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Georgios Papadopoulos | |
|---|---|
| Γεώργιος Παπαδόπουλος | |
.png) Papadopoulos in 1967 | |
| President of Greece | |
| In office 1 June 1973 – 25 November 1973 | |
| Prime Minister | Himself Spyros Markezinis |
| Vice President | GeneralOdysseas Angelis |
| Preceded by | Constantine II (asKing of the Hellenes) |
| Succeeded by | Phaedon Gizikis Dimitrios Ioannidis(asde facto leader) |
| Prime Minister of Greece | |
| In office 13 December 1967 – 8 October 1973 | |
| Monarch | Constantine II (until 1973) |
| President | Himself (from 1973) |
| Deputy | Stylianos Pattakos |
| Preceded by | Konstantinos Kollias |
| Succeeded by | Spyros Markezinis |
| Regent of Greece | |
| In office 21 March 1972 – 1 June 1973 | |
| Monarch | Constantine II |
| Preceded by | GeneralGeórgios Zoitakis |
| Succeeded by | None (monarchy abolished) (GeneralOdysseas Angelis asVice President of Greece) |
| Minister for Foreign Affairs | |
| In office 21 July 1970 – 8 October 1973 | |
| Prime Minister | Himself |
| Preceded by | Panagiotis Pipinelis |
| Succeeded by | Christos Xanthopoulos-Palamas |
| Ministry of National Education and Religious Affairs | |
| In office 20 June 1969 – 21 July 1970 | |
| Prime Minister | Himself |
| Preceded by | Theofylaktos Papakonstantinou |
| Succeeded by | Nikitas Sioris |
| Minister for National Defence | |
| In office 13 December 1967 – 8 October 1973 | |
| Prime Minister | Himself |
| Preceded by | Lt GenGrigorios Spandidakis |
| Succeeded by | Nikolaos Efessios |
| Minister to the Presidency of the Government | |
| In office 21 April 1967 – 8 October 1973 | |
| Prime Minister | Konstantinos Kollias Himself |
| Preceded by | Grigorios Kasimatis |
| Succeeded by | Ministry abolished (Georgios Rallis becomes minister in 1975) |
| Personal details | |
| Born | (1919-05-05)5 May 1919 |
| Died | 27 June 1999(1999-06-27) (aged 80) Athens, Greece |
| Resting place | First Cemetery of Athens |
| Political party | National Political Union (1984–1996) |
| Spouses | |
| Children | 3 |
| Parent(s) | Christos Papadopoulos (Father), Chrysoula Papadopoulos (Mother) |
| Alma mater | Hellenic Military Academy |
| Signature |  |
| Military service | |
| Allegiance |
|
| Branch/service |
|
| Years of service | 1940–1973 |
| Rank |  Brigadier general (stripped) |
| Battles/wars | Second World WarGreek Civil War |
Georgios Papadopoulos (/ˌpæpəˈdɒpələs/PAP-ə-DOP-əl-əs;[1][2]Greek:Γεώργιος Παπαδόπουλος[ʝeˈorʝi.ospapaˈðopulos]; 5 May 1919 – 27 June 1999) was a Greek military officer and dictator who led acoup d'etat in Greece in 1967 and became the country'sPrime Minister from 1967 to 1973. He also was thePresident of Greece under thejunta in 1973, following areferendum. However, after causing a massacre by deploying military riflemen and a tank brigade to attack non-violent protestors to suppress theAthens Polytechnic uprising, he was, in turn, overthrown by hardlinerDimitrios Ioannidis, in a string of events that would culminate in thefall of the regime in 1974. His and the dictatorship's legacy, as well as its methods he constructed and effects on Greek economy and society as a whole, are still fiercely debated.
He joined theHellenic Army during theSecond World War and initially helped resist the Italian invasion of Greece in theGreco-Italian War. He is widely believed to have latercollaborated as a member of theAxis-alignedSecurity Battalions. After the war, he rose to the rank ofcolonel in the army.
