Gaullism (French:Gaullisme,[ɡolism]) is aFrench political stance based on the thought and action ofWorld War IIFrench Resistance leaderCharles de Gaulle, who would become the foundingPresident of theFifth French Republic.[1] De Gaullewithdrew French forces from theNATO Command Structure, forced the removal of allied (US) military bases from France, as well as initiatedFrance's own independent nuclear deterrent programme. His actions were predicated on the view that France would not be subordinate to other nations.[2]
According toSerge Berstein, Gaullism is "neither a doctrine nor apolitical ideology" and cannot be considered eitherleft orright. Rather, "considering its historical progression, it is apragmatic exercise of power that is neither free from contradictions nor of concessions to momentary necessity, even if the imperious word of the general gives to the practice of Gaullism the allure of a programme that seems profound and fully realised." Gaullism is "a peculiarly French phenomenon, without doubt the quintessential French political phenomenon of the 20th century".[1]
Lawrence D. Kritzman argues that Gaullism may be seen as a form of French patriotism in the tradition ofJules Michelet. He writes: "Aligned on the political spectrum with the right, Gaullism was committed nevertheless to therepublican values of theRevolution, and so distanced itself from the particularist ambitions of the traditional right and its xenophobic causes." Furthermore, "Gaullism saw as its mission the affirmation of national sovereignty and unity, which was diametrically opposed to the divisiveness created by the leftist commitment toclass struggle."[3]
Gaullism was nationalistic. In the early post-WWII period, Gaullists advocated for retaining the French Empire.[4] De Gaulle shifted his stance on empire in the mid-1950s, suggesting potential federal arrangements orself-determination and membership in theFrench Community.[4]
Berstein writes that Gaullism has progressed in multiple stages:
.svg)
Since 1969, Gaullism has been used to describe those identified as heirs to de Gaulle's ideas.[1] TheCross of Lorraine, used by theResistantFree France (1940–1944) duringWorld War II, has served as the symbol of many Gaullist parties and movements, including theRally of the French People (1947–1955), theUnion for the New Republic (1958–1967), or theRally for the Republic (1976–2002).[5]
The "fundamental principle" of Gaullism is a "certain idea of France" as a strong state. In hisWar Memoirs, de Gaulle describes France as "an indomitable entity, a 'person' with whom amystical dialogue was maintained throughout history. The goal of Gaullism, therefore, is to give precedence to its interests, to ensure that the voice is heard, to make it respected, and to assure its survival … to remain worthy of its past, the nation must endow itself with a powerful state."[1] Kritzman writes that "the Gaullist idea of France set out to restore the honor of the nation and affirm its grandeur and independence" with de Gaulle seeking to "construct a messianic vision of France's historic destiny, reaffirm its prestige in the world, and transcend the national humiliations of the past."[3] Accordingly, de Gaulle urged French unity over divisive "partisan quarrels" and emphasized French heritage, including both theAncien Régime and theRevolution.[1] The French political figures most admired by de Gaulle "were those responsible for national consensus—Louis XIV,Napoleon,Georges Clemenceau—who saw as their goal the creation of political and social unity by a strong state."[3]
In order to strengthen France, Gaullists also emphasize the need for "a strong economy and a stable society." Gaullism believes, according to Berstein, that "it is the imperative of the state, as guardian of the national interest, to give impetus to economic growth and to guide it.Liberal opinion is accepted if it promises more efficiency than planning. As for social justice, so long as its natural distrust ofbig business can be allayed, it is less a matter of doctrine than a means of upholding stability. To put an end to class struggle, Gaullists hope to make use of participation, a nineteenth-century concept of which the general spoke frequently, but which he allowed his associates to ignore."[1]
As part of a strong state, de Gaulle highlighted the necessity to found state institutions on a strong executive, contrasting with the French republican tradition, which emphasized the role of the elected assembly. During his time in office, de Gaulle sought to establish authority by holding direct universal votes and popularreferendums and by directly engaging with the nation (via speeches broadcast over radio, press conferences, and trips to the provinces).[1] Even though he frequently spoke on his respect for democracy, his political opponents perceived in his rule a tendency toward dictatorial power; many feared aBonapartist revival or arepublican monarchy.[1][3] France remained a democracy, however, and de Gaulle's decision to step down as president following voters' rejection of theApril 1969 constitutional referendum showed that his commitment to democratic principles was not merely a rhetorical ploy.[1]
