatsräson also shapes German policy on antisemitism by linking funding of public institutions to theIHRA definition of antisemitism, which is highly controversial as it can overlap with criticism of Israeli policies.[36] In 2022, only 27% of Germans supported the notion of a special responsibility towards Israel.[37]
Following theOctober 7 attacks in 2023, ChancellorOlaf Scholz reaffirmed the principle, stating, “Israel’s security is GermanStaatsräson” notably omitting Merkel’s earlier qualifier that it is only "a part" of it.[38] He added, “In this moment, there can only be one place for Germany: the place by Israel’s side".[38][39]
Domestically, the invocation ofStaatsräson has also been cited in the context of banning protests and organizations critical of the Israeli government.[40] Furthermore, the federal state ofSaxony-Anhalt introduced a requirement for prospective German citizens to sign a written commitment to Israel’s right to exist and to condemn any actions directed against that existence—explicitly linking the requirement to GermanStaatsräson.[6]
Germany’s commitment to Israel as part of itsStaatsräson has sparked growing criticism. Scholars and civil society actors argue it is used to justify support for Israeli policies and restrict dissent within Germany.[36]
German-Israeli publicistMeron Mendel has criticised the invocation ofStaatsräson in relation to Israel’s current leadership, calling it particularly problematic in light of the government’s “ultranationalist and religious-fundamentalist” orientation.[37] TheGlobal Public Policy Institute (GPPi) described this usage as promoting a “manufactured unquestionability” around Israeli policies, undermining democratic discourse.[32] Political theorist Maximilian Grimm argues that the state-centric framing of historical responsibility towards the state of Israel reinforces authoritarian tendencies and sidelines diverse Jewish perspectives, while distracting from contemporary forms of antisemitism.[36] Similarly, scholars likeEnzo Traverso and Daniel Marwecki warn ofHolocaust memory being used to justify controversial Israeli policies, describing this as "substitute nationalism" that distorts Germany’s self-image and overlooks Israeli violations ofinternational law.[41][42]
In this context,Staatsräson is increasingly seen as performative. As Bue Rübner argues inThe German Chauvinism, some Germans seek to resolve inherited guilt through ritualised expressions of moral righteousness centred on support for Israel, increasingly equated with anti-antisemitism.[43] This, he suggests, has fostered a culture of performative anti-fascism, where virtue is signalled through language policing and alignment with state narratives, rather than meaningful engagement with justice, pluralism, or anti-racism.[43] He contends this climate enables punitive measures, such as disinvitations, defunding, and denunciations of people and organisations critical of the Israeli government. This has adversely affected Jews in Germany, many of whom have been "cancelled" for alleged antisemitic statements.[44] Observers point to a pattern of elevating voices aligned with German and European ideas of nationhood, while marginalising more universalist, cosmopolitan, or emancipatory Jewish identities.[45]
The German government's commitment to Israel as part of itsStaatsräson has increasingly influenced domestic policy, including restrictions on pro-Palestinian expression.[46] These measures have raised concerns about civil liberties, academic freedom, and the narrowing of democratic space within Germany, especially as they relate to German-Israeli relations.[47]
A key precedent was set in 2019, when the Bundestag passed a non-binding resolution declaring theBoycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement antisemitic.[47] Though not legally binding, the resolution has been used to justify defunding, event cancellations, and speaker disinvitations at public institutions.[47][31] These concerns intensified in 2024 when the Bundestag further institutionalised theIHRA Working Definition of Antisemitism, criticised for equating criticism of Israeli policy with antisemitism.[47][36] Under this framework, various educational and cultural programs—including the Jewish-Israeli art collectiveThe School for Unlearning Zionism—were defunded afterBDS associations were flagged.[48] Critics argue this has constrained legitimate discourse around German-Israeli relations and Israeli policy.[43]
