 | This articlemay incorporate text from alarge language model. It may includehallucinated information,copyright violations, claims notverified in cited sources,original research, orfictitious references. Any such material should beremoved, and content with anunencyclopedic tone should be rewritten.(December 2025) (Learn how and when to remove this message) |
Gale W. McGee | |
|---|---|
 | |
| United States Senator fromWyoming | |
| In office January 3, 1959 – January 3, 1977 | |
| Preceded by | Frank A. Barrett |
| Succeeded by | Malcolm Wallop |
| 9thUnited States Ambassador to the Organization of American States | |
| In office March 30, 1977 – July 1, 1981 | |
| President | Jimmy Carter Ronald Reagan |
| Preceded by | William S. Mailliard |
| Succeeded by | J. William Middendorf |
| Personal details | |
| Born | Gale William McGee (1915-03-17)March 17, 1915 Lincoln, Nebraska, U.S. |
| Died | April 9, 1992(1992-04-09) (aged 77) Washington, D.C., U.S. |
| Resting place | Oak Hill Cemetery Washington, D.C., U.S. |
| Party | Democratic |
| Spouse | |
| Children | 4 |
| Education | State Teachers College (BA) University of Colorado (MA) University of Chicago (PhD) |
Gale William McGee (March 17, 1915 – April 9, 1992) was an American politician, diplomat and historian who served as aUnited States senator fromWyoming from 1959 to 1977 and as theU.S. ambassador to the Organization of American States (OAS) from 1977 to 1981.[1] To date, he remains the lastDemocrat to have represented Wyoming in the U.S. Senate.
Born on March 17, 1915, inLincoln, Nebraska, he was raised inNorfolk, Nebraska in a politically active Republican family. During his early education he identified as a Republican, but his views evolved through his college and graduate studies. By the late 1940s he had moved from Republican affiliation to political independence and ultimately aligned with theDemocratic Party.
McGee graduated from Norfolk High School in 1932. A graduation trip toWashington, D.C. and seeing U.S. SenatorGeorge Norris speak in the Senate chamber, inspired his interest in public service. Because of the economic conditions of theGreat Depression, he attendedWayne State Teachers College, graduating in 1936 with degrees in history, political science, and speech. He later earned a master’s degree from theUniversity of Colorado.
McGee pursued doctoral studies at theUniversity of Chicago, where he studied diplomatic and Latin American history under historianJ. Fred Rippy and political theoristHans Morgenthau. His academic work during this period marked a significant shift from earlier isolationist views to support for a more engaged U.S. foreign policy.
Prior to the United States’ entry intoWorld War II, McGee expressed skepticism about American involvement in the European conflict and sought conscientious objector status. After the attack onPearl Harbor, he withdrew his objection and attempted to enlist in theUnited States Navy, but he was ultimately denied induction because of a diagnosis of diabetes.
During the war, McGee taught in the Navy’sV-12 Navy College Training Program, instructing officer candidates at institutions includingUniversity of Notre Dame. His earlier opposition to U.S. engagement in the war drew mild controversy when it became known that he was teaching military cadets, though he was later reinstated and continued his academic career.[2]
Shortly after receiving his Ph.D., McGee accepted a position as a professor of American history at theUniversity of Wyoming. He became widely recognized for his expertise in American foreign policy and contributed analyses on U.S.-China relations and the post-World War II balance of power. He founded and served as chair of the university's Institute of International Affairs, which brought national dignitaries to the university every summer through a grant from the Carnegie Foundation. Each summer, 21 teachers from Wyoming high schools were selected to participate. Over the next 12 years, the Institute hosted prominent policy thinkers such asSidney Hook,Eleanor Roosevelt,Hans Morgenthau, andHenry Kissinger.[2]
In 1947,University of Wyoming trustees, influenced by concerns raised at a Michigan conference, initiated a "Red Scare" textbook review,[3] suspecting subversive content in school libraries. UW PresidentGeorge Duke Humphrey assembled a faculty panel. Professor McGee, lacking tenure, openly criticized the board's action as jeopardizingacademic freedom and faced attempts by a board member to dismiss him. Ultimately, University trustees, includingMilward Simpson, opposed McGee's firing, advocating forfree expression. The review found no un-American content, ending the controversy, though McGee endured social backlash and accusations of communism.[4][5][6]
In 1950, McGee had been urged to run for theUnited States House of Representatives from Wyoming but declined, following the advice of political mentors and observing the challenging electoral climate for Democrats.[7][8]
From 1952 to 1953, he held a fellowship at theCouncil on Foreign Relations, meeting policymakers includingJohn Foster Dulles andJ. Robert Oppenheimer, further expanding his understanding of Cold War strategy.[9][2]
In the mid-1950s, McGee joined the Washington staff ofJoseph C. O'Mahoney, then a U.S. Senator fromWyoming, serving as a legislative assistant. In this role, he gained exposure to senior policymakers, includingLyndon B. Johnson,John F. Kennedy, andMike Mansfield, contributing to investigations on antitrust and agricultural issues and deepening his experience in legislative processes.[10][11][12]
In 1958, McGee took a leave of absence from the university to run for the U.S. Senate, challenging the incumbentFrank A. Barrett. He campaigned on a platform of youth and new ideas. The race between McGee and Barrett drew national attention, with prominent leaders from both political parties involved. Senate Majority LeaderLyndon Johnson of Texas, SenatorJohn F. Kennedy of Massachusetts, SenatorWayne Morse of Oregon, Senator-electEdmund Muskie of Maine, CongressmanJoseph M. Montoya of New Mexico, and former PresidentHarry S. Truman came to the state to support McGee, whose campaign slogan was "McGee for Me!".[13] Lyndon Johnson pledged that, if Wyoming elected McGee, he would secure him a seat on the prestigious Appropriations Committee.[14][2]Eleanor Roosevelt even led a national fundraising drive for him.[15] Barrett also received support from prominent leaders, including then-Vice PresidentRichard Nixon.