Inforeign policy, Gaullists are identified with bothrealism and Frenchexceptionalism, and de Gaulle sought to impose French influence on the global order.[1][3] Gaullists supporteddecolonization, which freed France from the burden ofempire.[1] This was reflected in de Gaulle's resolution of theAlgeria crisis (1954–1962), which was strongly influenced by de Gaulle'srealpolitik, or "keen sense of political expediency."[3] Realizing that decolonization was inevitable, and that a continued crisis and extendedAlgerian War would harm the French economy and perpetuate national disunity,[3] "de Gaulle felt that it was in France's best interests to grant independence and desist from military engagement," thereby preserving French unity and grandeur.[3]
.jpg)
Gaullists emphasize the need for France to "guarantee its national independence without resorting to allies whose interests might not coincide with those of France." The development ofindependent French nuclear capability, undertaken at significant effort despite much international criticism, was an outgrowth of this worldview. However, de Gaulle simultaneously initiated one of the first international nonproliferation efforts by quietly unshackling and distancing the French program from a diplomatically troublesome secret involvement with anIsraeli junior partner, attempting to demilitarize and open to international oversight the Israeli nuclear arms program.[6]
France under de Gaulle sought to avoid a post-World War IIbipolar global political order dominated by the two superpowers of the United States and theSoviet Union, and sought to avoiddependence on the United States.[1] Kritzman writes: "Gaullist foreign policy was motivated by its need to distinguish itself from … the two great superpowers. Paradoxically, [de Gaulle] desired to be part of theWestern alliance and be critical of it at the same time on key issues such as defense."[3] Most notably, de Gaulle withdrew France fromNorth Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) military operations in 1966, and directed non-French NATO troops to leave France, although France remained a NATO member. Gaullists were also critical of the overseas economic influence of the U.S. and the role of theU.S. dollar in theinternational monetary system. Under de Gaulle, Franceestablished diplomatic relations with China earlier than most other Western nations; imposed anarms embargo against Israel (1967); and denouncedAmerican imperialism in theThird World.[1]
De Gaulle and the Gaullists did not support Europe as asupranational entity,[1][3] but did favourEuropean integration in the form of "a confederation ofsovereign states mutually engaged in "common policy, autonomous from the superpowers," and significantly influenced by France.[1] De Gaulle's hopes to advance this sort of union largely failed, however, "in the face of the desire of the other European powers to remain closely allied to the United States."[1]
De Gaulle's political legacy has been profound in France and has gradually influenced the entirety of thepolitical spectrum.[1][7] His successor as president,Georges Pompidou, consolidated Gaullism during his term from 1969 to 1974. Once-controversial Gaullist ideas have become accepted as part of the French political consensus and "are no longer the focus of political controversy." For instance, the strong presidency was maintained by all of de Gaulle's successors, including thesocialistFrançois Mitterrand (1981–1995). French independent nuclear capability and a foreign policy influenced by Gaullism–although expressed "in more flexible terms"–remains "the guiding force of French international relations."[1] During the2017 presidential election, de Gaulle's legacy was claimed by candidates ranging from the radical left to the radical right, includingJean-Luc Mélenchon,Benoît Hamon,Emmanuel Macron,François Fillon andMarine Le Pen.[7]
According to Berstein, "It is no exaggeration to say that Gaullism has molded post-war France. At the same time, considering that the essence of Gaullist ideas are now accepted by everyone, those who wish to be the legitimate heirs of de Gaulle (e.g.,Jacques Chirac of the RPR) now have an identity crisis. It is difficult for them to distinguish themselves from other political perspectives."[1] Not all Gaullist ideas have endured, however. Between the mid-1980s and the early 2000s, there have been several periods ofcohabitation (1986–1988, 1993–1995, 1997–2002), in which the president and prime minister have been from different parties, a marked shift from the "imperial presidency" of de Gaulle. De Gaulle's economic policy, based on the idea ofdirigisme (state stewardship of the economy), has also weakened. Although the major French banks, as well as insurance, telecommunications, steel, oil and pharmaceutical companies, were state-owned as recently as the mid-1980s, the French government has since thenprivatized many state assets.[8]