Numerous artists, academics, and public figures have reported being disinvited from events over their criticism of Israeli actions.[49] These include Jewish journalistMasha Gessen, Jewish-Israeli philosopherOmri Boehm, and authorAdania Shibli.[45][49] A lecture by UN Special RapporteurFrancesca Albanese was cancelled byLMU Munich, citing anticipated controversy.[50] Following campaigns against Middle East scholar Muriel Asseburg, similar cancellations occurred.[36] In 2024,Nancy Fraser lost a professorship after criticising Israeli military conduct in Gaza.[51] Jewish and Palestinian students, artists, and scholars describe a climate of fear and self-censorship.[47] New legislation in Berlin proposed expelling students for political expression, further raising concerns about academic freedom in relation to Germany’s support for Israel.[36] Civil society organizations and Jewish intellectuals have issued open letters condemning what they describe as disproportionate and politically motivated responses that threaten basic civil rights.[43]
Germany is Israel's largest trading partner in Europe and Israel's second most important trading partner after the United States. Israeli imports from Germany amount to someUSD 2.3 billion annually, while Israel is Germany's fourth largest trading partner in theNorth Africa/Middle East region.[2]
 Germany Exports
|  Israel Exports
| Total Trade Value | |
|---|---|---|---|
| 2023 | 6515.8 | 2137.3 | 8653.1 |
| 2022 | 7075.7 | 1880.6 | 8956.3 |
| 2021 | 6560.4 | 1792.5 | 8352.9 |
| 2020 | 5230.2 | 1681.1 | 6911.3 |
| 2019 | 5582.7 | 1671.8 | 7254.5 |
| 2018 | 5420 | 1777.2 | 7197.2 |
| 2017 | 4721.8 | 1638.4 | 6360.2 |
| 2016 | 4069.6 | 1519.9 | 5589.5 |
| 2015 | 3808.3 | 1440.8 | 5249.1 |
| 2014 | 4652 | 1727.8 | 6379.8 |
| 2013 | 4667.7 | 1763.3 | 6431 |
| 2012 | 4621.8 | 1631.9 | 6253.7 |
| 2011 | 4566.5 | 1950 | 6516.5 |
| 2010 | 3678.8 | 1701.4 | 5380.2 |
| 2009 | 3361.8 | 1440.3 | 4802.1 |
| 2008 | 3940.5 | 1950.6 | 5891.1 |
| 2007 | 3484.3 | 1913 | 5397.3 |
| 2006 | 3201.4 | 1757.9 | 4959.3 |
| 2005 | 2986 | 1345.9 | 4331.9 |
| 2004 | 3090.2 | 1361 | 4451.2 |
| 2003 | 2731.1 | 1123.3 | 3854.4 |
| 2002 | 2347.8 | 1026.5 | 3374.3 |
Both Germany and Israel offer one another Visa Free or Electronic Travel Authorization (ETA) for their citizens to visit each other and for both the arrivals are considered as predominantly main group of tourist.[60][61] Israel and Germany also offer each others citizensWorking Holiday Visas.[62]
| Origin of Visitors | 2023 | 2022 | 2021 | 2020 | 2019 | 2018 | 2017 | 2016 | 2015 | 2014 | 2013 | 2012 | 2011 | 2010 | 2009 | 2008 |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Germany | 167.4 | 151.1 | 16.5 | 50.3 | 289 | 262.6 | 218.1 | 164.1 | 159.8 | 162.3 | 159.8 | 158.5 | 171 | 171.5 | 139.8 | 137.4 |
| Israel | 234.4 | 241.7 | 72.2 | 45.2 | 291.2 | 314 | 316.1 | 323.6 | 311.4 | 280.6 | 255 | 237.8 | 203.5 | 187.8 | 155.1 | 141.9 |
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The two countries enjoy extensive scientific relations, with cooperation in science between Israeli and German universities and the development of the Minerva Society. During the visit by President Katsav,Bundestag PresidentWolfgang Thierse promoted the establishment of German–Israeli Youth Office – modeled on Germany's joint youth offices with France and Poland – as a tool to educate German and Israeli youth about their respective histories and the sensitivities of their relationship.[2]The German-Israel Foundation for Scientific Research and Development (GIF) was established in 1986.[67]
A number of exchange programs work between young Germans and Israelis. About 2,000 Israelis and 4,500 Germans currently participate each year in the exchange program run by Germany's Federal Ministry for the Family, Senior Citizens, Women and Youth. The German organization Action Reconciliation (Aktion Sühnezeichen) has played a role in bringing Germans and Israelis together. Since 1961, Action Reconciliation has sent about 2,500 volunteers to work in Israeli hospitals and social welfare programs.Churches andtrade unions have been active in fostering relations.