McGee defeated Barrett by 1,913 votes out of 116,230 cast.[13] He won a majority in seven of Wyoming's 23 counties: the southern "Union Pacific" counties (Albany,Carbon,Laramie,Sweetwater,Uinta)Platte, just north ofCheyenne, andSheridan in the north. McGee earned the endorsement of the Wyoming AFL-CIO Committee on Political Education (COPE), and the labor vote played a significant role in his victory.[13]
During his tenure in theUnited States Senate, Gale McGee prioritized both national policy and the specific needs of his Wyoming constituents. While generally supportive of free trade, he drew the line on imports affecting Wyoming’s key industries, such as meat and oil, recognizing their economic and political significance locally. Early in his Senate career, he focused on water policy, livestock, and energy issues, believing that defending the daily concerns of ranchers, gas station owners, and small business operators created a foundation to pursue broader domestic and foreign policy goals.[16]
McGee was appointed to theUnited States Senate Committee on Appropriations following a promise fromLyndon B. Johnson after his first term. From 1971 to 1976, he chaired the Agriculture-Environmental and Consumer Protection Subcommittee, directing federal funds to Wyoming-based projects. Significant appropriations included $499 million (2024 dollars) forYellowtail Dam, $350 million forFlaming Gorge Dam and its National Recreation Area, $225 million for the Seedskadee Project, $50 million for the U.S. Post Office and Federal Building in Casper, and $48 million for Cheyenne’s federal building. McGee’s influence helped shape infrastructure development and environmental management in the state.[17][18]
A strong advocate for Wyoming’s oil, gas, and mineral industries, McGee worked closely with colleaguesTeno Roncalio andCliff Hansen to ensure that federal mineral royalties returned 50% to resource-rich states under theFederal Land Policy and Management Act.[19][20][21][22][23][24][25][26][27][28][29] McGee staunchly defended theoil depletion allowance, arguing it incentivized exploration in high-risk regions like Wyoming and safeguarded the industry's competitiveness.[30][31][32][33][29][34][28][35]
McGee actively supported Wyoming ranchers, voicing concerns over monopolistic practices by national grocery chains that suppressed cattle prices in the early 1960s. He advocated for FTC investigations into antitrust violations and promoted legislation to empower agricultural producers. McGee also championed the American wool and lamb industries, backing import quotas, tariffs, and theNational Wool Act. He even secured a commemorative U.S. stamp in 1970 marking 450 years of sheep in North America.[36][37][38][39][40][41][42]
McGee evaluated presidential Cabinet and judicial nominees primarily on merit and national interest. He supported most appointments but opposed nominees with concerning civil rights records, includingClement Haynsworth andG. Harrold Carswell. Notably, he led Senate opposition toLewis Strauss’s nomination as Secretary of Commerce in 1959, raising concerns over transparency and executive privilege; the nomination ultimately failed, one of only eight rejected Cabinet appointments in U.S. history.
In the 2023 filmOppenheimer, McGee was portrayed byHarry Groener.
In 1961, Senator McGee began calling for a mandated August recess for Congress.[43] It was not until 1969 that his idea gained enough support among his colleagues that they gave it a test run — the Senate recessed from August 13 to September 3.[44] Finally, on August 6, 1971, as mandated by theLegislative Reorganization Act of 1970, the Senate began its first official August recess.[45]
McGee played a key role in civil rights legislation, supporting the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and commemorating Wyoming-born ReverendJames Reeb’s murder during theSelma marches.[46][47][48][49][50][51][52][53][54][55]
A staunch labor advocate, he opposed right-to-work laws, brokered compromises during the 1963 railroad strike, and helped resolve the 1970 postal strike, securing reforms and pay raises for federal employees.McGee also helped resolve theemoluments clause issue duringWilliam B. Saxbe's appointment asAttorney General by facilitating the precedent-setting "Saxbe fix" to adjust salary conflicts for Cabinet appointments.[56][57][58][59][60][61][62][63][64][65][66][67] As Chairman of the Senate Post Office and Civil Service Committee, he oversaw initiatives including pension reform, federal employee rights, and the landmarkPostal Reorganization Act, which created the modern United States Postal Service.[68][13][69][70][71][72][73][74][75][76][77][78][79][80][81][82][83][84] Notably, the strike prompted Nixon to install theOval Office taping system for accurate record-keeping—ultimately a key factor in his downfall during Watergate.[85]
McGee championed conservation, balancing resource development with environmental protection. He supported theFort Laramie National Historic Site,[86][87][88][89][90] TheWilderness Act,[91][92] establishment of theFossil Butte National Monument,[93] establishment of theFlaming Gorge National Recreation Area,[94] theHighway Beautification Act, theNational Wildlife Refuge System Administration Act of 1966, the incorporation of South Absaroka Wilderness into theWashakie Wilderness,Shoshone National Forest, theEnvironmental Quality Improvement Act,[95] and theEndangered Species Act[96]He addressed conflicts over Yellowstone Lake boating,[97][98][99] advocated for humane and cooperative methods to manage Yellowstone's overpopulated elk herd,[100][101][102][103][104][105][106][107][108][109] and challenged clearcutting practices in the West's forests[110][111][112][113][114][115][116][117][67]
As Chairman ofAgriculture, Environmental and Consumer Protection Appropriations Subcommittee he strengthened protections for bald and golden eagles, responding to reports of predation on livestock.[118]
During Wyoming’s 1970s coal boom, McGee navigated population growth and infrastructure pressures, advocating for balanced policies in theSurface Mining Control and Reclamation Act.[119][120][121][122][123] He also opposed nuclear-based energy extraction projects like Project Wagon Wheel inSublette County, securing legislation to prohibit federal funding for nuclear oil and gas recovery.[124][125][126][127][128][129][130]
McGee opposed restrictive federal gun regulations, supporting amendments to theGun Control Act of 1968 to protect law-abiding sportsmen and small businesses.[131][132][133]
He promoted Native American self-determination, co-sponsoring the 1972Indian Self-Determination Act and establishing theSt. Stephens Indian School on the Wind River Reservation.[134]
In 1972, he proposed voter registration by mail to increase electoral participation, though the initiative stalled in the House.[135][136]
McGee played a pivotal role in the 1960 Democratic presidential campaign, chairing Wyoming’s delegation and securing its support forJohn F. Kennedy on the first ballot.[8][137][138]
Kennedy initially planned to bypass Wyoming in the general election due to its low electoral vote count, but McGee and Party Chairman Tracy McCraken convinced him otherwise. During a visit to Cheyenne on September 23, 1960, Kennedy acknowledged Wyoming's instrumental role in his nomination and demonstrated his understanding of the state's concerns, such as natural resource development. This visit reinforced Kennedy's connections with Wyoming leaders.[139][140][141] Despite their efforts, Kennedy lost Wyoming in the general election, with the state's three electoral votes going toRichard Nixon.[8]
He challenged right-wing extremism, including theJohn Birch Society,[142][143][144] and introduced theUniform Time Act to standardize daylight saving time and time zones nationally.[145] President Johnson signed the bill into law on April 13, 1966.[146]
McGee approached theWatergate scandal with caution, prioritizing institutional integrity over partisan response. As evidence of wrongdoing emerged, he shifted to a position emphasizing accountability, ultimately recognizing PresidentRichard Nixon’s resignation as unavoidable.[147][148][149][150][151][152][153][154] Nixon would resign on August 8, 1974.