The term "traditional Gaullism" (Gaullisme traditionnel) has been used by scholars to describe the core values of Gaullism embodied by the actions and policies ofCharles de Gaulle, generally in distinction with other Gaullist currents such as "social Gaullism" and "neo-Gaullism".[9][10]
Resistant Gaullism (Gaullisme de Résistance) emphasizes the need for French political and military independence from potentially hostile powers, inspired by de Gaulle's role in the fight againstNazi Germany andVichy France during World War II. The term "first-generation Chiraquian Gaullism" (Gaullisme chiraquien de première génération) has been used to describe politicians loyal to thepopulist stance and the opposition toEuropean integration and thefree market as initially advocated byJacques Chirac in the late 1970s.[11][7] This position was embodied in particular byCharles Pasqua andPhilippe Séguin, who came to oppose Chirac's shift to neo-Gaullism during the 1990s.[12]
Social Gaullism, or "left-wing Gaullism", focuses on the social dimensions of Gaullism, and has often been linked by scholars tosocial democracy.[11][7] Opposed to theclass conflict analysis ofMarxism, which was perceived as a threat to national unity, de Gaulle advocated instead a "capital-labour association", that is the need for the direct participation of workers in their company's financial results and management, which he believed was a necessary condition for them to take an interest in its functioning and development.[13] This aspect of Gaullism has been promoted by theDemocratic Union of Labour between 1959 and 1967,[7] and by politicians likeRené Capitant,Jacques Chaban-Delmas,Jean Charbonnel,Léo Hamon,Philippe Dechartre [fr] orJean Mattéoli.[13] More recently, theCitizen and Republican Movement andJean-Pierre Chevènement took up the banner of left-Gaullism.
"Neo-Gaullism" has been used in the literature to describe a movement that emerged after the death of de Gaulle in 1970 and drew more influence fromeconomic liberalism. Many aspects of neo-Gaullism, such as support for theMaastricht Treaty (1992) and French rapprochement withNATO under Chirac's presidency, have been described as difficult to reconcile with the historical idea of Gaullism.[14][15][16] However, key components of Gaullism have remained, including the concept of a strong, independent state, the unity of the French people and references to de Gaulle's leadership.[7] Neo-Gaullists have also conserved in some aspects the idea that France has a role to play in containing the world's "hyperpowers", as seen in Chirac's refusal to follow the US in theIraq War in 2003.[17]
Pompidolian Gaullism (Gaullism pompidolien) highlights the need for France to adapt its economy in an increasingly competing world that may threaten social peace at home, in the legacy of French presidentGeorges Pompidou (1969–1974). "Second-generation Chiraquian Gaullism" (or "Chiraquian neo-Gaullism"), which emerged in the mid-1980s, has been influenced byneoliberalism and is more open to European integration, in the legacy of French presidentJacques Chirac (1995–2007).[5][11][7]
InFrance, the termGaullist Party is usually used to refer to the largest party professing to beGaullist. Gaullism claims to transcend theleft–right divide in a similar way topopulistrepublican parties elsewhere such asFianna Fáil inRepublic of Ireland, theJusticialist Party inArgentina, and theAfrican National Congress inSouth Africa.
In the past, some Gaullist voters saw themselves as leaning towards thepolitical left, a view ascribed to the once-leading GaullistAndré Malraux. Most ofCharles de Gaulle's own followers leaned towards thepolitical right,christian democratic ornational conservative. Consequently, left-leaning voters started showing less support again after Malraux's death in 1976, as figures of the Gaullist left (likeJacques Chaban-Delmas) were gradually marginalised. Under its various names and acronyms, the Gaullist Party has been the dominant organisation of the French right since the beginning of theFifth Republic (1958).
Author of theL'Appel of 18 June 1940, and founder and leader of theFree French Forces, GeneralCharles de Gaulle is the symbol of theFrench Resistance to theNazi occupation and theVichy government. Yet, based inLondon, then inAlgiers, he was forced to compromise with the domesticResistance movements dominated by various political forces (such as the Communists). In 1944, whileFrance was liberated, de Gaulle presided over theprovisional government composed ofCommunists, Socialists, and Christian Democrats. Because de Gaulle refused to create a great political party unifying the non-Communist Resistance, a lot of parties re-emerged. The Christian democraticPopular Republican Movement (MRP) seemed to be the closest to de Gaulle.
