 Fuliru women farmers tending theirfields in theRuzizi Plain | |
| Total population | |
|---|---|
| 615,000[1] | |
| Languages | |
| Kifuliiru,Kiswahili,French, andEnglish | |
| Religion | |
| Christianity, Fuliiru Religion,Islam, andIrreligious | |
| Related ethnic groups | |
| Vira,Nyindu,Bashi |
| Person | Mufuliru |
|---|---|
| People | Bafuliru |
| Language | Kifuliru |
| Country | Bufuliru |
TheFuliru people (also spelledFuliiru) are aBantu ethnic group native to theSouth Kivu Province of the eastern region of theDemocratic Republic of the Congo.[2][3][4] They predominantly inhabit theUvira Territory, forming the largest ethnic group within theBafuliiru Chiefdom, located centrally and to the northwest.[5] They also form the primary constituency in the Ruzizi Plain Chiefdom, to the northeast, near theRwanda andBurundi borders, where some Fuliru communities reside.[5][6][4][7]
According to a 2009 census, their population was estimated at over 250,000,[2] while a 1999 estimate ofKifuliru-language speakers placed the number at 300,000.[4] The Fuliru speak theFuliru language, a branch of theBantu subgroup within theNiger-Congo family, closely related to Vira,Shi,Havu,Tembo, andNyindu.[8] Occupationally, Fuliru primarily work inagriculture andherding, with a notable reputation inpottery andbasket-weaving. Their handcrafted baskets are used for storage, decoration, and even as musical instruments.[9]
The Fuliru, like manyother communities in the eastern part of the DRC, face ongoing challenges related to access to basic needs such as clean water, healthcare, and education.[10][11][12] Parenthetically, they face issues related toland disputes,political marginalization, and human rights abuses. The Fuliru women and girls are particularly vulnerable tosexual andgender-based violence amplified by the region's persistent armed conflicts, which have resulted in the prevalence of a pervasive culture of impunity.[13][14][15]
According to HistorianJacques Depelchin, theVira and Fuliiru earned reputations as skilledironworkers, and theethnonymFuliiru likely derives from these abilities.[16] The verbku-fula means "to forge" or "to beat iron", and from this comes the nounFuliiru, meaning "blacksmiths" or "ironworkers".[16]
At the onset ofBelgian colonization, the establishment ofchieftaincies was the primary method ofgovernance. These chieftaincies were established with due respect to the customs and traditions of each area, particularly based on three principal criteria defined and established by the Belgian colonial administration as essential conditions for the establishment of any chieftaincy. This was done to prevent lawlessness and to avoid violating the ancestral realities that had existed for millennia. Belgian colonial administration's criteria for establishing chieftaincies varied based on the region and the ethnic group in question. The establishment of chieftaincies was often accompanied by the appointment of a localchief (chefs de groupement) or atraditional ruler who was then tasked with maintaining law and order in the area, as well as ensuring the well-being of the local population.[17][18][19][20] However, in multi-ethnic areas, the imposition of a single chief often created friction, as colonial authorities were forced to decide which ethnic group would hold authority. This sometimes led to tensions or even violent conflict. Moreover, colonial structures frequently reshaped identities; individuals could assume new ethnic affiliations depending on the chiefdom under which they resided. For instance, members of the Fuliiru community living within the Bavira Chiefdom might, over generations, come to identify as Vira. Similar dynamics unfolded in surrounding chiefdoms such as Burhinyi, Luwindja,Luindi, andKaziba.[17][18][19][20] Eachethnic group, however small, was assigned achiefdom or asector, if not, agrouping (groupement). The administrativeterritories were thus constituted within the limits of the chiefdom. The aim was to regroup "ethnic units" in their own geographical entities. This approach by the Belgian colonial administration was based on the principle ofindirect rule, which aimed to maintain control over the local population through traditional rulers. This system was viewed as a means of preserving the existing social and political structures of the colonized societies while ensuring their loyalty to the colonial authorities.[17][18][19][20]
TheBembe and Buyu were both grouped in theFizi Territory, which was further subdivided into five sectors, includingItombwe,Lulenge,Mutambala, Ndandja, andTanganyika. Conversely, theBafuliru Chiefdom bordersRwanda andBurundi through theRuzizi Plain in theUvira Territory. The sandy soil of the plain is suitable for growing crops such asgroundnuts andcotton, withLuvungi,Lubarika, andLuberizi being particularly noteworthy areas for suchcultivation.The Fuliru collectivity is situated in two distinct types ofplateaus: theMiddle Plateau and theHigh Plateau. The Middle Plateau spans betweenLuvungi andMulenge, with the altitude gradually increasing from 100 m to 1800 meters. This plateau comprises severalgroupements and villages, including Namutiri, Ndolera, Bulaga, Langala, Bushokw, Bushuju, Butole,Lemera, Bwesho, Katala, Mulenge, and others. It is also a favorable environment for growingcassava,coffee,banana,beans andmaize. The High Plateau, on the other hand, form a watershed between the tributaries of theUlindi and theElila rivers, as well as the torrents that flow into theRuzizi River andLake Tanganyika. The High Plateaus are characterized by a rugged landscape with steep slopes and elevations ranging from 1800 to 2700 meters. The main villages located on the High Plateaus include Kagongo, Kishusha, Mulobela, and Kashekezi. These villages are known for their cool climate and are suitable for the cultivation ofcrops such asIrish potatoes andbeans. This plateau is mostly used forgrazing cattle and is less populated compared to the Middle Plateau.[21][22]
Bafuliiru Chiefdom is an officially recognizedDecentralized Territorial Entity (Entité Territoriale Décentralisée, ETD) under theDRC's Constitution, adopted on 18 February 2006. The chiefdom operates under a dual system of governance that integratestraditional authority with decentralized administrative structures.[23] At the head of the chiefdom is theMwami (customarychief), who holds customary and statutory powers. TheMwami is appointed according to local traditions and is supported by three ChiefAldermen (Notables), who assist in administrative responsibilities. Administratively, the chiefdom is divided into fivegroupements:Runingu,Itara-Luvungi,Lemera, Muhungu, and Kigoma. Eachgroupement is governed by achef de groupement, appointed by theMwami, and further subdivided intolocalités (villages), each headed by achef de localité orchef de village, who serves as the local representative of thegroupement chief.[24][25][26]
TheMuhungugroupement consists of the following villages:
TheKigomagroupement consists of the following villages:
TheRuningugroupement consists of the following villages:
TheItara-Luvungigroupement consists of the following villages:
TheLemeragroupement consists of the following villages:
Traditionally, Bafuliiru governance was centered around theBwami system, a traditional institution that positioned theMwami as the political and spiritual leader. Although his authority was regarded as nearly absolute, theMwami relied on an organizedroyal court made up of various dignitaries and functionaries with specific roles.[24][25][26] The Mugoli, or Nakima, was theMwami's wife at the time of hiscoronation and held a ceremonial position. The Banjonga served as guardians of Bafuliiru customs and were responsible for crucial ceremonial duties such as overseeing the enthronement of theMwami, announcing his death, and conducting his burial.[24][25][26] They also held the responsibility of determining the nextMwami, with the most senior among them referred to as the Kabaka. The Bagigi served as theMwami's inner circle of advisers, selected for their wisdom, loyalty, and discretion. The Balalizi had a military function, ensuring the safety of theMwami and controlling access to the royal court, especially when receiving foreign guests.[24][25][26] The Baganda, known for their obedience and reliability, were charged with carrying out theMwami's directives and were often sent on important missions. Legal matters were handled by the Batwi b'emaja, who acted as customary judges within the chiefdom.[24][25][26]
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To be consideredMufuliru one must be born into one of the thirty-seven progenitor families (clans) of the ethnic group. The Fuliru people are made up of about 37 clans:[27]
The Fuliru have a unique history as one of the only highland Bantu groups to have formed a single, relatively small state that was highly centralized.[31][6] The precise origins of Bafuliiru remain a subject of scholarly debate as they do not possess fixed canonical texts recounting their origins. While myths of origin exist, they have not been transmitted in a standardized literary form.[32] Unlike other genres oforal tradition such asfumu/shumu ormigani, origin stories did not inspire the same degree of creative elaboration. Nevertheless, they remain a frequent focus of researchers, who regard them as logical entry points into Fuliiru history.[32] Accounts of origins were often vague or inconsistent. When researchers discovered that oral traditions prioritized other categories of recollection, systematic efforts to collect origin myths diminished.[32] Yet these stories, when analyzed through interpretive frameworks such as those proposed byClaude Lévi-Strauss, provide insights into the development of social institutions, relations of production, and processes of historical change.[32] According to Congolese researcher Shimbi Kamba Katchelewa of theUniversity of Montreal, as cited in Charles Katembo Kakozi's 2005 studyFacteurs socio-politiques explicatifs des conflits dans la région des Grands Lacs Africains: Étude du cas d'Uvira en RDC à partir d'informateurs vivant à l'étranger, early Bafuliiru occupants originating fromLwindi, presently theLwindi Chiefdom, established themselves in key locations such asMulenge,Luvungi, andLemera between the 10th and 14th centuries.[33] These settlements laid the groundwork for the formation of the "Hamba Kingdom", led by the Bahamba clan.[34]
Oral tradition situates the cradle of Bafuliiru migration in the central basin of the Lwalaba River, specifically at the mouth of theUlindi River. This point of origin is believed to mark the initial stage of their dispersal into the highlands.[35] Belgian colonial administrator René Loons identifiedMwami Kahamba Kalingishi as the founder of the modernBafuliiru Chiefdom, suggesting that he arrived in the region during the 16th century.[36] However, other scholars, including historians Kingwengwe Mupe and Bosco Muchukiwa Rukakiza, date the Bafuliiru migration from Lwindi to the 17th century.[37][38][35] Belgian colonial administratorAlfred Moeller de Laddersous, who conducted extensive studies of theBantu communities in the easternBelgian Congo, was among the first to document the Bafuliiru's presence in theRuzizi Plain from the 17th century onwards.[39] However, historianJacques Depelchin challenged Moeller's concept of "migration", suggesting that the term "expansion" might better describe the Bafuliiru's movement, as their contact with theoriginal homeland persisted well into the 19th century.[40] Depelchin also pointed out that the valley in which the Bafuliiru settled was intermittently used for hunting, and that the region's climate was less favorable for settlement compared to the mountainous areas that the Bafuliiru andVira preferred.[40]
The Bahamba clan, according to Moeller, migrated from the direction of Lwindi under the leadership of Chief Kikanwe, ultimately settling in what is now their present-day territory, which was uninhabited at the time.[39] Moeller identifies the Bahamba as some of the earliest settlers in the region, settling in an area referred to as "Bufulero". Over time, the Bahamba changed their eponym fromBahamba (orWahamba) toBafuliru as a marker of their evolving identity.[39] Depelchin traces the clan's origins to Mwami Kahamba Kalingishi, who is believed to have ruled from 1760 until his death in 1790, after which Chief Kikanwe took over, ruling from 1790 to 1820.[41]
Alternative accounts suggest that the Fuliru and Vira migrated from the northeast, crossing Lwindi and settling in the region.[42][43] According to the scholar Cuypers, this migration could have included a prolonged detour throughManiema rather than a direct movement.[44] Led by an ancestral figure named Nalwindi, the group split into two: the Bafuliru, under Kahamba Kalingishi, settled around the highlands ofLemera, while the Vira, led by Kirungu, established themselves on Munanira's peak, eventually spreading to the valley lowlands and the present-dayUvira Territory.[42][43] Depelchin also observes that both "Buvira" (today's Bavira Chiefdom) and "Bufuliro" (Bafuliru Chiefdom) had multiplebami.[45] He firmly states that this part of the country (encompassing Bavira and Bafuliru chiefdoms) has never had one paramount chief, as the Bafuliru retained their own independent paramount chief.[45] By 1907, colonial surveys delineated the Bafuliru's ethnic boundaries, which stretched alongLake Tanganyika and theRuzizi Plain from Moira to the Luvivi River, encompassing territories that sometimes overlapped with Bavira lands.[42]