McGee was a committed anti-communist whose views were shaped by theDomino Theory during the Cold War, which posited that the fall of one nation to communism could trigger the collapse of neighboring countries. His doctoral dissertation, The Founding Fathers and Entangling Alliances, argued for U.S. engagement in global affairs to maintain a balance of power.[155]
was a committed anti-communist whose views were shaped by theDomino Theory during the Cold War, which posited that the fall of one nation to communism could trigger the collapse of neighboring countries. His doctoral dissertation, The Founding Fathers and Entangling Alliances, argued for U.S. engagement in global affairs to maintain a balance of power.[156]
McGee served on theUnited States Senate Committee on Foreign Relations from 1967, was reappointed in 1969, and remained until his 1976 defeat. He chaired the Foreign Operations Appropriations Subcommittee (1969–1970) and the African Affairs Subcommittee (1969–1972). He also led the 1971 Anglo-American Conference on Africa inTeton Village, Wyoming.
McGee emphasized support for African self-determination and political stability.[157][158] He observed theCongo Crisis firsthand in 1960 and proposed solutions involving strengthenedUnited Nations forces, a legitimate government, and the return of Belgian technicians.[159][160][161][162] He supported a unifiedNigeria during its civil war and opposed Biafran independence, advocating national cohesion over tribal divisions.[163] In the 1970s, he worked to repeal theByrd Amendment, which violated UN sanctions onRhodesia by permitting U.S. imports of chromite, warning that short-term economic gains could damage relations with African nations.[134][164][165] In 1977, after McGee had been defeated for re-election, PresidentJimmy Carter signed into law a resolution to reestablish the embargo against the purchase of chrome from Rhodesia.[166]
McGee advocated sustained U.S. involvement inAsia to maintain influence and prevent domination byChina.[167][168][169][170][171][172][173][174][175] McGee visited China in 1973 as part of a Congressional delegation, meetingZhou Enlai and discussing U.S. involvement inCambodia and regional stability.[176][177][178]
In a one-on-one conversation, Zhou affirmed McGee's belief in thedomino theory, suggesting that U.S. intervention in Southeast Asia had prevented Chinese expansion, validating McGee's support of the Vietnam War.[179][180]
He also engaged withIndia (meetingJawaharlal Nehru andIndira Gandhi regarding aid and border disputes)[181][182] and opposed aggressive responses to North Korean incidents, including theUSS Pueblo capture (1968) and the EC-121 shootdown (1969), advocating diplomacy alongside intelligence operations.[183][184][185][186][187]
McGee consistently supportedUnited States involvement in the Vietnam War, emphasizing the necessity of preventing communist expansion in Southeast Asia. He advocated a strong military presence, supported gradual escalation, and opposed immediate withdrawal or negotiations without a position of strength. McGee viewed the war as part of the broaderCold War struggle and endorsed thedomino theory, fearing U.S. retreat could lead to neighboring countries falling under communist control. While he backed peace talks, he stressed that any negotiated settlement must ensure regional stability.
McGee first visitedVietnam in December 1959 withAlbert Gore Sr., touring northern jungles and theMekong Delta, meeting withNgo Dinh Diem, farmers, and refugees.