The provisional government implemented policies inspired by the programme of theNational Council of Resistance: nationalization of banks and some industrial companies (for exampleRenault), and the development of awelfare state. However, it was divided about the way forward for political institutions and the constitution for theFourth Republic. For de Gaulle, the "regime of the parties" that had characterized theThird Republic was a cause of the1940 military disaster. He advocated a strong executive power, governing in the national interest, led by a man who was an incarnation of national unity. Indeed, in his mind, France is strong when it is united and the parties, represented in Parliament, serve particular interests and thus express national divisions.
In November 1945, a large majority of the French votersaccepted the elaboration of a new Constitution. At the same time, theyelected a newNational Assembly. TheFrench Communist Party, the SocialistFrench Section of the Workers' International (SFIO) and the Christian democratic MRP were the largest forces represented in this Assembly. It re-elected de Gaulle as president of the provisional government but, disagreeing with restoration of the "regime of the parties", de Gaulle resigned in January 1946.
In May 1946, a first constitutional law was rejected byreferendum. One month later, a new Assembly waselected in order to write a new constitutional text. In hisBayeux Manifesto, de Gaulle outlined his institutional ideas but he was accused of wanting re-establish aBonapartist government. Furthermore, without the support of a political force, he could not influence the constitutional law being prepared.René Capitant founded a Gaullist Union for the Fourth Republic but it could not prevent the approval of the text prepared by the elected National Assembly, which restored the parliamentary system.
In 1947, he gathered the anti-Communist opposition in the Rally of the French People (Rassemblement du peuple français or RPF). He accused theFourth Republic of being dominated by the "parliamentary fiddles" and to organize the state helplessness. In keeping with its strongly nationalist stance, it accused theFrench Communist Party of being a vassal of theSoviet Union. Furthermore, it denounced what it called the "abandonment" of colonies by theThird Force cabinets, and it viewed French participation in theEuropean Economic Community to be a threat to the nation. In addition, the Gaullists recommended an association between capital and labour in order to end the "struggle of classes", which hampered national unity.
Six months after its founding, membership of the RPF reached one million. It took control of the executive of many cities, includingParis,Marseille andBordeaux. After the1951 legislative election, despite the change to the ballot system, the RPF formed the largest parliamentary group of the National Assembly but had a systematic opposition.[clarification needed]
In 1952, some RPF deputies voted in favour ofAntoine Pinay's cabinet then joined the majority, against the instructions of de Gaulle. They left the RPF parliamentary group. More and more divided, the RPF suffered a significant decrease in support in the 1953 local elections. On 6 May 1953, de Gaulle asked to the Gaullist deputies to abandon the name "RPF". One month later, 5 Gaullist deputies joinedJoseph Laniel's government. Indeed, they participated to right-wing majorities then, a part of the Gaullists asJacques Chaban-Delmas joined the centre-leftRepublican Front under the labelNational Centre of Social Republicans (Centre national des républicains sociaux or CNRS).
At the end of the 1950s, the Fourth Republic floundered in theAlgerian War. The13 May 1958 crisis led to turmoil, and a threat of military coup was brandished. Emissaries sent by de Gaulle such asJacques Soustelle participated in this bustle. TheNational Assembly accepted to call back de Gaulle to lead the cabinet. On 28 September, a new constitution was approved by referendum and theFifth Republic was born. The parliamentary system was not questioned, but the presidential function was enhanced.
In order that he should not be faced with an hostile National Assembly, dominated by the parties (as was the case in 1945–1946), de Gaulle let his followers organize a political party, theUnion for the New Republic (Union pour la nouvelle république or UNR). After theNovember 1958 legislative election, it became the largest force in the political system. It was allied with centre-left and centre-right parties to support de Gaulle, who was electedPresident of France by a congress of local and national elected officials in December 1958.Michel Debré was nominated as prime minister.
However, the change of Algerian policy divided the party. The chairman of the National AssemblyJacques Chaban-Delmas considered Algeria was a part of the presidential "reserved domain", as well as foreign and military affairs. Soustelle, leader of the pro-French Algeria faction in the party, left the cabinet in 1960, then was ejected from the UNR. He joinedGeorges Bidault at the head of theOrganisation armée secrète which perpetrated terrorist attacks. After this crisis, the UNR appeared as the party of de Gaulle's unconditional supporters, hence its reputation of "boot party". Debré theorized its function of strap of the government.[clarification needed] With de Gaulle refusing to be a party leader, Debré covertly took this position.