In April 1967, Papadopoulos and a group of other mid-level army officers overthrew the democratic government and established amilitary junta that lasted until 1974. Assuming dictatorial powers, he led anauthoritarian,anti-communist andultranationalist regime which eventually ended theGreek monarchy and established arepublic, with himself aspresident. In 1973, he was overthrown and arrested by his co-conspiratorBrigadier GeneralDimitrios Ioannidis. After theMetapolitefsi which restored democracy in 1974, Papadopoulos was tried for his part in the crimes of the junta andsentenced to death, but his sentence was commuted to life imprisonment. Refusing several offers of clemency in exchange for admitting guilt for the crimes of the junta, he spent the remainder of his life in prison.
Papadopoulos was born inElaiohori, a small village in thePrefecture ofAchaea in thePeloponnese, to local schoolteacher Christos Papadopoulos and his wife Chrysoula. He was the eldest son and had two brothers, Konstantinos and Haralambos. After finishinghigh school in 1937, he enrolled in theHellenic Military Academy, completing its three-year programme in 1940.
His biographical notes, published as a booklet by his supporters in 1980, mention that he took acivil engineering course at thePolytechneion but did not graduate.[3]
During theSecond World War, Papadopoulos saw field action as anartillerysecond lieutenant against both Italian andNazi German forces whichattacked Greece on 6 April 1941.
Papadopoulos is believed by most historians to have later become a member of thecollaborationistSecurity Battalions inPatras under the command of Colonel Kourkoulakos, which "hunted down" Greek resistance fighters.[4][5][6][7][8][9][10][11][12] This is contested by Greek historians Evanthis Hatzivassiliou and Leonidas F. Kallivretakis.[10][11] According to Kallivretakis, during the Axis occupation of Greece, Papadopoulos worked in the Greek administration’s Patras office.[13] It has also been argued[by whom?] that Papadopoulos, at the end of the Axis occupation of Greece, enteredOrganisation X, but Kallivretakis considers that this information has not been proven.[14]
Along with otherright-wing military officers, he participated in the creation of the nationalist right-wing secret IDEA organisation in theautumn of 1944, shortly after the country's liberation. Those 1940 officers who took refuge in theKingdom of Egypt along withKing Geórgios II immediately after the German invasion, had become generals when their still-colonel former classmates undertook the coup of 1967.
He was promoted tocaptain in 1946 and in 1949, during theGreek Civil War, to major. (See alsoGreek military ranks.) He served in theKYP Intelligence Service from 1959 to 1964 as the main contact between the KYP and the topCIA operative in Greece, John Fatseas, after training at the CIA in 1953.[15]
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Major Papadopoulos, as he then was, was also a member of thecourt-martial in the first trial of the well-known Greek communist leaderNikos Beloyannis, in 1951. At that trial, Beloyannis was sentenced to death for the crime of being a member of theCommunist Party of Greece (KKE), which was banned at that time in Greece following theGreek Civil War. The death sentence pronounced after this trial was not carried out, but Beloyannis was put on trial again in early 1952, this time for alleged espionage, following the discovery of radio transmitters used by undercover Greek communists to communicate with the exiled leadership of the Party in theSoviet Union. At the end of this trial, he was sentenced to death and immediately taken out and shot. Papadopoulos was not involved in this second trial. The Beloyannis trials were highly controversial in Greece, and many Greeks consider that, like many Greek communists at the time, Beloyannis was shot for his political beliefs, rather than any real crimes. The trial was by military court-martial under Greek anti-insurgency legislation enacted at the time of the Greek Civil War, which remained in force even though the war had ended.