[188][189][190][191][192][193][194][195] In February 1960, he addressed the Senate, defending Diem's progress in resettlement and highlighting Vietnam's strategic importance.[196][197]
In 1962, he joined SenatorsFrank Church andTed Moss on a Southeast Asia fact-finding mission, visiting Vietnam and evaluating theStrategic Hamlet Program, noting both successes and human rights concerns. Their report emphasized Communist China's influence while expressing cautious optimism about South Vietnam’s counterinsurgency efforts.[198][199][200][201]
Following theGulf of Tonkin incident on August 2, 1964, McGee supported theGulf of Tonkin Resolution, authorizing PresidentLyndon B. Johnson to escalate U.S. military action.[202][203][204]
In 1965, he debatedGeorge McGovern and Church on the Senate floor and on CBS, defending U.S. involvement and warning of the dangers of communist expansion.[205][206][207][208][209][210][211][212][213][214][215][216][217][218][219][220][221][222][223][224][225][226][227][228] He supportedVietnamization, transferring military responsibility to South Vietnam while continuing U.S. aid. McGee also participated in campus teach-ins, engaging with students while encouraging civil discourse and criticizing excessive FBI monitoring of protests.[229][230][231][232][233]
In 1966, McGee strategically traded committee assignments to join theSenate Foreign Relations Committee and visited Vietnam withCyrus Vance, observing the intensity of the conflict and noting discontent among South Vietnamese allies. He advised Johnson to strengthen South Vietnamese forces and suggested increased U.S. combat involvement to shorten the war.[234][235][236][237][238]
His strong defense of the war often put him at odds with ChairmanJ. William Fulbright, particularly over criticisms of U.S. military power.[244][245][246][247][248][249][250][251][252][227][253]
McGee debated Vietnam withHans Morgenthau, his formerUniversity of Chicago professor, defending U.S. involvement and advocating containment, while Morgenthau opposed the war and criticized bombing campaigns.[254][227][255][256]
In 1968, McGee published The Responsibilities of World Power in response to Fulbright’s The Arrogance of Power, defending U.S. strategy and emphasizing the importance of credibility and regional stability.[257][258][259][260][261][262][263][264][265][266]
In January 1969, McGee returned to theSenate Foreign Relations Committee, vacated by anti-war candidateEugene McCarthy. McGee's reappointment reignited his political ambitions, and his first public statement expressed support for President Nixon'sVietnamization plan to gradually withdraw U.S. troops and shift responsibility to South Vietnam.[267][268] While continuing to back the Vietnam War, McGee also advocated for respecting the rights of anti-war protesters, urging schools to take student activists seriously. However, he condemned the growing anti-war movement, warning it could lead to isolationism and radicalism. During VietnamMoratorium Day in October 1969, McGee labeled the protests irresponsible.[269][270][271][272]
In May 1970, Senator McGee became increasingly isolated on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee as his Democratic colleagues turned against the Vietnam War.[273] He initially defended Nixon's decision to invade Cambodia, urging patience,[274][275][276][277] but theKent State shooting, where National Guard troops killed four students during an anti-war protest, sparked widespread protests in Wyoming. The Wyoming New Democratic Coalition and Young Democrats called for Nixon's impeachment. McGee tried to calm the unrest, encouraging students to focus on voter registration.[278] On the University of Wyoming campus, tensions over a "Kent State" flag led to a compromise, and a vote condemning the killings.[279]
In 1971, following theNew York Times' publication of thePentagon Papers, McGee expressed concern that the release could harm U.S. credibility, strain alliances, and fuel adversarial propaganda, while also constituting a security breach.[280] He acknowledged the study's historical value but cautioned against drawing conclusions based solely on its limited scope.[281] Emphasizing the importance of transparency, McGee also stressed the need for responsible handling of classified information and objective analysis.[282] He warned against emotional reactions influencing public opinion or policy decisions during crises, advocating for calm and reasoned evaluation.[283][284]
McGee opposed theWar Powers Resolution, arguing that the nation needed a modernization of decision-making processes rather than a solution based on outdated 1787 principles. He proposed forming a high-level panel to update foreign policy processes, with recommendations for Congress to adopt or reject, reflecting modern needs.[67]
In January 1973, the Vietnam War officially ended with the signing of a peace agreement in Paris, but fighting between North and South Vietnam continued, and U.S. bombing of Cambodia persisted until Congress intervened. By this time, McGee had quietly distanced himself from President Nixon, frustrated with the ongoing war, especially in Cambodia. In early January, McGee reluctantly spoke on the Senate floor against his party's position to end war funding, though he was aware of the war's deceptive origins, such as the Gulf of Tonkin incident. Despite his disillusionment, McGee defended Nixon's role in winding down the war, but by the end of the month, Nixon declared the war over. McGee's speech marked his final defense of the war, and afterward, he vowed never to defend it again.[285][286]
On April 14, 1975, McGee and members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee met withPresident Ford, Secretary of StateHenry Kissinger, Defense SecretaryJames Schlesinger regarding Vietnam in theCabinet Room in White House.[287] The meeting was called after President Ford requested $722 million in military aid to support South Vietnam against the North Vietnamese communists. This request came two years after the end of the U.S. combat mission in Vietnam. The committee members were concerned about the evacuation of American citizens and the possibility of a new war. They are also concerned about the amount of aid being requested by the President. The President assured the committee that his orders will be carried out and that he was committed to getting the Americans out safely. 2 weeks later, Saigon would fall.[288]
Throughout his career, McGee strongly supported the goals and activities of international organizations such as theUnited Nations,NATO, and theWorld Bank to protect and promote U.S. interests around the world. In 1973, McGee introduced a resolution to a convention to explore anAtlantic Union between the US and North Atlantic Community.[289]
He supported initiatives like theAntarctic Treaty,[290][291] theLimited Test Ban Treaty,[292][293][294] and theNuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty,[295][296] viewing them as crucial steps toward international stability.
McGee was a strong proponent of ratification of the Panama Canal Treaty. In 1974, McGee joinedSecretary of StateHenry Kissinger andEllsworth Bunker inPanama City for the US and Panama to sign an agreement to begin negotiations on thePanama Canal Treaty.[297][298] He would later introduce a SenateConcurrent Resolution endorsing the principles for the new treaty.[299] Throughout 1975–76, he was one of the most vocal supporters for the treaty, giving numerous speeches in the Senate, speeches to outside groups, as well as publishing Op-Eds, emphasizing the importance of considering the economic, military, and political aspects of the canal, while dismissing emotional arguments and outdated rhetoric.[300][301][302][303][304][305][306]
His public support would ultimately lead to his appointment as President Carter'sOAS Ambassador and point person to push for ratification in the Senate.
