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Fu (poetry)

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Chinese poetry form

Song dynasty (960–1279) painting of a 2nd-century BC literary gathering at the court ofLiu Wu, Prince of Liang
Fu
Traditional Chinese
Simplified Chinese
Transcriptions
Standard Mandarin
Hanyu Pinyin
Wade–Gilesfu4
IPA[fû]
Wu
Romanization
Hakka
Romanizationfu4
Yue: Cantonese
Yale Romanizationfu
Jyutpingfu3
IPA[fu˧]
Southern Min
HokkienPOJ
Middle Chinese
Middle Chinesepjù
Old Chinese
Baxter (1992)*p(r)jas[1]
Baxter–Sagart (2014)*p(r)a-s[1]
Zhengzhang*mpas

Fu (Chinese:), often translated "rhapsody" or "poetic exposition", is a form of Chineserhymed prose that was the dominant literary form in China during theHan dynasty (206 BC – AD 220).fu are intermediary pieces betweenpoetry andprose in which a place, object, feeling, or other subject is described and rhapsodized in exhaustive detail and from as many angles as possible.[2] They were not sung like songs, but were recited or chanted.[3] The distinguishing characteristics offu include alternatingrhyme andprose, varying line lengths, closealliteration,onomatopoeia, looseparallelism, and extensive cataloging of their topics.[4] Classicalfu composers tended to use as wide a vocabulary as possible in their compositions, and thereforefu often contain rare and archaic Chinese words andcharacters.[5]

Thefu genre came into being around the 3rd to 2nd centuries BC and continued to be regularly used into theSong dynasty (960–1279).fu were used as grand praises for the imperial courts, palaces, and cities, but were also used to write "fu on things", in which any place, object, or feeling was rhapsodized in exhaustive detail. The largest collections of historicalfu are the Selections of Refined Literature (Wen Xuan), theBook of Han,New Songs from the Jade Terrace, and official dynastic histories.

There is no counterpart or form similar to thefu genre in Western literature.[6] During a large part of the 20th century,fu poetry was harshly criticized by Chinese scholars as excessively ornate, lacking in real emotion, and ambiguous in its moral messages.[7] Because of these historical associations, scholarship onfu poetry in China almost ceased entirely between 1949 and the end of theCultural Revolution in 1976.[8] Since then, study offu has gradually returned to its previous level.

History

[edit]
Main article:History of fu poetry

Origins

[edit]

The term "fu", when applied to Chinese literature, first appears in theZhou dynasty (c. 1046–221 BC), where it meant "to present", as in poetic recitations.[3] It was also one of the three literary devices traditionally assigned to the songs of theClassic of Poetry (Shijing).[3] Over the course of the late 1st millennium BC,fu became the name of poetic expositions in which an author or composer created a comprehensive exposition and performed it as arhapsody.[3] Han dynasty historianBan Gu in the"Monograph on Arts and Letters" definedfu as "to recite without singing" (不歌而誦;bù gē ér sòng).[3]

Fu poetry is often viewed as a descendant of the "Verses of Chu" (Chu Ci songs) and the rhetorical expositions of theIntrigues of the Warring States (Zhanguo ce).[5][9] During the golden age offu in the 2nd century BC, many of the greatestfu composers were from the southwestern area ofShu (modernSichuan Province).[10] A chapter ofXunzi containing a series of riddles has been theorized to be the earliest knownfu.[5] The earliest preserved and definitely datablefu isJia Yi's "Fu on the Owl" (鵩鳥賦;Fúniǎo fù), composed about 170 BC.[11] Jia's surviving writings mention an earlierfu he wrote upon his exile toChangsha which he modeled uponQu Yuan's"Encountering Sorrow" (Li Sao), but it has not survived to the present.

Han dynasty

[edit]
See also:Han poetry

Western Han

[edit]

Fu achieved its greatest prominence during the earlyHan dynasty. Jia Yi's "Fu on the Owl", written around 170 BC, was composed following on the third year of his exile toChangsha, and uses much of the style of theLi Sao and other songs of theVerses of Chu. "Fu on the Owl", besides being the earliest knownfu, is unusual in the author's extended use of philosophical reflection upon his own situation in life.[11]

Emperor Wu of Han ascended the throne in 141 BC, and his 54-year reign is considered the golden age of "grandfu" (大賦;dàfù).[10] Emperor Wu summoned famousfu writers to the imperial court inChang'an, where many of them composed and presentedfu to the entire court.[10] The earliest grandfu of Emperor Wu's reign is "Seven Stimuli" (七發;Qī fā), by Mei Sheng (枚乘; d. 140 BC).[10] In "Seven Stimuli", Mei Sheng acts as aWarring States-style travelling orator who tries to cure aChu prince of an illness caused by overindulgence in sensual pleasures by pushing his senses to their limits with hisfu descriptions.[4]