In 1956, Papadopoulos took part in a failed coup attempt againstKing Pávlos. In 1958, he helped create the Office of Military Studies, asurveillance authority, underGeneral Gogousis. It was from this same office that the subsequently successful coup of 21 April 1967 emanated.[This quote needs a citation]
In 1964, Papadopoulos was transferred to an artillery division inWestern Thrace by a decree of Defense Minister Garoufalias, a member of theCentre Union (EK).[16] In June 1965, days before the onset of the major political turmoil known asIouliana, he made national headlines after arresting two soldiers under his command and eight leftist civilians from settlements near his military camp, on charges that they had conspired tosabotage army vehicles by pouring sugar into the vehicles' petrol tanks. The ten were imprisoned and tortured, but it was eventually proven that Papadopoulos himself had sabotaged the vehicles.[15]Andreas Papandreou wrote in his memoirs that Papadopoulos wanted to prove that under the Centre Union government, theCommunists had been left free to undermine national security.[17] Even after this scandal, Papadopoulos was not discharged from the army since thePrime Minister,Geórgios Papandreou, forgave him as a compatriot of his father.[15]In 1967, Papadopoulos was promoted tocolonel.[citation needed]
That same year, on 21 April, a month before the general elections, Colonel Papadopoulos, along with fellow middle-ranking Army officers, led a successful coup, taking advantage of the volatile political situation that had arisen from a conflict between the youngKing Constantine II and the popular former prime minister,Geórgios Papandreou. Papadopoulos used his power gained from the coup to try to place Papandreou under house arrest andre-engineer the Greek political landscape rightward. Papadopoulos, along with the other junta members, are known in Greece by the termAprilianoi ('Aprilians'), denoting the month of the coup.[18][19][20][21][22] The termAprilianoi has become synonymous with the term "dictators of 1967–1974".[23]
King Constantine appointed a new government nominally headed byConstantine Kollias. However, from the early stages, Papadopoulos was the strongman of the new regime. He was appointed Minister of National Defense and Minister of the Presidency in the Kollias government, and his position was further enhanced after the King's abortive counter-coup on 13 December, when Papadopoulos replaced Kollias asPrime Minister. Not content with that, on 21 March 1972, he nominated himselfRegent of Greece, succeedingGeneralGeórgios Zoitakis.Torture of political prisoners in general, and communists in particular, was not out of the question. Examples included severe beatings, isolation and, according to some sources, pulling out fingernails.[24]
Throughout his tenure as the junta strongman, Papadopoulos often employed what have been described by theBBC as gory surgical metaphors,[25] where he or the junta assumed the role of the "medical doctor".[26][27][28][29][30][31] The "patient" wasGreece. Typically, Papadopoulos or the junta portrayed themselves as the "doctor" whooperated on the "patient" by putting the patient's "foot" in anorthopedic cast and applying restraints on the "patient", tying him on a surgical bed and putting him underanesthesia to perform the "operation" so that the life of the "patient" would not be "endangered" during the operation. In one of his famous speeches, Papadopoulos mentioned:[30][32][33]
"ευρισκόμεθα προ ενός ασθενούς, τον οποίον έχομεν επί χειρουργικής κλίνης, και τον οποίον εάν ο χειρουργός δεν προσδέση κατά την διάρκειαν της εγχειρήσεως και της ναρκώσεως επί της χειρουργικής κλίνης, υπαρχει πιθανότης αντί δια της εγχειρήσεως να του χαρίσει την αποκατάστασιν της υγείας, να τον οδηγήσει εις θάνατον. [...] Οι περιορισμοί είναι η πρόσδεσις του ασθενούς επί κλίνης δια να υποστή ακινδύνως την εγχείρισιν
Translated as:
“...We are in front of a patient, whom we have on a surgical bed, and whom if the surgeon does not strap on the surgical bed during the time of the surgery and the anesthesia, there is a chance instead of the surgery granting him the restoration of his health, to lead him to his death [...] The restrictions are the straps, keeping the patient tied to the surgical bed so that he will undergo the surgery without danger.
In the same speech Papadopoulos continued:[30][32]
"Ασθενή έχομεν. Εις τον γύψον τον εβάλαμεν. Τον δοκιμάζομεν εάν ημπορεί να περπατάει χωρίς τον γύψον. Σπάζομεν τον αρχικόν γύψον και ξαναβάζομεν ενδεχομένως τον καινούργιο εκεί όπου χρειάζεται Το Δημοψήφισμα θα είναι μία γενική θεώρησις των ικανοτήτων του ασθενούς. Ας προσευχηθώμεν να μη χρειάζεται ξανά γύψον. Εάν χρειάζεται, θα του τον βάλομεν. Και το μόνον που ημπορώ να σας υποσχεθώ, είναι να σας καλέσω να ειδήτε και σεις το πόδι χωρίς γύψον!
which translates as follows:
"We have a patient. We test him if he can walk without a plaster cast. We break the initial cast and, if warranted, we put another cast where is needed. The referendum will be a general overview of the capabilities of the patient. Let us pray that he may not need a cast again. If he needs one, we will put one on him. And the only thing I can promise you, is to invite you to see the foot without a cast!