Throughout his career, McGee was a strong advocate for theUnited Nations, defending its role in diplomacy and support for U.S. interests. He countered criticism - often from his own constituents - of the UN as ineffective,[307] citing its success in various crises and emphasizing its importance for global peace and security.[308][309][310][311][312] McGee supported funding the UN[313] and negotiated a reduction in U.S. dues to ease the financial burden while advocating increased contributions to key programs like theUN Development Programme[314]
In 1967, PresidentLyndon Johnson offered McGee the position ofU.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, suggesting it might lead to a futureSecretary of State role. McGee ultimately declined, andAdlai Stevenson II was nominated.[315] Later, in 1972,President Nixon appointed McGee to a Congressional Delegation at theUN General Assembly, where McGee's main objective was to secure a reduction of the U.S. annual dues from 31 percent to 25 percent. Working with AmbassadorGeorge H. W. Bush, McGee successfully gained support for the reduction from 80 nations.[316][317]
McGee's interest in foreign affairs began during his studies at the University of Chicago, where he focused on Latin America underJ. Fred Rippy andHans Morgenthau. This foundation led to McGee's Ph.D. in international political affairs.[2] McGee had extensive experience in the region, having visited every country in the hemisphere multiple times.[2] During his tenure on theSenate Foreign Relations Committee, McGee served as Chairman of theWestern Hemisphere Affairs Subcommittee from 1973 to 1976.
TheAlliance for Progress, an initiative launched by PresidentJohn F. Kennedy in 1961 to promote economic cooperation and social reform in Latin America. It aimed to improve living standards, counter communism during theCold War, and foster economic growth and strengthen ties with Latin America. The program proposed significant financial aid and investments in education, healthcare, and infrastructure.
McGee played a key role in advocating for and overseeing the Alliance for Progress. In November 1961, McGee, along with SenatorsClair Engle,Ted Moss andStephen Young, undertook a trip to South America to report on developments in the region for President Kennedy. The trip was significant in light of Kennedy's focus on Latin America, which aimed to strengthen U.S. relations in the region. McGee valued the opportunity to engage with the local realities and emphasized Moss's work ethic as beneficial to their efforts.[318][319][320][321][322][323]
He emphasized the importance of this initiative and the urgency of implementing tangible reforms. While acknowledging the challenges and criticisms surrounding the program, McGee remained optimistic about its potential to bring positive change to the region.[324] He stressed the importance of continued U.S. support and collaboration with Latin American countries to achieve the goals of the Alliance for Progress.[325][326]
In 1973, McGee, as Chairman of theWestern Hemisphere Affairs Subcommittee, investigated the CIA's involvement in the1973 Chilean coup d'état which overthrewSalvador Allende.[327][328] Despite CIA denials, revelations of U.S. efforts to destabilize Chile emerged later, includingHenry Kissinger’s approval of funds to undermine Allende.[329] This led to skepticism about CIA actions and informed congressional reforms, including theHughes–Ryan Amendment, mandatingcovert operations oversight.
In March 1960, U.S. PresidentDwight D. Eisenhower approved aCIA plan to train Cuban exiles to overthrowFidel Castro’s government inCuba. The resultingBay of Pigs Invasion, under President Kennedy in April 1961, failed.[330]
Shortly after, McGee expressed concerns in the Senate about Soviet support for revolutionary movements in the Americas and remained wary of communism's spread in Cuba. He advocated for supporting reform movements and cautioned against provocative rhetoric towards Cuba.[331][332]
After a wave of airline hijackings by Cuban nationals in 1961, McGee advised distinguishing between minor incidents and serious threats to avoid an unnecessary conflict. He downplayed Castro's significance, referring to Castro as a "pipsqueak" urging against overreaction.[333][334][335][336]
In May 1962, McGee, in a televised discussion, expressed skepticism about the threat posed by missile sites in Cuba.[337][338]During a visit toGuantanamo Bay in September, he voiced confidence in the U.S. policy of "watchful waiting."[339][340][341]In October 1962, Vice PresidentLyndon Johnson, during a visit to Casper to helpJoe Hickey's re-election efforts,[342] privately warned McGee to temper his public statements, given the escalating situation just before theCuban Missile Crisis.[343]
In the 1970s, McGee shifted toward advocating for normalized U.S.-Cuba relations, challenging embargoes and sanctions as ineffective. He criticized the U.S. policy that required Cuba to sever ties with the Soviet Union as a precondition for better relations, considering it unrealistic. As a congressional leader, McGee held subcommittee hearings and proposed repealing outdated resolutions, pushing for a more diplomatic, flexible approach to engage with Cuba.[344][345][346][347][348][349][350][351]
In 1965, theDominican Civil War broke out between the government of PresidentDonald Reid Cabral and supporters of former PresidentJuan Bosch. Johnson dispatched over 20,000 Marines to the Dominican Republic. McGee believed that the U.S. intervention in the Dominican Republic was justified. He acknowledged the complexity of the situation and that there were good and bad people on both sides of the conflict. He emphasized that the intervention was necessary to save American lives and prevent a Communist takeover. He also highlighted the fact that U.S. forces evacuated more foreign nationals than Americans. He believed that the President's quick action was commendable and prevented a greater tragedy.[352][353][354]
McGee consistently expressed strong support forIsrael throughout his Senate career. He frequently spoke toIsrael Bonds events throughout the United States.[355] His views emphasized Israel's right to security and the U.S.'s obligation to assist Israel in the face of regional threats.