Israel places great importance onsister city relationships with German cities. Haifa has five sister cities in Germany; Tel Aviv has five andNetanya has two. Over 100 Israeli cities and local authorities have ties with Germany.[68]
Germany and Israel have significant and long-standing military cooperation. From 1959 to 1967 theFederal Republic of Germany was a significant supplier of military equipment and arms to Israel.[69] However, after 1965, when West Germany backed out of an agreement to sell tanks to Israel, the United States filled the order by selling 210M48 Patton tanks. TheMerkava 4 uses a German MTU MB 873 Ka-501 air-cooled dieselV12 engine produced under license. Germany has supplied Israel withDolphin class submarines while Germany utilizes the Israeli-designedSpike Anti-Tank Missile. In 2008, it was revealed that Germany and Israel had been jointly developing a nuclear warning system, dubbed Operation Bluebird, in secret.[70]
The German-Israeli military cooperation was shrouded in secrecy for a long period, as such an entente was not seen favorably within Israel. However, this tight relationship, translated through arms deal and intelligence sharing, developed into solid trust and ultimately laid the necessary groundwork for the establishment of diplomatic ties.[71] For the first time in history, German combat aircraft landed atOvda Airport in Israel to take part in theBlue Flag exercise in 2017.[72] Israel suppliedArrow 3 missiles to Germany during theRusso-Ukrainian War in 2023.[73]
In October 2023, following the outbreak of theGaza war, German Defense MinisterBoris Pistorius expressed full support for Israel. He told Israeli Defence MinisterYoav Gallant that "whatever we can do to support you, with material support, we will do this."[74] In 2023, Germany approved arms exports to Israel worth 326.5 million euros, or about $353.7 million.[75] In 2025, German Chancellor Friedrich Mertz told WDR television that he no longer "understands" Israel's purpose in Gaza and that its actions can "no longer be justified by a fight against Hamas."[76] By 8 August the same year, Germany had suspended the export of arms to Israel that could find use in the Gaza Strip, a decision that came after the latter's decision to take over Gaza.[77][78] This was a major shift in Germany's policy towards Israel, given the "special relationship" between the two.[79][80] On 17 November, followingthe 10 October ceasefire between Israel and Hamas, Meretz spokesman Sebastian Hille announced that these restrictions would be lifted on 24 November, and that exports of arms and military equipment to Israel would resume.[81][82] On 18 December, theIsraeli Ministry of Defence announced that the German government approved a $3.1 billion weapons deal with Israel, supplying Germany withArrow 3 missile defence systems.[83]
In January 2026, Germany and Israel signed an expanded cybersecurity and security cooperation agreement with the goal of strengthening digital defence against cyber threats and enhancing the protection of critical infrastructure.[84] The declaration, signed by German Interior MinisterDobrindt and Israeli Prime MinisterNetanyahu, includes plans for jointcyber defence coordination, cooperation onartificial intelligence applications, and enhanced collaboration oncounter-terrorism and drone defence.[84][85][86] At the same time, German officials indicated interest in adapting aspects of Israel’s cyber defence experience to bolster Germany’s national resilience against cyberattacks.[84]
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German ChancellorOlaf Scholz condemnedHamas' actions during theGaza war and expressed his support to Israel and its right to self-defense.[87] He criticized thePalestinian Authority and Palestinian PresidentMahmoud Abbas, saying that "their silence is shameful."[88] On 17 October 2023, Scholz arrived in Israel and on the same day warnedIran andHezbollah not to get involved in the war between Israel andHamas. He said that "Germany and Israel are united by the fact that they are democratic constitutional states. Our actions are based on law and order, even in extreme situations."[89]