Bosco Muchukiwa Rukakiza points out that Chief Luhama, a central figure in Bahamba dynasty, consolidated power by dividing his domain among his three sons to foster stability and manage local demands for autonomy.[46] Luhama's strategic division granted his eldest son, Nyamugira, to control the land from Moira to the Munyovwe River; his second son, Mutahonga, received areas from the Munyovwe to the Kise River and the eastern slopes of the Ruzizi Valley; and his third son, Lusagara, managed the mountainous regions.[42] Such an arrangement that maintained centralized control through family ties and ensured the transfer of power from father to eldest son. Eventually, some members of the Bafuliru's Balunga clan joined the Bavira, forming a distinct group that did not adopt the Bafuliru's original leadership structures, while other prominent clans, such as the Bazige (also known as Bazeke or Bahungu), who received land from Chief Muluta through their leader Ngabwe, were either assimilated into or overcame the Bafuliru Chiefdom.[42] Oral history suggests the Bazige had an autonomous chiefdom in the present-day Muhungugroupement, which they governed under Kalunga, son of Mukobesi, before being conquered and subjugated by Mahina Mukogabwe (also known as Nyamugira Mukogabwe II), a Fuliru chieftain whose reign spanned the period between 1914 and 1927.[42] This union merged two distinct groups, with Kalunga's lineage recognized to preserve communal bond, mutual trust, and integration within the Bafuliru, as the Bazige gradually adopted theKifuliiru language, reinforced byintermarriage and economic exchanges, and ultimately accepted Mukogabwe as theirMwami.[42]
The formal establishment of the Bafuliru Chiefdom came on 18 August 1928, when it was recognized by the colonial authorities.[47][48][49] Kingwengwe Mupe notes that Chief Matakambo, identified as the son of Mahina Mukogabwe, grandson of Nyamugira I, received his official appointment on 19 March 1933.[37] Later, on 4 March 1940, Nyamugira, another of Mahina's descendants, was also made chief.[37] There is some inconsistency in historical accounts, while some sources uphold the claim that the Bahamba clan played an instrumental role in founding the chiefdom, other narratives indicate that they supplanted the Balemera clan to establish their hegemony and royal lineage in the Bafuliru Chiefdom.[37][50] Kingwengwe Mupe argues that the Bahamba clan drove out (and possibly dethroned) the Balemera clan to occupy Uvira Territory. According to Mupe's account, the Balemera clan can be traced back as the indigenous people who first inhabited the region. It is believed that the Bafuliru Chiefdom, which had its stronghold in Lemera, was the very heartland of their ancestral domain.[50][37]
Driven by internal strife and dynastic rivalries,Barundi left theKingdom of Burundi in the 19th century and migrated westward. Their journey brought them to theRuzizi Plain.[51] After crossing into the plain, they encountered land claimed by the Fuliiru, who demanded annual tribute in exchange for settlement rights. Oral traditions recount multiple waves of migration. Around 1800, a leader named "Ndorogwe" spearheaded the first exodus in search ofpasture lands.[51] While some migrants established themselves near the river, Ndorogwe and his followers continued further south alongLake Tanganyika, reaching Kaboge. After his death, his descendants, most notably Rugendeza and later Kinyoni, continued to recross theRuzizi River, often motivated by the search for better pasture but also by political rivalries with Burundian rulers such asMwamiNtare II Rutaganzwa.[51]
The Barundi established themselves in Bafuliiru territory under a tribute-based arrangement, offeringcattle,salt, and variousgoods to both Fuliiru chiefs and Burundian monarchs.[51] These tribute obligations frequently sparked tensions, occasionally escalating into violence. Some sources claim that Rugendeza'spoisoning may have stemmed from a dispute withMwami Ntare II Rutaganzwa over unpaid tribute.[51] After Rugendeza's death, leadership fell to his sons Lushimba and Kinyoni. Oral traditions indicate that deaths were often viewed through a lens ofwitchcraft. Kinyoni, after relinquishing land on the Ruzizi's left bank, aimed to strengthen his lineage's presence in the Bafuliiru valley.[51]
The arrival of European colonial powers in the late nineteenth century intensified the dynamics between Barundi and Fuliiru. Colonial officers, seeking labor and order, often favored the Barundi, who were more accessible in the valleys compared to the Fuliiru who remained in the highlands.[51] This preferential treatment strengthened the Barundi's demographic and political expansion. Colonial records describe Barundi as "readily available for labor and easily taxable", while the Fuliiru were often portrayed unfavorably as rebellious, hot-tempered, and resistant to taxation.[51] This bias facilitated Barundi consolidation in the Ruzizi Plain. At times, colonial administrators resorted to military "occupations" of Bufuliiru to suppress resistance, while simultaneously recognizing Barundi lineages, such as that of Kinyoni, as legitimate chieftainships.[51] Despite frequent tensions, there was no continuous warfare between the Barundi and Bafuliiru. Oral testimonies suggest that before colonial intervention, while disputes over land, tribute, and cattle were common, inter-ethnic relations rarely devolved into full-blown ethnic conflict.[51] The two groups coexisted through trade,intermarriage, and competition over scarce resources. Intermarriage became more widespread, gradually blending the identities of the two groups. A notable example is the Bazige clan, which, despite its Burundian roots, became so integrated into Fuliiru society that many Fuliiru lineages eventually merged with it.[51]
Nevertheless, conflicts remained a recurring theme, particularly in the early 20th century.Cattle-raiding expeditions, led by Fuliiru chiefs such asMwami Nyamugira Mukogabwe II, triggered retaliatory clashes with Barundi groups. Disputes over tribute, land occupation, and the abusive practices of certain chiefs also compelled many Fuliiru to migrate toward Barundi-controlled areas.[51] Notable conflicts included clashes between Barundi and Fuliiru chiefs in 1913 and 1921, as well as intra-Fuliiru clashes between chiefs such as Kabwika and Matakambo. These were not always strictly "ethnic wars" but often intra- and inter-clan disputes in which allegiance shifted according to material interests such as land, cattle, and trade opportunities.[51] By the 1920s and 1930s, the colonial economy began transforming the Ruzizi Plain. The imposition of forced cotton cultivation and the introduction of acash economy diminished traditional wealth forms like copperbracelets,beads, andhoes, pushing Barundi and Fuliiru to adapt.[51] Many Fuliiru began descending from theMitumba slopes into the valley in search of opportunities, often clashing with already-established Barundi communities.[51] Colonial officials had mixed views on this migration: while they criticized the Fuliiru's isolation in the mountains, they also feared the impact of their mass movement into the valley, which could destabilize the existing tribute system and undermine Barundi dominance.[51]
The relationship between the Barundi and the Fuliiru evolved in a distinct way compared to theBanyarwanda-Fuliiru dynamic. In Burundi, the traditionalTutsi-Hutu dichotomy had been weakening by the nineteenth century, as many Hutu gained wealth through cattle ownership.[51] Consequently, Barundi migrants couldn't establish a rigid hierarchical system like the one in Rwanda. Instead, their interactions with the Fuliiru were more flexible, based onmutual exchange and intermarriage.[51] Colonial accounts suggested that it became increasingly difficult to distinguish between the two groups, as their customs, political structures, and even clan systems began to merge.[51]