In 1959, McGee and Sen. Gore met with Israeli Prime MinisterBen Gurion on the issue of Palestinian refugees. Senator Gore expressed optimism about progress on the refugee issue based on his talks in the region. Ben Gurion was skeptical ofNasser's sincerity but agreed to consider a separate solution to the refugee question.[356]
In 1970, he endorsed the idea of providing Israel with military aid, especially during and after theWar of Attrition, to ensure its defense against neighboring countries, aligning with proposals from figures likeAverell Harriman.[357]
In 1971, McGee led a CODEL to the Middle East, where he and other Senators met with Prime MinisterGolda Meir regarding Egypt's peace proposals after theSix-Day War. Meir emphasized the need to distinguish between outward appearances and substance in Egypt's attitude while explaining Israel's position on the issue of withdrawal from occupied territories.[358]
McGee also condemned acts of violence against Israelis, such as the1972 Munich Olympics tragedy, which he labeled "moral depravity."[359]
McGee remained steadfast in advocating for military aid and diplomatic support, as seen in his 1973 speeches supporting increased foreign assistance for Israel, including additional funding for peacekeeping and military support. He expressed concern over extremism, particularly from groups like thePalestine Liberation Organization (PLO), and cautioned against policies that would compromise Israel's security. McGee also strongly criticized efforts at the U.N. to delegitimize Israel, notably opposing resolutions that condemnedZionism, seeing them as part of broader Arab efforts to undermine Israel's legitimacy.
In 1974, the Beth Jacob Teachers Training Institute in Jerusalem dedicated a wing in McGee's honor.[360][361]
In 1959, McGee proposed sending 12 million students abroad, advocating for cultural exchange over military presence.[362] During his 1960 presidential campaign, SenatorJohn F. Kennedy gave an impromptu speech at theUniversity of Michigan, urging students to serve their country by living and working in developing nations.[363] After assuming office, President Kennedy signedExecutive Order 10924, establishing the Peace Corps as a pilot program. He appointed his brother-in-law,Sargent Shriver, as its first director, tasking him with building the organization. McGee praised Shriver's appointment[364] and, alongside SenatorHubert Humphrey, became an original cosponsor of S. 2000, the legislation formally creating the Peace Corps, signed into law in September 1961[365] McGee's steadfast belief in the Peace Corps’ potential to foster global goodwill was evident in his numerous Senate speeches and remarks. He consistently defended the program against criticism, emphasizing its vital role in promoting American values and ideals abroad.[366][367][368]
By the time he arrived in the Senate, McGee was already well-versed in U.S. policy towards the Soviet Union. His fellowship at theCouncil on Foreign Relations (CFR) in the early 1950s solidified his expertise on Soviet Policy. He wrote a paper, "Prospect for a More Tolerable Co-existence with the Soviet Union," emphasized shifting Cold War focus from Europe to Southeast Asia.[369] He argued for recognizing Chinese independence from the Soviet Union, a unique perspective at the time. Stalin's death in 1953 prompted him to call for a reevaluation of U.S. policy towards the Soviet Union[370]
In 1956, because of the connections he made during his CFR fellowship, McGee led a group of teachers on a trip to theSoviet Union;[371] it was the first trip of its kind. It was a time when travel to the Soviet Union was not common, especially for non-diplomats. Notably, they gained access to aVolgograd Tractor Plant, an area off-limits to American officials, including SenatorHenry "Scoop" Jackson who happened to be visiting the USSR at the same time. Upon his return, McGee and his wife shared their experiences through lectures and articles, generating significant interest among the Wyoming public. Despite initial concerns that the trip might negatively impact his political career, McGee found that the public's interest in the Soviet Union, heightened by the launch of Sputnik, made his experience a valuable asset.[2]
While in the Senate, McGee consistently advocated for a nuanced understanding of the Soviet Union's motivations, emphasizing the importance of diplomacy and arms control while maintaining a strong national defense. McGee also expressed concerns about Soviet expansionism, particularly in theIndian Ocean, and supported a measured U.S. response to maintain regional balance.[372][373]
On February 19, 1959, just six weeks after taking office, McGee addressed the Senate. Introduced by SenatorJohn F. Kennedy, he acknowledged the extraordinary responsibilities of new members due to their important committee assignments. He expressed that, given the pressing issues facing the nation, particularly regarding the Soviet Union and fiscal challenges, it was crucial for them to voice their perspectives. McGee advocated for a "war budget" in light of Khrushchev's threats and emphasized the U.S. should mobilize capitalism to address social issues and prove its superiority over Communism.[374][375]
His speech was well received, marking McGee as a premier orator. Colleagues, includingEdmund Muskie andJohn Kennedy, praised his ability to speak without a manuscript, a skill he would frequently demonstrate throughout his career. McGee's oratory became legendary, with requests for copies of his speeches flooding his office, often resulting in replies noting his preference for speaking without notes. His talent earned him recognition, including a feature inEsquire Magazine, which referred to him as the Senate's most brilliant speaker, drawing parallels between McGee's dramatic style and that of historical figures likeHenry Clay.[376]
TheBerlin Crisis of 1961 was a Cold War standoff over Berlin's status, culminating in the erection of the Berlin Wall. Tensions rose in June 1961 when Soviet Premier Khrushchev demanded U.S., British, and French forces leave West Berlin. McGee believed that the Berlin Crisis is not just a conflict between the Soviet Union and the United States, but a global issue with the world watching. He stated that the U.S. policy regarding Berlin is fundamentally correct and strong but has not gone far enough. He believed that the U.S. has allowed the Russians to manipulate them into an unfavorable position and that they should put Russia's proposals to the test. He argued that by exposing the Russian position on Berlin, the U.S. can regain the initiative and inspire people around the world, particularly in Africa and Asia. He expressed regret that the U.S. did not take a more proactive role during the Hungarian revolt by proposing a special United Nations commission to be flown into Budapest. He believed that the U.S. has failed to effectively communicate its position to the rest of the world, which has resulted in a loss of standing globally.[377][378] McGee visited Berlin twice in 1961. During a September visit, he appeared on the television program "All of America Wants to Know" with SenatorEdmund Muskie, West Germany MayorWillie Brandt, SirWilliam Hayter (Deputy Under Secretary of State for Great Britain), andEugene Lyons (Reader's Digest Moscow correspondent). The program was filmed at theBrandenburg Gate.[379] In October, one week before the standoff atCheckpoint Charlie, McGee was part of a Congressional Delegation to meet with Mayor Brandt andAllen Lightner[380][381]
In March 1967,Ramparts Magazine revealed links between theCIA and theNational Student Association (NSA), raising concerns about CIA involvement in domestic issues. McGee defended the CIA's involvement in student groups. He argued that covert operations were necessary to compete with Soviet influence[382] and that American youth groups could be effective ambassadors for the country.