Meanwhile, the centre-left parties returned to the opposition in 1959, followed in 1962 by the centre-right parties, who criticized the eurosceptic declarations of de Gaulle and the "presidentialisation" of French politics. Indeed, de Gaulle instituted thedirect election of the presidency, defying all political parties (except the UNR). The French voters approved this byreferendum. De Gaulle had intended to replace Debré withGeorges Pompidou as prime minister but this was denied by a vote of no-confidence. De Gaulle dissolved the National Assembly. Associated with the left-wing Gaullists of the Democratic Union of Labour (Union démocratique du travail or UDT), and allied withValéry Giscard d'Estaing'sIndependent Republicans, the UNR won the1962 legislative election and Pompidou was confirmed to lead the cabinet.
Naturally, the UNR/UDT supported de Gaulle's candidature at the1965 presidential election. But he won only after a second ballot, which he considered as a disavowal. Relations became more difficult with the only non-Gaullist party in the presidential majority, the Independent Republicans, while the opposition was reconstructed.
While the Popular Republican Movement intensified its criticism, some Christian-Democrats, suchMaurice Schumann, joined the Gaullist Party, renamed Union of Democrats for the Fifth Republic (Union des démocrates pour la Cinquième République or UD-Ve). Prime Minister Pompidou led the party during the1967 legislative campaign. He encouraged the emergence of a new generation of Gaullist politicians who were loyal to him. The incumbent parliamentary majority only won a narrow victory.
One year later, Gaullist power was confronted with the social and student protests of theMay 1968 crisis. Although the newly renamed Union for the Defense of the Republic (Union pour la défense de la République or UDR) triumphed at theJune 1968 legislative election, disagreements had risen between de Gaulle and Pompidou. Pompidou reproached de Gaulle for leaving the country during the crisis without informing him. For de Gaulle, his aim of an alliance between capital and labour could prevent this sort of social crisis, but Pompidou wished to scrap it. Indeed, for de Gaulle's circle, Pompidou was more a classical conservative than a real Gaullist.
Pompidou left the leadership of the cabinet in order to prepare his future presidential campaign. In this, he declared his candidacy if de Gaulle were to resign. That was the case in 1969, after the failure ofthat year's referendum on Senate and regional reform, and he won the1969 presidential election despite the reluctance of some of the "barons of Gaullism".
His prime minister Jacques Chaban-Delmas announced a reform programme for a "New Society". It raised sceptical reactions from the conservative wing of the UDR, then from Pompidou himself. They reproached him for giving too many concessions to the left-wing opposition. In President Pompidou's circle, he was accused of wanting to weaken the presidential functions in favour of himself. The party became the Union of Democrats for the Republic (Union des démocrates pour la République) while this crisis broke out. Pompidou refused Chaban-Delmas a vote of confidence in the National Assembly and, when he held it anyway, Pompidou forced him to resign and nominatedPierre Messmer. The UDR, allied with the Independent Republicans andCentre, Democracy and Progress, won the1973 legislative election and succeeded in blocking the "Union of the Left" and itsCommon Programme.
When Pompidou died in office, on 2 April 1974, his two former prime ministers, Chaban-Delmas and Messmer, claimed the UDR candidacy for thepresidential election. Finally, the latter withdrew, but some influential personalities in the party, notably in the circle of the late president, doubted of the capacity of Chaban-Delmas to defeatFrançois Mitterrand, the representative of the "Union of the Left". Led by the young ministerJacques Chirac, a former adviser of Pompidou, they published theCall of the 43. They covertly supported Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, Minister of Economy and the Independent Republicans' leader. Giscard eliminated Chaban-Delmas in the first round, then narrowly defeated Mitterrand in the second. He was the first non-Gaullist President of the Fifth Republic.
Chirac became prime minister, and then leader of the UDR in December 1974, in spite of the negative opinions of many historical Gaullist personalities (Michel Debré, Jacques Chaban-Delmas, etc.). They accused him of having betrayed the party during the previous presidential campaign. Some months later, a conflict broke out between the executive leadership and Chirac left the cabinet in August 1976.
 | This section needs to beupdated. Please help update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information.(July 2024) |
In December 1976, the UDR was replaced by the Rally for the Republic (Rassemblement pour la République or RPR). This name was chosen due to its similarity with the RPF. Indeed, the New Gaullist Party was devised as a machine of reconquest behind one man,Jacques Chirac.