Other metaphors contained religious imagery related to theresurrection of Christ atEaster: "Χριστός Ανέστη – Ελλάς Ανέστη" translating as "Christ has risen – Greece has risen", alluding that the junta would "save" Greece and resurrect her into a greater, new Land.[32] The theme of rebirth was used many times as a standard reply to avoid answering any questions as to how long the dictatorship would last:[32]
Διότι αυτό το τελευταίον είναι υπόθεσις άλλων. Είναι υποθέσεις εκείνων, οι οποίοι έθεσαν την θρυαλλίδα εις την δυναμίτιδα δια την έκρηξιν προς αναγέννησιν της Πολιτείας την νύκτα της 21 Απριλίου.
Translated as:
Because the latter is someone else's concern. They are the concerns of those, who lit the fuse of the dynamite for the explosion which led to the rebirth of the State the night of 21 April 1967.
The religious themes and rebirth metaphors are also seen in the following:[32]
Αι υποχρεώσεις μας περιγράφονται και από την θρησκείαν και από την ιστορίαν μας. Ομόνοιαν και αγάπην διδάσκει ο Χριστός. Πίστιν εις την Πατρίδα επιτάσσει η Ιστορία μας. [...] η Ελλάς αναγεννάται, η Ελλάς θα μεγαλουργήσει, η Ελλάς πάντα θα ζει.
Translated as:
Our obligations are described by both our history and our religion. Christ teaches Harmony and Love. Our history demands faith in our country. [...] Greece is being reborn, Greece will accomplish great things, Greece will live forever.
A failed assassination attempt against Papadopoulos was perpetrated byAlexandros Panagoulis in the morning of 13 August 1968, when Papadopoulos was driven from his summer residence inLagonisi toAthens, escorted by his personal security motorcycles and cars. Panagoulis ignited a bomb at a point of the coastal road where the limousine carrying Papadopoulos would have to slow down, but the bomb failed to harm Papadopoulos. Panagoulis was captured a few hours later in a nearby sea cave, since the boat sent to help him escape was instructed to leave at a specific time and he could not swim there on time due to strong sea currents. After his arrest, he was taken to theGreek Military Police (EAT-ESA) offices where he was questioned, beaten and tortured. On 17 November 1968, Panagoulis was sentenced to death but was personally pardoned by Papadopoulos, served only five years in prison, and after democracy was restored was elected a member of Parliament. He was regarded as an emblematic figure of the struggle to restore democracy, and as such has often been paralleled toHarmodius and Aristogeiton, two ancient Athenians known for their assassination ofHipparchus, brother of the tyrantHippias.
Despite his heavy-handed rule, Papadopoulos was one of the more moderate members of the junta. He had indicated as early as 1968 that he was eager for reform.[34] He had declared at the time that he did not want theRevolution of 21 April (as the coup was called by the junta's supporters) to become a 'regime'. Around the same time, he had reached out to some old-line politicians, such asSpyros Markezinis.[34] Several attempts to liberalise the regime during 1969 and 1970 were thwarted by the hardliners on the junta, including Ioannides.[34] In fact, subsequent to his 1970 failed attempt at reform, he threatened to resign and was dissuaded only after the hardliners renewed their personal allegiance to him.[34]
As internal dissatisfaction grew in the early 1970s, and especially after an abortive coup by the Navy in early 1973,[34] Papadopoulos attempted to legitimise the regime by beginning a gradual "democratisation" (see also the article on theMetapolitefsi). On 1 June 1973, he abolishedthe monarchy and declared Greece a republic with himself as president. He was confirmed in office viaa controversial referendum. He furthermore sought the support of the old political establishment, but secured only the cooperation of Markezinis, who became prime minister. Concurrently, many restrictions were lifted and the army's role significantly reduced. An interim constitution created a presidential republic. The president would serve an eight-year term, and was vested with sweeping—almost dictatorial—powers. The decision to return to (at least nominal) civilian rule and the restriction of the army's role did not go nearly far enough for those who wanted full democracy. At the same time, this move was resented by many of the regime's supporters, whose dissatisfaction with Papadopoulos would become evident a few months later.