A July 10, 1975 memo from then White House Chief of StaffDonald Rumsfeld to PresidentGerald Ford listed McGee as one of many potential candidates to bedirector of Central Intelligence. Rumsfeld listed "pros and cons" of each candidate (includingGeorge Bush,Lee Iacocca, andByron White and others). The memo thought McGee was a strong defender of the intelligence community, respected within the foreign affairs community, and well-regarded for his independence. On November 4, 1975,William Colby was replaced as CIA Director byGeorge Bush in a major shakeup of President Ford's administration termed theHalloween Massacre.[383]
McGee re-election campaign received strong support from bothPresident Kennedy andPresident Johnson.[384] In September 1963, Kennedy visited Wyoming delivering a speech at the University of Wyoming that encouraged public service and addressed resource use, fiscal policy, and the space race. .[385][386][387][388] Days before Kennedy's assassination, McGee met with him to record campaign materials.[389][390]
In Wyoming's historically Republican landscape, the 1964 election was notable for Democrats nearly matching Republicans in funding and strategy. McGee, the only Democratic incumbent, was re-elected, and Democrats gained control of the state House and Wyoming's U.S. House seat. Republicans' narrow focus on defeating McGee weakened their broader campaign, while McGee discredited GOP policies, including support forright-to-work laws andBarry Goldwater.[391] Lyndon Johnson also won Wyoming in 1964, no Democratic Presential nominee has won the state since. Organized labor and Democratic county organizations played crucial roles, with media and minority group participation, including Native Americans, boosting Democratic margins in urban areas.[391]
In 1970, McGee's reelection was a top Republican target. GOP leaders recruited CongressmanJohn Wold, whom McGee had defeated in 1964.[392] Despite facing a Democratic primary challenger due to his support for the Vietnam War, McGee secured the nomination by over 24,000 votes.[392]
Highlighting his Senate seniority and roles on key committees, McGee defended his record of securing over $349 million in federal aid for Wyoming, countering accusations of "big spending."[392]
President Nixon privately advised Vice PresidentSpiro Agnew to avoid directly criticizing McGee, noting his bipartisan support, including during a major postal strike.[393][394] Agnew campaigned for Wold without naming McGee. TheDenver Post criticized Agnew's approach, noting McGee's 69% alignment with Nixon's policies in 1969, compared to Wold's 49%.[392]
McGee won reelection with 67,207 votes to Wold's 53,279, gaining ground in traditionally Republican areas, especially Natrona County, and maintaining strong support from organized labor.[392]
In his 1976 bid for a fourth term, McGee was defeated by Republican challengerMalcolm Wallop, who ran an expensive television advertising campaign attacking McGee for, among other positions, his opposition to stateright-to-work laws, and problems with theU.S. Postal Service, based on McGee's chairmanship of the U.S. Senate committee overseeing the Postal Service. The margin of defeat was almost ten percentage points.
PL 86-444 - (S. 2434) An Act to revise the boundaries and change the name of theFort Laramie National Monument April 29, 1960[86][87][395]
PL 86-448 - (S.J. Res. 150) a Joint resolution permitting the Secretary of the Interior to continue to deliver water to lands in the Third Division, Riverton Federal reclamation project. May 6, 1960[396][397]
PL 86-450 - (S. 1751) An Act to place certain lands on theWind River Indian Reservation in Wyoming in trust status. May 6, 1960[398]
PL 87-151 - (S. 1085) An Act to provide for the disposal of certain Federal property on the Minidoka project, Idaho; Shoshone project, Wyoming; and Yakima project, Washington. August 17, 1961[399][400]
PL 87-175 - (S. 702) An Act to exchange certain lands in Wyoming with the town of Afton. August 30, 1961[401][402]
PL 87-422 - (S. 875) An Act to authorize and direct the Secretary of Agriculture to convey to the State of Wyoming for agricultural purposes certain real property in Sweetwater County, WY. March 20, 1962[19][403]
PL 87-479 - (S.J. Res 151) An Act Authorizing continued delivery of water for the years 1962 and 1963 to land of the third division, Riverton Federal reclamation project, Wyoming June 8, 1962[404][405]
PL 87-516 - (S. 536) An Act to adjust certain irrigation charges against non-Indian-owned lands within the Wind River irrigation project, Wyoming[406][407]
PL 88-10 - (S. 982) An Act permitting the Secretary of the Interior to continue to deliver water to lands in the third division, Riverton Reclamation Project, Wyoming. April 18, 1963[408][409][410]
PL 88-291 - (S. 1299) An Act to defer certain operation and maintenance charges of the Eden Valley Irrigation and Drainage District March 26, 1964[411][412]
PL 88-354 - (S.J. Res 71) a Joint resolution to authorize and direct the conduct by the Federal Trade Commission of a comprehensive investigation of chainstore practices which may be in violation of the antitrust laws. July 2, 1964[413][414][415]
PL 88-494 - (S. 51) An Act to authorize the Secretary of Agriculture to relinquish to the State of Wyoming jurisdiction over those lands within theMedicine Bow National Forest known as thePole Mountain District. August 26, 1964[416][417]
PL 88-568 - (S. 770) An Act to provide for the construction, operation and maintenance of the Savery-Pot Hook, Bostwick Park, and Fruitland Mesa participating reclamation projects under theColorado River Storage Project Act. September 2, 1964[418][419][420]
PL 89-760 - (S. 84) An Act to provide for reimbursement to the State of Wyoming for improvements made on certain lands in Sweetwater County, Wyo., if and when such lands revert to the United States. November 5, 1966
PL 89-364 - (S.J. Res. 9) A Joint resolution to cancel any unpaid reimbursable construction costs of the Wind River Indian irrigation project, Wyoming, chargeable against certain non Indian lands. March 8, 1966
PL 89-763 - (S. 476) An Act to amend the act approved March 18, 1950, providing for the construction of airports in or in close proximity to national parks, national monuments, and national recreation areas, and for other purposes. November 5, 1966
PL 89-664 - (S. 491) An Act to provide for the establishment of theBighorn Canyon National Recreation Area, and for other purposes. October 15, 1966
PL XX-XXX - (S. 554/H.R. 441) An Act authorizing the Administrator of Veterans' Affairs to convey certain property to the city of Cheyenne, Wyo. November 8, 1965
PL 89-387 - (S. 1404)Uniform Time Act of 1966, An Act to make uniform dates for daylight savings time. April 13, 1966
PL 89-70 - (S. 3046/H.R. 13161)Elementary and Secondary Education Act Amendments, To strengthen and improve programs of assistance for our elementary and secondary schools. November 3, 1966
After his defeat byMalcolm Wallop, McGee was nominated by PresidentJimmy Carter asUnited States ambassador to the Organization of American States.McGee's expertise on Latin America and support for the Panama Canal Treaties made him a strategic choice for the role. After approval by the Senate, he was sworn in on March 30, 1977, at a ceremony in theRoosevelt Room in the White House by JudgeJohn Sirica. His former colleague from the U.S. Senate, Vice PresidentWalter Mondale, was in attendance as were former U.S. secretaries of StateHenry Kissinger andWilliam P. Rogers, formerUnited States Ambassador to South VietnamEllsworth Bunker, Under Secretary of StateWarren Christopher, National Security AdvisorZbigniew Brzezinski, and senatorsJohn Sparkman andWilliam Fulbright.