In the years followingCongolese independence, tensions between the Fuliiru and Barundi communities flared up again. From 1961 to 1962, violent confrontations took place, remembered as one of the most intense conflicts between the two groups. While the precise causes remain contested, many testimonies suggest that long-standing frustrations played a major role.[51] The Fuliiru felt dispossessed of land and economically marginalized, especially during a period of economic recession. Unlike previous disputes, this conflict did not result in widespread loss of life but primarily involved livestock raids.[51] Fuliiru groups from the mountains targeted Barundi herds in the Ruzizi Plain, while Barundi, who settled in the valley, largely refrained from direct retaliation. This suggests that the violence was less about a "tribal war" and more about the social and economic inequalities between mountain-dwelling Fuliiru and valley-dwelling Barundi.[51] The colonial legacy also weighed heavily on the conflict, with Fuliiru oral traditions often recalling that colonial administrators had recognized Barundi Chiefdom within Fuliiru-controlled territory.[51] As independence dawned, demands resurfaced to reverse these arrangements. Many Fuliiru argued that, just as Europeans had returned to their homelands, the Barundi should return to Burundi, crossing back over the Ruzizi River.[51]
The outbreak of the 1964Kwilu rebellion overshadowed the earlier conflict. In Uvira, widespread discontent with independence and alienation from the central government created fertile ground for rebellion. Politicians sympathetic toPatrice Lumumba's legacy incited opposition, and violence quickly spread.[51] The rebellion indiscriminately targeted government officials and individuals associated with state authority. Ownership oflivestock, especially cattle, marked individuals for attack, leading to widespread killings.[51] Both Barundi and Fuliiru, regardless of ethnic background, were forced into flight. A massive exodus across the Ruzizi River ensued, with members of both groups fleeing together toward Burundi.[51] In the aftermath of the rebellion, there was no entrenched bitterness. Instead, efforts at reconciliation emerged. Oral testimonies collected in later decades emphasize a culture of forgiveness and pragmatic coexistence.[51] Villages once divided by the violence of 1964 came to host both groups again. Those who could not be reconciled or felt socially stigmatized often resettled elsewhere or stayed in Burundi.[51] Unlike the memory of the Rwandan Tutsi, who long remembered the role of Fuliiru in the rebellion, the Barundi did not hold lasting resentment toward the Fuliiru. Instead, both groups rebuilt their relations, often through continued intermarriage, trade, and shared agricultural practices.[51]
The conflicts between the Fuliiru and Barundi have often been misunderstood by outsiders, particularly European colonial officials and later scholars. Colonial narratives tended to simplify African conflicts as "tribal wars", overlooking the complexities of tribute systems,land rights, colonial favoritism, and shifting economic conditions.[51] In reality, intra-ethnic conflicts, within the Fuliiru, or within the Barundi themselves, were historically more common than inter-ethnic wars. Testimonies reveal that clashes between chiefs, sub-chiefs, and their followers, often over cattle or land, were far more prevalent than ethnic rivalries. The 1961–1962 and 1964 conflicts, although severe, cannot be understood solely through the lens oftribalism.[51]
During the period ofEuropean penetration, theBanyarwanda, now commonly referred to as "Banyamulenge", emerged as a significant group in the region.[52] The term "Banyarwanda" includesHutus,Tutsis, andTwa people from Rwanda, who share the samecommon language andcultural heritage. In traditional Rwandan society, a feudal system existed in which Hutus were expected to leave their land available for Tutsis to graze their cows. This arrangement was enforced through a system ofclientelism, where Tutsis loaned their cows to Hutus, who in turn were required to lend their land. Wealth was measured by the number of cows one possessed, and the richest Tutsis had the largest herds. At the top of this social hierarchy was the king, known as the "Mwami", who was believed to possess divine powers and symbolized national unity. The king surrounded himself with Tutsi warlords and Hutu advisers who oversaw the distribution of land. Over time, the Tutsis established a system of serfdom that further marginalized the Hutu. TheBelgian colonial administration formalized and solidified thissocial system, ultimately leading to its being perceived as an ethnic divide between Hutus and Tutsis.[53][54]
During the reign ofmwamiKigeli IV Rwabugiri, theKingdom of Rwanda pursued an aggressive territorial expansion strategy. Rwabugiri'smilitary campaigns, aimed at consolidating control over neighboring regions, placed considerable strain on the kingdom's resources. To support these efforts, Rwabugiri resorted to seizing large herds of cattle.[55] In response, Tutsi populations in the Kinyaga Province fled in an attempt to protect their livestock.[55] These Tutsi populations eventually crossed theRuzizi River and first settled in the area of Kakamba, located within the currentItara/Luvungigroupement of the Bafuliiru Chiefdom.[56] However, the climate in this region, which was far less conducive to their highland lifestyle and the well-being of their cattle, proved unbearable. Surrounded by mountain ranges and longing for the familiar conditions of their former homeland, the Tutsi gradually migrated toward the slopes, eventually settling inMulenge.[56] These Tutsi herders were grantedgrazing land in exchange for an animal tribute to themwami of the Fuliru. For many years, Mulenge became a quasi-capital for the Banyarwanda, and the term "Banya-Mulenge" came to refer to those who remained in the area.[57] Economic ties included the exchange of staples such ascassava andmaize for products likebanana beer, milk, or livestock. These transactions often carried asocial dimension, as the exchange of gifts was interpreted as an expression of friendship.[58] Attempts by the Tutsi to replicate Rwandan socio-economic institutions such asubuhake met with limited success. Unlike in Rwanda, where Tutsi elites could exploit Hutu cultivators, Fuliru farmers retained ownership of their land and control of theirsurplus production.[58] They could choose to sell their crops locally or trade with Banyamulenge in pursuit of cattle, which were highly valued as a means of securing marriage alliances and enhancingsocial status.[58] By the early 1970s, however, the balance of exchange became increasingly unfavorable for the Fuliru. Whereas thirty baskets of cassava had previously sufficed to obtain a cow, by 1972 the price had risen to fifty-two baskets.[58] This inflation mirrored the destruction of Banyamulenge herds during the 1964 rebellion and wider economic pressures.[58] Fuliru farmers, facing growing scarcity ofarable land, found it increasingly difficult to expand cultivation and meet the higher costs of cattle acquisition. Cattle nevertheless remained central to the cultural and economic life of both groups.[58]