In January 2024, PresidentHage Geingob ofNamibia called Israel's actions in Gaza "genocidal and gruesome" and sharply criticized Germany's decision to back Israel inSouth Africa v. Israel, saying that Germany had an "inability to draw lessons from its horrific history".[90] In February 2024 lawyers representing Palestinians in Germany filed a criminal complaint against various senior politicians including ChancellorOlaf Scholz, foreign ministerAnnalena Baerbock, economic ministerRobert Habeck, and finance ministerChristian Lindner for "aiding and abetting" thegenocide in Gaza.[91] On 1 March 2024,Nicaragua initiated proceedings against Germany at theICJ under theGenocide Convention, concerning Germany's support for Israel in the Gaza war.[92]
At the start of theGaza war in October 2023, Germany sold Israel weapons worth 326 million euros, which was not repeated in 2024 according to Israel's Shomrim Research Network.The German spokesman of the Ministry of Economy said that the government makes decisions on arms exports on a case-by-case basis, taking into account humanitarian law and the current situation between Israel and Hamas, the spokesman said.[93] Between August and October 2024, Germany sold weapons worth 94 million euros to Israel.[94] In October 2024,CDU leaderFriedrich Merz successfully urged the German government to resume weapons deliveries to Israel, including spare parts for tanks.[95]
In 2024,Amnesty International accused the German government of "taking a one-sided stance in favor of Israel throughout the entire conflict"in the Middle East, claiming that while the German government criticizesHamas' war crimes, the government does not name Israel's actions that violate international law as such.[96][97]
Francesca Albanese, incumbentUN Special Rapporteur on the occupied Palestinian territories, criticised foreign ministerAnnalena Baerbock[98] following a speech by the Foreign Minister in the German Bundestag on 7 October 2024, in which Baerbock alluded toIsraeli attacks on Palestinian civilian sites as "self-defense" and said that "that's what Germany stands for" to much applause.[99]
CDU leaderFriedrich Merz criticized theInternational Criminal Court's decision toissue an arrest warrant for Israeli Prime MinisterBenjamin Netanyahu for allegedwar crimes during theGaza war.[100] In February 2025, one day after the2025 German federal election, he announced his intention to invite Netanyahu to Germany,[101] "as an open challenge" to the decision of the ICC.[102]
On 8 August 2025, after theIsraeli security cabinet's decision to take over the Gaza Strip, Merz announced Germany's decision to suspend the export of arms to Israel that could be used there.[77][78][103] He said that Germany would no longer approve the export to Israel of weapons "that could be used in the Gaza Strip until further notice."[77] In November 2025, the German government ended a partial suspension of arms deliveries to Israel for use in Gaza.[104] In early December 2025, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz visited Israel and met with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and PresidentIsaac Herzog. The discussions focused on solidifying German support for Israel, the ongoing Gaza conflict, the peace process, and a major arms deal.[105][106]
According to a poll by the GermanForsa Institute on behalf of the newspaperDie Welt conducted in December 2023, 45% of respondents inGermany agreed and 43% disagreed with the statement: "Israel's military action in the Gaza Strip is all in all appropriate." In the immediate aftermath of the Hamas attack on Israel, 44% of Germans said Germany has "a special obligation towards Israel." In December 2023, that number dropped to 37%.[107]
According to a 2025Pew Research Center survey, 31% of people in Germany had a favorable view of Israel, while 64% had an unfavorable view; 21% had confidence in Israeli Prime MinisterBenjamin Netanyahu, while 76% did not.[108]
{{cite web}}:|archive-url= is malformed: timestamp (help)CS1 maint: url-status (link)German Chancellor Angela Merkel told Israel of Germany's "Holocaust shame," and asserted its support for the Jewish state during an unprecedented speech to the Knesset on Tuesday.
Working in secret, Israel and Germany have jointly developed a nuclear missile detection system, according to the Defense News Web site.
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)But even if it stops short of a full arms embargo, Friday's decision is a big policy shift for Germany, given its relationship with Israel, which is shaped by historical guilt over the Holocaust.
The German chancellor has indicated a significant shift in Berlin's staunch support for Israel by stopping the export of military equipment that could be used in Gaza, as international partners condemned Israeli plans to take control of Gaza City.
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