A central focus of McGee's tenure was the Panama Canal Treaty, which aimed to transfer control of the canal to Panama. McGee played an active role in advocating for the treaty's ratification, engaging in public debates and countering opposition from various groups. He emphasized the importance of cooperation with Panama for the canal's continued operation and security.
Another key issue during McGee's tenure was the U.S.'s financial contribution to the OAS. While there was pressure to reduce the U.S.'s share of the budget, McGee argued for maintaining a higher level of funding, citing its importance for U.S. influence and regional stability.
McGee also navigated the complex issue of human rights in Latin America, particularly given the prevalence of military rule in the region. He sought to encourage dialogue and progress on human rights while balancing the need for diplomatic relations with these countries.
McGee served until 1981, whenJ. William Middendorf, President Reagan's nominee, was sworn in as the new Ambassador.
In 1981, McGee formed Gale W. McGee Associates, a consulting firm specializing in international and public affairs activities. The firm offered a broad range of political and economic services to both domestic and international companies with a special emphasis on developing new business opportunities with the nations of Latin America and the Caribbean. He was also president of the consulting firm of Moss, McGee, Bradley, Kelly & Foley, which was created with former U.S. SenatorFrank Moss.[421] McGee later served as president of the American League for Exports and Security Assistance, Inc. in 1986. He was a senior consultant atHill & Knowlton, Inc. from 1987 to 1989.
In 1985, Gale McGee was appointed by Secretary of StateGeorge Shultz to the Indochina Refugee Panel to review US policy on Indochinese refugees.[422] The panel's investigation revealed a significant refugee crisis, with 1.6 million Indochinese refugees already settled in the US and another 180,000 living in camps.[423] The panel found that the primary cause of the refugee flows was the oppressive policies of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. The panel recommended a pathway to citizenship for refugees already in the US, expedited admission for Amerasian children fathered by US servicemen, and action to secure the release of former South Vietnamese officials imprisoned in re-education camps.[424] McGee worked with Senator Alan Simpson to include some of the panel's key recommendations in a major immigration reform bill.
The Papers of Gale McGee are housed at theUniversity of Wyoming'sAmerican Heritage Center. Collection includesdigital materials relating to McGee's career as a U.S. senator, his work at the University of Wyoming and the Organization of American States, and his post public service and personal life.[421]
McGee married Loraine Baker in 1939 and together they had four children. Senator McGee died on April 9, 1992, in Washington, D.C.[425] He is buried inOak Hill Cemetery in Washington, D.C.[426]
In January 2007, the Wyoming congressional delegation introduced federal legislation (H.R. 335, S. 219) to rename the U.S. Post Office inLaramie, Wyoming as the "Gale W. McGee Post Office." TheUnited States House of Representatives passed the legislation by voice vote on January 29, 2007. TheUnited States Senate passed the legislation byUnanimous consent on February 7, 2007. The President signed the bill into law on March 7, 2007.
In 2018, Potomac Books/Nebraska press published McGee's biography,The Man in the Arena: The Life and Times of U.S. Senator Gale McGee written by Rodger McDaniel. The book won Best Nonfiction Book of the Year from the Wyoming State Historical Society.
McGee was portrayed byHarry Groener in the 2023 filmOppenheimer.
| Party political offices | ||
|---|---|---|
| Preceded by | Democratic nominee forU.S. senator fromWyoming (Class 1) 1958,1964,1970,1976 | Succeeded by |
| U.S. Senate | ||
| Preceded by | U.S. senator (Class 1) from Wyoming 1959–1977 Served alongside:Joseph C. O'Mahoney,John J. Hickey,Milward L. Simpson,Clifford P. Hansen | Succeeded by |
| Diplomatic posts | ||
| Preceded by | Permanent Representative of the United States to the Organization of American States 1977–1981 | Succeeded by |
| Class 1 |  | |
|---|---|---|
| Class 2 | ||
| Post Office and Post Roads (1816–1947) | | |
|---|---|---|
| Civil Service and Retrenchment (1873–1921) | ||
| Civil Service (1921–1947) | ||
| Post Office and Civil Service (1947–1977) | ||
| International | |
|---|---|
| National | |
| People | |
| Other | |