For the Banyamulenge, livestock represented wealth, power, and prestige, while their expertise inanimal husbandry made them the region's quasi-veterinarians. Many Fuliru entrusted their herds to Tutsi herders, who by custom received milk and occasionally calves from the animals placed under their care.[58] For the Fuliru, cattle were valued primarily as commodities that could provide an escape fromsubsistence agriculture and a pathway toupward mobility.[58] The destruction of herds during the 1964 rebellion compelled some Tutsi to adopt roles as agricultural laborers for wealthier Fuliru households. Meanwhile, the gradual penetration of capitalist modes of production elevated the importance of cash as a measure of wealth.[58] By this time, cattle ownership, once the ultimate symbol of status, increasingly functioned as a means to acquire cash.[58]
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Several scholars and local informants suggest that the Fuliiru andVira are almost indistinguishable in language, culture, and clan structures. Depelchin notes that both groups speak closely related dialects,Kifuliiru and Kivira, which both have a close connection toKinyindu.[59] The two groups share many clans, with the only significant difference being the chiefly clan, which has contributed to a perception of separation. This overlap has led some to argue that the Vira are not a separate ethnic group, but rather a branch or extension of the Fuliiru.[59] Oral traditions often accentuate this shared identity, suggesting that the differences between the two have been exaggerated in colonial and postcolonial narratives.[59]
Reconstructing the migration and settlement histories of the Fuliiru and Vira is difficult due to conflicting oral testimonies collected during the 1920s and 1930s. Some traditions claim the Vira were the first to arrive, led by Chief Kirungu fromManiema. They settled near Munanira mountain with an army and followers, establishing themselves betweenMulenge and theSange and Sanza rivers.[59] Over time, their descendants came to be known as theBa-Vira. Other accounts, however, suggest that the Fuliiru were the earlier settlers, with the Vira arriving later under the reign of a chief named Nambako.[59] Colonial administrators, in their pursuit of administrative organization, played a major role in entrenching the separation between the Fuliiru and the Vira by grouping populations along supposed ethnic lines and instituting paramount chiefs to oversee them.[59] This system often exaggerated or fabricated distinctions between groups to simplify governance. For instance, the placement of the Lenge clan within the Vira chiefly hierarchy was more a result of colonial decisions than indigenous consensus.[59] Depelchin argues that the colonizers' efforts to categorize and organize populations helped cement the idea of a separate "Vira" identity, despite linguistic and cultural evidence pointing to a shared heritage with the Fuliiru.[59]
The establishment of paramount chiefs inUvira Territory is often regarded as a colonial construct rather than a continuation of pre-colonial traditions, with informants frequently asserting that paramount chieftainship had existed for a long time, but this assertion was likely driven by a desire to protect the authority of current rulers rather than reflectinghistorical accuracy.[59] Colonial authorities sometimes appointed chiefs who served their interests, and in the case of the Vira, disputes over the legitimacy of certain leaders arose, with rival factions accusing each other of fraudulent practices or colonial favoritism.[59] These political struggles were also complicated by pre-existing clan rivalries. Depelchin also suggests that the term "Vira" itself may be a later invention.Swahili-Arab traders used this name for the people living nearUvira, possibly derived from the wordkivira, meaning "palm tree", indicating that the Vira identity was, at least partially, shaped by external designations tied to geography rather than by an internally distinct sense of peoplehood.[59]
The bond between the Fuliiru and Vira, despite their close linguistic and cultural ties, was characterized by significant internal strife. The Lenge clan's rise to prominence within the Vira, supported in part by their geographical location near Uvira and by their interactions with foreign traders and explorers, was challenged from within their own ranks and by the Bahamba.[59] Disputes over leadership and precedence reinforced a perception of separation between the two groups.[59]
Since the 1960s, thecohabitation between the Banyarwanda and their Congolese neighbors has been plagued by problems, resulting in serious social tensions and violence. The escalation of these tensions and violence has led to lethal conflict of a social, cultural, economic, and security nature. Human rights organizations estimate that as of May 1996, the total number of deaths from the conflict stands around 70,000.[60]
The tension within Bafuliru communities originates from the circumstance where Rwandan refugees, placed by the Belgian colonial administration and the United Nations in the eastern region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, failed to uphold their designated status upon their arrival. Instead, they profess to be a newly established ethnic group known as "Banyamulenge" (literally 'those who live inMulenge') through an entirely fabricatedethnogenesis. This emerging identity allowed them to lay claim to land and resources in the area, setting off conflicts with Fuliru, who consider Mulenge as theirancestral homeland.[61]Following the nation's independence, the Banyarwanda, both Tutsi and Hutu, striven to establish recognition of their rights as "indigenous", vouching they possessed two "chefferies" (traditional chiefdoms) unrecognized by other ethnic groups. The Tutsi contended that their migration to theCongo Basin coincided with that of their Fuliru, Vira, Bembe, and Lega counterparts, antedating the establishment of theCongo Free State, and consequently, should be entitled to equivalent ethnic rights as other communities.[62] In 1976, Faustin Tabazi Rugama, a Munyamulenge writer, attempted to legitimize the notion of a tribe called "Banyamulenge" that presumably held sway in Mulenge prior to theBerlin Conference. This "historical and scientific" apologia was unlikely intended to equate the "Banyamulenge"pseudo-tribe with the indigenous Congolese ethnic groups. Under the pressure of Gisaro Muhoza, a Rwandan university administrator and revered as the creator of the term "Banyamulenge", Rugama used the term in his thesis.[63] According toRené Lemarchand, Banyamulenge constitute a "Rwandan-origin" community that established themselves in the Kivu region and were not known by this name during the colonial period. Using "Banyamulenge" as an ethnic identify, they campaigned for Congolese citizenship along with land possessed by indigenous Fuliru populace.[64][61]