Papadopoulos is widely reported to have had certain ties to theCentral Intelligence Agency,[note 1] and has also been reported to have undergone military and intelligence training in theUnited States during the 1950s.[35][36] On 1 July 1973,The Observer published aninvestigative journalism article that accused theCentral Intelligence Agency (CIA) of engineering the 1967 coup, further writing that Papadopoulos was known among senior officials in theJoint United States Military Aid Assistance Group in Athens as "the first CIA agent to become Premier of a European country".[37][38]
A day after theObserver article was published, during CIA agentWilliam Colby's confirmation hearings to beDirector of Central Intelligence, Colby was asked in response to the article if there was any justification for the assertions. Colby denied that the CIA had engineered the coup or that Papadopoulos was either a CIA agent or otherwise paid by the CIA, but stating that "[Papadopoulos] has been an official of the Greek Government at various times, and in those periods from time to time we worked with him in his official capacity.".[39][non-primary source needed]
After the events of the student uprising of 17 November at theNational Technical University of Athens (seeAthens Polytechnic uprising), the dictatorship was overthrown on 25 November 1973 by hardline elements in the Army. The outcry over Papadopoulos's extensive reliance on the army to quell the student uprising gaveBrigadierDimitrios Ioannidis a pretext to oust him and replace him as the new strongman of the regime. Papadopoulos was put under house arrest at his villa, while Greece returned to an "orthodox" military dictatorship.
After democracy was restored in 1974, during the period ofMetapolitefsi ("regime change"), Papadopoulos and his cohorts were arrested and were eventuallyput on trial forhigh treason,mutiny,torture, and other crimes and misdemeanors.
On 23 August 1975, he and several others were found guilty and weresentenced to death, which was later commuted to life imprisonment.
In 1942, after 3 years of courtship and 6 months of engagement, he married Niki Vasileiadi (died 2015), originally fromIlion ofAsia Minor. Together they had a son, Christos (born 1943), a chemist, who lives in the United States and Chrysoula (1945–2004).[40] In 1954, he met and entered into arelationship with Despina Sereti (née Gaspari) (1930–2023), an employee of theHellenic Intelligence Service and the Geographical Service of the Greek Army, at the time Papadopoulos was posted to the Artillery Division of the VI Division, with the rank of Major. Together, they had a daughter out of wedlock, Hypermachia. Since then, he was estranged from Vasileiadi.
The separation, however lengthy, could not lead to divorce at first because, under Greece's restrictive divorce laws of that era, spousal consent was required. It is claimed that, as a remedy to the issue, in 1970, as Prime Minister of the dictatorship, hedecreed a custom-made divorce law with a strict time limit (and a built-insunset clause) that enabled him to get the divorce.[41][42] After having served its purpose, the law eventually expired automatically. Those reports are contradicted by a 1975 article byMakedonia, which claims that Vasiliadi had filed for divorce on 19 September 1969, with the divorce being granted by the Athens Court of First Instance on 27 October of the same year on "joint liability" grounds.[43] Makedonia's claims are further corroborated by the failure of newer sources to provide the decree specifics (type, number,Efimeris tis Kyverniseos Issue number). Such rumors are baseless in the case of Papadopoulos' divorce, but in 1972 a bill that would allow divorces on the basis of long-term separation (featuring a built-insunset clause) was put forward by the government, only to meet the opposition of theChurch of Greece.[44] Such a law (but without a sunset clause) came to be only in 1979, a decade after the divorce of Vasileiadi and Papadopoulos.[45]
In March 1970, he married Gaspari, with whom he lived throughout the years of his separation from Vasileiadi. Gaspari, immediately after the wedding, informally assumed the role of First Lady of Greece, until his overthrow in November 1973. They remained married until his death.