純馳浩蜺,前後駱驛。
顒顒卬卬,椐椐彊彊,莘莘將將。
壁壘重堅,沓雜似軍行。
訇隱匈磕,軋盤涌裔,原不可當。

—Description of atidal bore,
"Seven Stimuli", Mei Sheng (c. 141 BC)
Translation:

Revolving and rushing, a glistening halo,
Front and rear conjoined and connected.
   Lofty and lofty, lifted and lifted,
   Roiling and roiling, raging and raging,
   Pressing and pressing, climbing and climbing.
A layered fortress of multiplied strength,
Doubled and diverse like the lines of troops.
   Rumbling and roaring, booming and crashing,
   Pushing and turning, surging and rolling –
Truly, it cannot be withstood!


Of all the authors from the golden age of "grandfu" composition,Sima Xiangru is generally considered to be the greatest.[11] A native ofChengdu, he was traditionally said to have been summoned to the imperial court after Emperor Wu happened to personally read his "Fu of Sir Vacuous" (子虛賦;Zǐxū fù), though this is almost certainly a story added later.[10] After arriving in the capital around 136 BC, Sima Xiangru expanded his "Fu of Sir Vacuous" into hismagnum opus, "Fu on the Imperial Park" (上林賦;Shànglín fù), generally considered the most famousfu of all.[4][11] This work, whose original title was probably "Fu on the Excursion Hunt of the Son of Heaven" (天子遊獵賦;Tiānzǐ yóuliè fù), is a grand celebration of the Emperor's personal hunting park east of Chang'an,[12] and is famed for its rich number of rare and difficult words and characters.[11] If not for the survival of Chinese scholarGuo Pu's early 4th century AD annotations to "Fu on the Imperial Park", much of its ancient and esoteric terminology would now be unintelligible. The following portion of the rhymed list of names of minerals, precious stones, and flora and fauna from the first half of the "Fu on the Imperial Park" exemplifies much of the cataloging and rare terminology characteristic of grandfu:[13]

其土則
 丹青赭堊,
 雌黃白坿,
 錫碧金銀,
 眾色炫耀,
 照爛龍鱗。

其石則
 赤玉玫瑰,
 琳瑉昆吾,
 瑊玏玄厲,
 碝石碔砆。

[...]

其北則有陰林巨樹,
 楩柟豫樟,
 桂椒木蘭,
 蘗離朱楊,
 樝棃梬栗,
 橘柚芬芳。

其上則有
 鵷鶵孔鸞,
 騰遠射干。
其下則有
 白虎玄豹,
 蟃蜒貙犴。

—Excerpt from "Fu of Sir Vacuous", Sima Xiangru (c. 137 BC)
Translation:

In the soil:
   Cinnabar, azurite, ocher, white clay,
   Orpiment, milky quartz,
   Tin, prase, gold, and silver,
   In manifold hues glisten and glitter,
   Shining and sparkling like dragon scales.

Of stones there are:
  Red jade, rose stone,
  Orbed jades, vulcan stone,
  Aculith, dark polishing stone,
  Quartz, and the warrior rock.

[...]

To the north there is a shady grove,
  Its trees are elm,nanmu, camphor,
  Cinnamon, pepper, magnolia,
  Cork, wild pear, vermilion willow,
  Hawthorn, pear, date plum, chestnut,
  Tangerine and pomelo sweet and fragrant.

In the treetops there are:
  The phoenix, peacock, simurgh,
  Leaping gibbon, and tree-jackal.
Beneath them there are:
  The white tiger, black panther,
  Themanyan and leopard cat.

The grandfu of the Western Han dynasty were read and recited as celebrations of pure poetic delight, and were the first pieces of Chinese literature to fuse both unrestrained entertainment and moral admonitions together in single works.[15] However, after the reign of Emperor Wu, his court culture began to be criticized as having placed undue emphasis on the grandiose language infu and therefore having missed opportunities to encourage moral restraint.[16] The most prominent critic of "grandfu" was the other greatfu writer of the Han dynasty:Yang Xiong.[16] As a youth, Yang was an admirer and imitator of Sima Xiangru'sfu, but later came to disapprove of grandfu.[16] Yang believed that the original purpose offu was to "indirectly admonish" (;fèng), but that the extended rhetorical arguments and complex vocabulary used in grandfu caused their hearers and readers to marvel at their aesthetic beauty while missing their moral messages.[16] Yang juxtaposed early Han dynastyfu with thefu-like expositions in theClassic of Poetry, saying that while those in thePoetry provided moral standards, thefu of the Han poets "led to excess".[16] While known as one of thefu masters of the Han dynasty, Yang'sfu are generally known for their focus on admonishing readers and listeners to uphold moral values.[12]