In the early stages of theFirst andSecond Congo Wars, a large contingent of Banyamulenge traversed into Bafuliru communities to provide support to theTutsi members of theAlliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo (AFDLC). This influx of Banyamulenge played a pivotal role in enabling the AFDLC to seize control of the region from local chiefs and civilians who were uprooted from theirancestral lands against their will. The conflict was marked by brutal violence against the civilian population. On 6 October 1996, Banyamulenge rebels launched an assault onLemera, a town situated in the north-western region of theUvira Territory inSouth Kivu Province, resulting in the loss of several dozen lives. A total of 37 individuals, including twomedical personnel, lost their lives in ahospital massacre. The armed assailants also pillaged theLemera Hospital, the largest hospital in the region, located approximately 85 kilometers north ofUvira.[65][66][67]
In October 1998, a large number of people were brutally killed and displaced in Uvira, including the formerMulenge post chief, Ladislas Matalambu, who met his demise on 1 October 1998, at 7:30 p.m. Additionally, Alexis Deyidedi, the former administrative secretary of the Bafuliiru Chiefdom, was assassinated on 2 October 1998, at 11 p.m. The AFDL troops forced many Bafuliru,Babembe,Warega, andBavira individuals to flee and take refuge in neighboring countries such asBurundi,Tanzania,Uganda,Kenya,Zambia, andMozambique. The displacement caused a ripple effect of thehumanitarian crisis, with many facing severe challenges, includinginadequate food andwater supplies, inadequatemedical facilities, and substandard living conditions.[68][69][70]
On 14 May 2000, theRassemblement Congolais pour la Démocratie (RCD), a rebel group comprising mainly Banyamulengechild soldiers, perpetrated amassacre in the village ofKatogota. The victims, numbering 375 in total, were primarily from the Bafuliru community and were brutally murdered in cold blood. Some were mercilessly gunned down, while others suffered the grisly fate of having theirthroats slashed, and their bodies were thrown into theRuzizi River to dispose of the evidence. The rebels also set fire to their homes, leaving many others toburn to death. The horrors of the Katogota massacre caused many to flee their homes, including up to 3,500 Congolese, mainly from the Bafuliru andBabembe communities, who sought refuge inBurundi on 10 June 2004, to escape ongoingethnic persecution.[71][72][73][74]
The ongoing violence in the Bafuliru communities has been exacerbated bypolitical instability,resource scarcity, and deep-seated mistrust between the various groups. The situation is further complicated by the involvement of different armed groups, includingmilitias andrebel factions, who compete for control over the region's resources and strategic locations. The proliferation of weapons and the absence of effective governance has allowed these groups to act with impunity, perpetrating horrific acts of violence against civilians and engaging in illicit activities, including the illegal exploitation ofmineral resources. The impact of the conflict on the local population has been devastating, with many familiesdisplaced from their homes, and theirlivelihoods destroyed. The absence of adequate humanitarian assistance has only exacerbated the already dire situation, with many facing severe challenges, including food and water insecurity, inadequate medical care, and substandard living conditions.[75][76][77][78]
In June 2014, 35 Fuliru were killed inan attack on the town ofMutarule. The attack was believed to beethnically motivated. The massacres were carried out mainly by Barundi and Banyamulenge rebel groups in a determined, planned, systematic and methodical manner, and were inspired byethnic hatred.[79][80] In January 2019, Twirwaneho and Gumino, a Banyamulenge rebel groups, reportedly torched homes and property belonging to the Bafuliru in the village of Babengwa.[81] Between February 2019 and 2020, a large number of Bafuliru were killed and displaced, leading them to the Bijombo camp in Bavira Chiefdom of Uvira Territory. Despite efforts to prioritize and act on serious cases in the immediate aftermath of theethnic violence, there have been few prosecutions and fewer convictions, as well as a near total lack of investigations of those who organized and financed the violence.[82][83]
Kifuliru is a member of theBantu branch of theNiger-Congo language family.[8] The English linguistMalcolm Guthrie classified it in the D50 subgroup along withShi,Havu, Vira,Tembo, andNyindu, placing Kifuliru among the AfricanGreat Lakes Bantu languages.[8]Achille Emile Meeussen and linguists at theRoyal Museum for Central Africa inTervuren categorized Kifuliru under J54, describing it as an "interlacustrine" language.[8] The Fuliru are connected to theVira in aFuliru-Vira culture cluster. Both ethnic groups are interlacustrine, living between the African Great Lakes.[84] Kifuliru is commonly spoken in theUvira Territory, with over 275,000 speakers.[8] It ismutually intelligible with several neighboring languages, including Nyindu and Vira, with which it shares 90%lexical similarity, and Shi, with which it has about 70% lexical similarity.[85]
One notable dialect of Kifuliru is Kivuluga, a fusion of Shi and Kifuliru, which is predominantly spoken in theItara-Luvungigroupement. This dialect emerged due to the region's close linguistic proximity of Shi and Kifuliru speakers.[8]
The Bafuliru economy relies heavily onagriculture, with their lands in South Kivu Province among the most densely cultivated in the country.[86][25][87] More than 90% of the population makes their livelihood by producingfood crops or throughindustrial work involving the processing of crops.[25] Principal food crops includecassava,corn,rice,plantains, and, to a lesser extent,bananas,beans, andpeanuts.[25]
According to Bafuliru folklore, cassava originated fromLwindi Chiefdom and was introduced by them during their migration.[25] Today, cassava remains a vital food source for the Bafuliru, particularly for those inhabiting theRuzizi Plain and the entire Bafuliru Chiefdom. Having a cassava field is regarded as a treasure trove and is highly valued by the community.[25] Besides its roots,cassava leaves are also consumable, and its stems are used forlumber. Cassava's significance goes beyond its dietary value and practical uses.[25] It has a significant role in the community's governance, serving as a source oftax revenue. Eighty percent of all taxes collected come from cassava alone.[25] This tax collection method enables tax collectors to fill the state treasury at both community and zone levels, which, in turn, supports the local markets of the Bafuliru Chiefdom.[25]
Thebanana plant is an adaptable crop that thrives in nearly every region of the Bafuliru Chiefdom. It has a significant role in the chiefdom's customs and traditions, particularly during marriage ceremonies.[25] In Fuliru mythology, it is believed that one cannot engage in any strenuous activities without a banana.[25] Specifically, during a wedding ceremony or after mourning, an individual intending to marry must present apitcher offermented banana and sorghum beverage, referred to as "I mbindi ya mavu yo kudeterakwo" in Kifuliru, meaning "the pitcher of alcohol that allows you to speak". This pitcher of banana alcohol must be offered to the attendees; otherwise, the speaker is unable to convey a meaningful message.[25] The beverage is also calledKasigisi.[25][88][89][90][91]