Papadopoulos showed no remorse and steadfastly refused to apply for parole oramnesty or to use the leniency provisions that allowed him to be released on the grounds of ill health, as did several of his associates, such as Makarezos and Zoitakis. In the summer of 1996, his health deteriorated and he was diagnosed withALS andbladder cancer, resulting in his being hospitalized for three years in an Athens hospital until his death on 27 June 1999. He was buried inFirst Cemetery of Athens three days later, in the presence of old associates and regime sympathisers.[46]
Today, Papadopoulos is a symbol ofauthoritarianism andxenophobia.[47][48][49] After the restoration of democracy, some support for his type of politics remained which was, for a time, bolstered by theNational Political Union (EPEN), a small political party that declared him its honorary leader.[40] TheEPEN eventually dissolved, with supporters scattering to various other political parties such as thePopular Orthodox Rally (LAOS) and criminal organisations likeGolden Dawn (XA).[50]
was Georgios Papadopoulos, a former Nazi collaborator during World War II, ...
The coup of April 1967, 'Operation Prometheus', was executed by a group from the KYP led by Georgios Papadopoulos, a former Nazi collaborator and subsequent head of the military junta, on the basis of a NATO emergency procedure ...
The CIA hand-picked as leader of the new military junta Colonel Georgios Papadopoulos who was selected for two key ... an important collaborator with the Nazis, knowledge which guaranteed that he would remain subject to CIA control.
Papadopoulos had been a captain in the Nazi Security Battalions...
βραχυκυκλωθή άπό άτομα τά όποία έχουν λιβανίσει μέχρι άηδίας τό έπάρατο καθεστώς τής 7ετίας μέ τά άλλεπάλληλα τηλεγραφήματα, τά όποία έχουν στείλει στούς " Απριλιανούς" δηλώνοντας πίστη, άφοσίωσι, υπακοή κ.τ.λ.
Τέλος ένοχοι είναι καί Ιδιώτες πού χρησιμοποιώντας τίς προσωπικές τους σχέσεις μέ τούς Απριλιανούς, έθη- σαύρισαν σέ βάρος τοϋ έλληνικοϋ λαοϋ. Ό Ελληνικός λαός δέν ξεχνά πώς, άν είχαν τιμωρηθή οί δοσίλογοι τής Γερμανικής κατοχής, δέν .
με αυξημένη βαρβαρότητα απ' ό,τι στους υπόλοιπους καταδικους. Και δεν εννοούμε, φυσικά, τους ελάχιστους Απριλιανούς, που έχουν απομείνει στον Κορυδαλλό, με τους κλιματισμούς, τα ψυγεία και την ασυδοσία των επισκεπτηρίων.
Τό δημοσιευόμενο τώρα σκεπτικό τής απόφασης τοΰ δμελοΰς Έφετείου πού δίκασε τούς πρωταίτιους Απριλιανούς, δικαιώνει τήν άποψη τούτη καί λέγει: "... Έπέφερε άποδυνάμωσιν τής έν τώ στρατώ άντιθέτου ιδεολογικής μερίδος, τής έντόνως ...
Επρεπε έτσι νά διαβρωθούν οι πολιτικοι θεσμοι της χώρας και νά διογκωθή ό κομμουνιστικός κίνδυνος. "Ολα τούτα οΐ Απριλιανοί τά προπαρασκεύασαν και τά επέτυχαν έντεχνα αλλα "νόμιμα" κάτω άπό τις ευλογίες ενός συντεταγμένου κράτους.
απριλιανοί: οι δικτατορες του 1974
It's no secret that Mr George Papadopoulos, the top man of the bunch, with his gory surgical metaphors, his flinty eyes, his flood of garbled messianic language, was for years under psychiatric treatment. Mr Pattakos, the strutting, bullet-headed ...
Papadopoulos, returning to his metaphor of Greece as a patient in plaster, described this legal construct as 'a light walking cast.' The Law on the State of Siege, he said, was 'striving for breath, dying, trying in vain to stand on its feet.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: publisher location (link)Clinging to his predilection for medical analogies, Papadopoulos declared after the referendum: "The country is still in a plaster cast and the fractures have not healed. The cast will be kept on even after the referendum so that it should not ...