皇家赫而天居兮,萬方徂而星集。
貴寵煽以彌熾兮,僉守利而不戢。
前車覆而未遠兮,後乘驅而競及。
窮變巧於台榭兮,民露處而寢洷。
消嘉榖於禽獸兮,下糠粃而無粒。
弘寬裕於便辟兮,糾忠諫其駸急。

—Criticizing corrupt eunuchs and officials,
Fu on Recounting a Journey", Cai Yong (AD 159)
Translation:

The august house is resplendent, as if dwelling in Heaven;
   From a myriad directions they come, gathering like stars.
The honored and favored fan their fires of lust even hotter;
   All guard profit without cease.
When a front coach overturns not far ahead,
   The rear teams dash forward, racing to catch up.
They exhaust their multifarious craft on terraces and towers,
   While the people dwell in the open, sleep in the wet.
They waste fine grain on birds and beasts,
   While those below eat chaff and husks without the kernels.
They grandly bestow liberal generosity on fawning flatterers,
   But in impeaching loyal protest, they are swift and sure.

—translated by David Knechtges[17]

Eastern Han

[edit]

Two of the most famousfu writers of the Eastern Han period were the polymathsZhang Heng andCai Yong. Among Zhang Heng's large corpus of writings are a significant number offu poems, which are the first to have been written in the shorter style that became typical of post-Hanfu.[18] Zhang's earliest knownfu is "Fu on the Hot Springs" (溫泉賦;Wēnquán fù), which describes thehot springs at Mount Li (modernHuaqing Pool) which famously later became a favorite ofImperial Concubine Yang during theTang dynasty.[18] "Fu on the Two Metropolises" (二京賦;Èr jīng fù) is considered Zhang's masterpiece.[19] Zhang spent ten years gathering material for thefu, a response to an earlierfu byBan Gu that is a poetic comparison between the two capitals of the Han dynasty: Luoyang and Chang'an.[19] Zhang'sfu is highlysatirical and cleverly mocks many aspects of the Western Han period, including Emperor Wu himself[20] The piece contains long passages colorfully describing life in the two capitals in great detail, including the entertainment areas.[21]

Cai Yong, like Zhang Heng, was a prolific writer in addition to his mathematical, astronomical, and musical interests.[22] In 159 CE, Cai was summoned to Chang'an to perform on theguqin for the imperial court, but became ill shortly before arriving and returned to his home.[22] Cai composed a poetic record of his journey in "Fu on Recounting a Journey" (述行賦;Shù xíng fù), his most well-knownfu.[22] In "Fu on Recounting a Journey", Cai cites examples of treacherous and dishonest rulers and officials from Chinese history, then criticizes theeunuchs of the capital for similar crimes.[17]

A number offu writers from the late 2nd and early 3rd centuries CE became considered greatfu poets, and were noted for their descriptions of the chaos and destruction following thecollapse of the Han dynasty.Wang Can, who lived as a refugee in Chu following the assassination ofDong Zhuo in 192 CE, wrote a famousfu entitled "Fu on Climbing the Tower" (登樓賦;Dènglóu fù) in which Wang movingly describes climbing a tower nearJingzhou and gazing longingly in the direction of his home inLuoyang.[23] Poets often used subjects of descriptivefu poems to symbolize themselves, as in "Fu on the Parrot" (鸚鵡賦;Yīngwǔ fù), byMi Heng, in which Mi uses a cagedparrot as an allegory for a scholar whose talents go unrecognized and whose inability to control his tongue results in his captivity.[23] During theThree Kingdoms period, the court of the warlordCao Cao and his sonsCao Pi andCao Zhi became a famous literary salon, and a number offu poems from their court have survived to modern times.

惟西域之靈鳥兮,挺自然之奇姿。
體金精之妙質兮,合火德之明輝。
性辯慧而能言兮,才聰明以識機。
故其嬉游高峻,棲跱幽深。
飛不妄集,翔必擇林。
紺趾丹嘴,綠衣翠矜。
采采麗容,咬咬好音。

—Opening lines, "Fu on the Parrot", Mi Heng (c. AD 198)
Translation:


A marvelous bird from the Western Regions,
   Manifests a wondrous natural beauty.
It embodies the sublime substance of the metal essence,
   Embodies the shining brilliance of fire's power.
Gifted with wit and acuity, it is able to speak;
   Intelligent and bright, it can perceive the imperceptible.
Thus, it plays and sports on lofty peaks,
   Nests and perches in secluded vales.
Whenever it flies, it does not land at random;
   Wherever it soars, it is sure to choose a good grove.
It has reddish-black feet, a vermilion beak,
  Green coat, azure mantle.
Bright and colorful, lovely in appearance,
  It chitters and chatters in a lovely voice.