The banana tree is also ritually associated withchildbirth; theumbilical cord is sometimes buried near banana fields, followed by a ceremonial gathering two months later where family and friends pourKasigisi over theburial mound in a festive ritual.[25][92]
Rice grown in the Bafuliru Chiefdom belongs to thegenusOryza and Ozyresatira species. Its various types include IR5, L9, and IRON 282. It is primarily an income generator rather than a food source at the CEP Kabwe, Kaliri, and at the Community Development Center (Cenre Developpement Communautaire; CDC) base inKiringye.[25][93][94][95]
Beans are grown predominantly in the central part ofLemera, covering areas from Rubanga toMulenge.[96][97] They are marketed inBukavu andUvira, with a large portion exported to nearby countries like Burundi and Rwanda.[25][98] While beans, alongside rice, are exported, they usually fetch lower prices due to the local population's modest consumption of these foods as dietary staples.[25] Traditionally, a bean dish is served with cassavambundu.[5][25]Corn is heavily cultivated in the Ruzizi Plain, especially in the Itara-Luvungigroupement, and theHauts Plateaux, where it serves as the main dietary staple.[25][99][100][101] Most Bafuliru in theHauts Plateaux consume corn, though not all prefer it.[25]
Peanuts are mainly grown in Luvungi andLubarika, though they are also present in Lemera and Rubanga.[25] Peanuts are a local treat and are also exported to nearby countries like Rwanda and Burundi.[25] Some are sold in Bukavu.[25] Two types of coffee are grown in the Bafuliru Chiefdom:Coffea arabica andCoffea canephora. Among them,arabica is the most widespread. Exporting coffee to Burundi is a common practice.[25]
In addition to agriculture, the Fuliru are known for their cattle-based economy, which distinguishes them from many other Bantu highland groups.[102]Livestock rearing, includingcows,goats, andsheep, is practiced especially by wealthier households and serves multiple roles: providing milk, meat, prestige, and fulfilling social obligations such asbride price or ceremonial offerings.[102] Veterinary practices and animal husbandry techniques are employed as part of climate adaptation strategies.[102] Livelihood strategies are heavily influenced by household wealth, with asset ownership (e.g., land size, livestock, solar panels, radios, and mobile phones) determining whether a household is classified as poor, average, or wealthy.[102] Poorer families typically cultivate plots smaller than 0.5 hectares and possess few assets, while wealthier households may own over 1 hectare of land and multiple forms of property.[102]
Additionally, hunting and fishing are practiced using traditional methods. Fuliru hunters employspears,machetes,dogs, and traps, while fishing is done withnets,hooks, water diversion techniques, and the use of plant-based poisons.[103]
Bafuliru music is characterized by a variety oftraditional instruments such as thengoma (drum),xylophone, andflute, which are used to create complexrhythms andmelodies. The melodic strains of traditional instrument permeate the air, accompanied by the hypnotic rhythm of indigenous dance, which envelops the senses with its entrancing cadence.[104] The ngoma, in particular, is an essential instrument in Bafuliru music, and it is often played during various social and religious events. Bafuliru music also incorporates a form ofcall-and-response singing, where one group ofsingers will lead with a phrase, and another group will respond with aharmonized phrase. This technique creates a rich andlayered sound that is both engaging and captivating. Bafuliru also havesongs that praise their leaders and ancestors, and these are often performed during political rallies and other communal events.[105]
Wedding songs are central to the Fuliruoral tradition. Serving both an educational and entertainment function, these songs convey cultural wisdom, teaching politeness, respect, and environmental awareness to the young couple and the wider community.[106][107] Before the introduction of literacy in the 20th century, these songs were memorized and performed orally.[106] Through the medium of song, Bafuliru wedding traditions offer insight into their worldview and everyday life.[106][107]
Before the advent ofChristianity, Bafuliru adhered to a traditional belief system centered around the worship of a supreme deity known as Rurema, Nakalema or Nakalemeka, whom they regarded as the creator of all things in both the terrestrial and celestial realms.[108][25][109] Rurema was perceived as an invisible and transcendent force beyond human reach.[25]Intermediaries played a crucial role in connecting the people to this deity. Among the most significant spiritual leaders representing Rurema were Mushabo, Budisi, and Mugajalugulu, to whom the Bafuliru turned in matters that seemed beyond their control.[25]
Catholicism made its initial inroads into Bafuliru Chiefdom with the construction of the first chapel inLuvungi in 1933, overseen by the parish of Nyangezi in the neighboringWalungu Territory.[25] However, the growth of theCatholic Church in the region took a notable turn in 1974, when the influence of theBanyamulenge community shaped its direction.[25] This influence saw thediaconate of Bibangwa becoming a focal point for anti-Fuliru activities orchestrated by the Banyamulenge.[25] It contributed to the arming of Tutsi groups in theHauts Plateaux.[25] As a result, the Church was perceived by some as complicit in fostering divisions and hatred between the Bafuliru and the populations of theHauts Plateaux.[25]
The Bafuliru were introduced toProtestantism throughSwedish missionaries David and Svea Flood, who arrived in the Itara-Luvungigroupement in 1921.[110][111][25] Their mission encountered resistance from Mwami Nyamugira Mukogabwe II, who was initially hesitant about foreign religious influences that could threaten traditional beliefs.[111] Despite these challenges, the Floods managed to convert a local boy, a milestone that would eventually lead to the broader acceptance of Christianity within the Bafuliru community.[111] The chief himself later embraced the faith, and through the work of the Floods and their successors, Protestantism gained a strong foothold in the region.[111] By the mid-1920s, following a formal agreement between Uvira's territorial authorities and Protestant missionaries, Protestant churches began to proliferate, with congregations established in key locations such as Lemera, Ndolera, Luvungi, and Kigomagroupement.[25]
In the past, Fuliru woreskirts of cloth made fromtree bark, andcloaks made of animal hides. These have long been replaced byWestern-style clothing. However, handmade beadednecklaces andbracelets are still worn. Thewoven fabrics, adorned with intricate patterns of vivid hues have honed their craft over generations.