"We have a patient. We have placed him in a plaster cast. We keep him there until the wound heals," said Premier George Papadopoulos, the colonel who is strongman of the current Greek military regime. He was only trying to explain why ...
Papadopoulos made great play during the Junta years in Greece: something in it for everybody. ... For every philosophical sect, as Nussbaum emphasizes, "the medical analogy is not simply a decorative metaphor; it is an important tool both of discovery and of justification"
And yet metaphor was a necessary part of his persuasive rhetoric; he described Greece as a patient to convince journalists ... Papadopoulos's desire for a mimetic relationship between what one said and what one meant is evident in his press law, which ... doses; that the "cast" would be constantly replaced "where it [was] needed"; and that language and literature would be "cleansed.
Thanasis Valtinos' story, "The Plaster Cast," is based entirely on a metaphor frequently used by Colonel Papadopoulos to justify the military coup and later the prolongation of martial law. Greece, he would say, was in grave danger. We had to ...
Η μεταφορά ωστόσο, είναι ο κυρίαρχος ρητορικός τρόπος που χρησιμοποιεί οΠαπαδόπουλος στους λόγους του. Θυμίζω το περίφημο διάγγελμά του: "ευρισκόμεθα προενός ασθενούς, τον οποίον έχομεν επί χειρουργικής κλίνης…οι περιορισμοί είναι ηπρόσδεσις του ασθενούς επί κλίνης δια να υποστή ακινδύνως την εγχείρισιν
The Americans asked the Greek government to allow the use of their bases in Greek territory and air space to supply Israel; Markezinis, backed by Papadopoulos, denied on the grounds of maintaining good relations with the Arab countries. This denial is said to have turned the U.S. against Papadopoulos and Markezinis." quote#2:"Thus the students 'had played straight into the hands of Ioannidis, who looked upon the coming elections with a jaundiced eye.." quote3: "The latter (editor's note: i.e. Markezinis) would insist until the end of his life that subversion on behalf... ..Markezinis was known for his independence [from] U.S. interests" quote 4: "In that situation Ioannidis was emerging as a solution for the officers in sharp contrast to Papadopoulos, whose accumulation 'of so many offices and titles' (President of Republic, Prime Minister, Minister of Defence) was harming the seriousness of the regime and giving it an unacceptable image, which was not left unexploited by its opponents." quote 5: "The first attempt of Papadopoulos to start a process of reform occurred in the spring of 1968. He was claiming that if the 'Revolution' stayed more than a certain time in power, it would lose its dynamics and transform into a 'regime,' which was not in his intentions. He tried to implicate Markezinis in the attempt; however, he met the stiff resistance of the hardliners. Another attempt was again frustrated in the end of 1969 and the beginning of 1970; Papadopoulos was then disappointed and complaining, 'I am being subverted by my fellow Evelpides cadets!' As a result of this second failure, he considered resigning in the summer of 1970, complaining that he lacked any support from other leading figures, his own closest followers included. But the rest of the faction leaders renewed their trust [in] him...
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)In 1970, Papadopoulos obtained a divorce from his wife Niki with a legal decree of one use...
... Their intense nationalism – by its very nature – contains within it submerged elements of xenophobia that might very easily surface ...
GEORGE PAPADOPOULOS ... His ideology was a mixture of anti-Marxism, nationalism and xenophobia. Most observers view Papadopoulos as a paternalistic military man rather than any kind of radical political figure.
Out of that experience there came a literal xenophobia. ... Colonel George Papadopoulos, who became Prime Minister and later President under the junta, said his purpose was to recreate the Greece of the Christian Greeks — "Ellas Elllnon ...
Quotations related toGeorgios Papadopoulos at Wikiquote| Political offices | ||
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| Preceded by | Prime Minister of Greece 13 December 1967 – 8 October 1973 | Succeeded by |
| Preceded by | Minister for National Defence of Greece 13 December 1967 – 8 October 1973 | Succeeded by |
| Preceded by | Regent of Greece 1972–1973 | Monarchy abolished |
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| New title Monarchy abolished | President of Greece 1973 | Succeeded by |
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