Without withdrawing from the presidential majority, the RPR criticized the executive duo of PresidentValéry Giscard d'Estaing and Prime MinisterRaymond Barre. In December 1978, six months before the1979 European Parliament election, theCall of Cochin denounced the "abasement of France" by "the foreign party", which sacrificed the national interests and the independence of the country in order to build a federal Europe. This accusation targeted clearly Giscard d'Estaing. The RPR contrasted the social doctrine of Gaullism to the president'smarket liberalism.
The RPR supported Chirac in the1981 presidential election but he was eliminated in the first round. He refused to give instructions for voting for the second round, even if he said "in a private capacity", he would vote for Giscard d'Estaing. In fact, the RPR was suspected of working for the defeat of the incumbent president.
While theSocialist Party leader François Mitterrand became president, the RPR gradually abandoned the Gaullist doctrine, adopting the European and liberal positions of theUnion for French Democracy (Union pour la démocratie française or UDF). The two parties competed for the leadership of the right-wing opposition, but they presented a common list at the 1984 European Parliament election and a platform to prepare for winning the1986 legislative election.
From 1986 to 1988, Chirac "cohabited" as prime minister with Mitterrand, but lost the1988 presidential election. After his defeat, his leadership was challenged by younger politicians who wished to renew the right. Furthermore, the abandonment of the Gaullist doctrine was criticized byCharles Pasqua andPhilippe Séguin. They tried to remove him from the RPR leadership in 1990, in vain. However, the division re-appeared with the1992 Maastricht referendum. Chirac voted "yes" whereas Séguin and Pasqua campaigned for "no".
The "Union for France", a RPR/UDF coalition, won the1993 legislative election. Chirac refused to re-cohabit with Mitterrand, and his confidenteEdouard Balladur became prime minister. Balladur promised he would not be a candidate in the1995 presidential election. Nevertheless, polls indicated Balladur was the favorite in the presidential race and furthermore, he was supported by the majority of right-wing politicians. He decided finally to be a candidate against Chirac. However, they claimed they remained "friends for 30 years".
The Socialists being weakened after the 14 years of Mitterrand's presidency, the main contest was on the right, between Balladur and Chirac, two Neo-Gaullists. Balladur proposed aneoliberal programme and took advantage of the "positive results" of his cabinet, whereas Chirac advocatedKeynesianism to reduce the "social fracture" and criticized the "dominant ideas", targeting Balladur. Chirac won the1995 presidential election.
In November 1995, his prime ministerAlain Juppé, "the best among us" according to Chirac, announced a plan ofwelfare state reforms which sparked wide social conflict. President Chirac dissolved the National Assembly and lost the1997 legislative election. He was forced to cohabit with a left-wing cabinet led byLionel Jospin until 2002.
Séguin succeeded Juppé as RPR leader. But, he criticized the ascendancy of President Jacques Chirac over the party. He resigned during the 1999 European election campaign, while Pasqua presented a dissident list to advocate theGaullist idea of a "Europe of nations". Pasqua founded theRally for France (Rassemblement pour la France or RPF) and obtained more votes than the RPR official list led byNicolas Sarkozy.Michèle Alliot-Marie was elected RPR leader, against the wishes of President Chirac who supported another candidate.
Before the2002 presidential election, RPR and non-RPR supporters of Chirac gathered in an association: the "Union on the move". It became the Union for the Presidential Majority (Union pour la majorité présidentielle or UMP) after the 21 April electoral shock. Chirac was re-elected and the new party won thelegislative election. It was renamedUnion for a Popular Movement a few months later, establishing the UMP as a permanent organization. Jacques Chirac finished his presidency in 2007 after 12 years in power, where in 2004 the new president of the party became Nicolas Sarkozy the main rival of Chirac.
The following is a list ofGaullist political parties and their successors:
| Life and career |
| ||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Governments and political parties | |||||||||||||
| Speeches and statements | |||||||||||||
| Gaullism | |||||||||||||
| Legacy and depictions | |||||||||||||
| Related |
| ||||||||||||