Traditional Fuliru dwellings are circular,beehive-shapedhuts constructed from wood, reeds, and straw, often enclosed by tall hedges.[112][5] Homes include a centralliving area (Bululi) and sleeping quarters (Kisika).[5] Ethnographic accounts from Frédéric Hautmann describe Fuliru settlements as closely integrated with their environment, using local materials likeclay, banana fibers, and stones in domestic construction and ritual practices.[113] Spiritual customs such as placing stones at high-altitude passes while calling for spiritual assistance ("Kilima mbua,aide-moi") reflect the sacred dimensions of the landscape.[113]
The Fuliru are also skilledartisans andblacksmiths. They traditionally extracted iron from stone (known locally asmatare) to manufacture tools such ashoes, machetes, spears,razors, andknives.[103] HistorianJacques Depelchin remarked that the Fuliru gained a reputation for their ironworking prowess, supported by the abundantiron ore found in theMitumba Mountains, which was essential to their technological and economic growth.[114] Agricultural surplus, particularly cultivated by women, played a crucial role in transforming wealth, with women's sale offarm products often redirected by their husbands into the purchase of cattle, a process facilitated bybarter using intermediate goods like hoes,salt, copperbracelets,cloth, andbeads.[115] Hoes, especially before the mid-19th century, served as the most common and valuable currency in cattle transactions, withexchange rates ranging from ten to twenty hoes per cow depending on the animal's reproductive potential.[115] Unlike other regions whereironworking was monopolized by specific clans,Uvira Territory allowed widespread access to the craft, enabling a broad distribution ofmetallurgical skills, though collective labor remained important in mining,charcoal preparation, and furnace operation.[115] Despite the abundance of iron ore, cattle gradually replaced hoes as the dominant form of wealth, as they symbolized social prestige, reproductive value, and exchange potential, though hoes continued to be used for specific exchanges, such asdowries and bridewealth payments.[115] Although women did not directly partake in blacksmithing, they were instrumental in collecting materials forsmelting and managing agricultural surpluses, which enabled the conversion of iron goods into wealth.[115]
Hoes thus embodied a dual role as instruments of production and units of currency, their value stemming from their ability to reproduce agricultural surplus, which could then be reinvested into the acquisition of more hoes, cattle, or wives, resembling early capitalist dynamics.[115] In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, prominent Fuliru chiefs, such as Katembo, specialized in long-distance trading networks, exchanging hoes and cattle across the Ruzizi Plain into Burundi and Rwanda, while avoiding the risks of theivory andrubber markets dominated by foreign powers.[115] These trading expeditions, organized collectively with groups of twenty to thirty people, relied on personal contacts rather than centralized marketplaces to find buyers, and success was determined by both material wealth and the ability to cultivate social relationships.[115]Political authority among Fuliru chiefs, likeMwami Nyamugira Mukogabwe II, was linked to wealth and management of social networks, alliances, and resources like cattle, hoes, and iron, withwealth accumulation, redistribution, andpolitical legitimacy shaping the socio-political structure of Fuliru society.[115]
In addition to metalwork,woodworking is also a prominent craft that yields items such ascanoes,plates,mortars, andpestles, whilepottery turns clay into utensils such as jugs and storage containers.[103] A notablecultural practice involves burying theplacenta in a shallow grave near home, sealed in a ritual clay pot with holes that, according to local belief, allow the "spirit of the placenta" to remain connected to the outside world.[92] Frédéric Hautmann, anAustrian physician, dentist, and amateur archaeologist,[116] observed in his travels that, "Near Mulenghe (Mulenge), a two-day walk from Sanghe (Sange), I was able to witness five of these small 'tumuli.' While traversing additional villages inhabited by the Bafulero [Bafuliiru] of the mountains, I encountered another ten such structures, containing pots with two holes, either intact, broken, or reduced to fragmentary remains".[117] This custom serves to safeguard the newborn from malevolent mountain spirits.[117] Approximately two months following the birth, a gathering occurs at the burial site of the placenta, during which parents, family members, and friends partake in a celebratory festival that lasts several days and nights. The tumulus is adorned withKasigisi as part of the festivities.[117]
When a Fuliru person died,mourning lasted for five days. If the deceased had given birth totwins, the mourning lasted six days. During the mourning ceremony, the family members of the deceased are shaved.[103] The eldest son is enthroned in the place of the deceased by being handed a spear, a symbol of power that signified that all other family members owed him allegiance.[103] At the same time, the younger brother of the deceased is also enthroned as the guardian of the king (mwami) by being given a machete, symbolizing that he would work for the newly enthroned son.[103] If the deceased had only daughters, no enthronement took place. Instead, a guardian is appointed to watch over the deceased's family.[103]
During this mourning period, no family member is allowed to bathe, and if married, they had to stay away from their spouse, as it is considered a taboo.[103]
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