Six Dynasties

[edit]
Further information:Six Dynasties poetry

During theSix Dynasties period (220–589),fu remained a major part ofcontemporary poetry, althoughshi poetry was gradually increasing in popularity.[23] Six Dynastiesfu are generally much shorter and less extravagant than Han dynastyfu, likely due to a tradition of composing works entirely in parallel couplets that arose during the period.[23] While lyricalfu and "fu on things" had been starkly different forms in the Han dynasty, after the 2nd century CE the distinction mostly disappeared.[23] Although the extravagantfu style of the Han mostly disappeared, "fu on things" continued to be widely written.

Xie Lingyun is one of the best-known poets of the entire Six Dynasties period, second only toTao Yuanming. In contrast to his older contemporary Tao, Xie is known for the difficult language, dense allusions, and frequent parallelisms of his poetry.[25] Xie's greatestfu is "Fu on Dwelling in the Mountains" (山居賦;Shān jū fù), a Han-style "grandfu" describing Xie's personal estate that borrows its style from the famous "Fu on the Imperial Park" by Sima Xiangru.[26] Like classical Hanfu, the poem uses a large number of obscure and rare characters, but "Fu on Dwelling in the Mountains" is unique in that Xie included his own annotations to the poem,[26] without which the poem would be nearly incomprehensible.

During theLiang dynasty (502–587),fu continued to be a popular form of literature, though it began to merge with the popular five- and seven-syllable poetry forms, which completely eclipsedfu during theTang dynasty.[27] Somefu pieces, such asShen Yue's "Fu on Dwelling in the Suburbs" (郊居賦;Jiāo jū fù)—an homage to Xie Lingyun's "Fu on Dwelling in the Mountains"—followed the traditional forms and subjects of classicalfu, but an increasing number did not.[27] "Fu onLotus-picking" (採蓮賦;Cǎi lián fù), by Xiao Gang (laterEmperor Jianwen of Liang), is a short, lyricalfu that mixes freely with popular lyric poetry,[27] and portrayed southern China as a romantic land of pleasure and sensuality.[28] Lotus-picking was an activity traditionally associated with peasant women, but in the early 5th century became a popular topic infu and poetry.[28]

Yu Xin is generally considered the last greatfu poet of Chinese history.[29] Yu, like Yan Zhitui, was born in the south but forced to relocate to northern China after the south's defeat, and spent the rest of his career writing of the loss of the south as a loss of an entire culture and way of life.[30] Yu's most famous piece is "Fu on Lamenting the South" (哀江南賦;Āi Jiāngnán fù), in which he describes his life's experiences in the context of the larger context of the destruction of the south and its culture.[30]

Tang and Song dynasties

[edit]

Thefu genre changed rapidly during theTang dynasty (618–907). During the early Tang, a new form offu called "regulatedfu" (律賦;lǜfù) supplanted the original form.[31] "Regulatedfu" had strict rules of form and expression, and required the use of consistent rhymes throughout each piece.[31] Additionally, rules were created to govern the arrangement of tones in each poem, as the introduction of Buddhist texts written inSanskrit andPali had stimulated the Chinese to methodical study of their own language and the identification of thefour tones of Middle Chinese. Beginning in theTang dynasty, these "regulatedfu" were required for the composition sections of theimperial examinations.[31] Tang writers added new topics to the traditional subjects offu, such as purely moral topics or scenes from Chinese antiquity.[31] The "parallelfu" (駢賦;piánfù) was another variant of thefu developed in the Tang, and was only used forrhetorical compositions.[32]

In 826, Tang poetDu Mu's poem "Fu on E-pang Palace" (阿房宫賦;Ēpáng gōng fù)[n 1] laid the foundation for a new form offu called "prosefu" (文賦;wénfù), in which prose is freely rhymed.[32] This form offu became the dominantfu form during the late Tang and theSong dynasty (960–1279).[32] By the 9th and 10th centuries, traditionalfu had become mainly historical pursuits, and were largely read and copied because of their inclusion on the imperial examinations.[33]

Topics

[edit]

"Fu on things"

[edit]

Between 130 and 100 BC, Emperor Wu greatly expanded China's territory into Central Asia,northern Vietnam, and theKorean Peninsula through a series of military campaigns and invasions.[34] As the expansion progressed, many foreign plants, animals, goods, and rarities were brought to the imperial capital at Chang'an.[34] Throughout the Han dynasty, court officials and poets often composed specialfu called "fu on things" (詠物賦;yǒngwù fù) on these new and unusual things, in which they described and catalogued extensively.[35] These "'fu on things" became a major genre infu poetry, and cover a vast number of instruments, objects, and phenomena.

若迺玄律窮,嚴氣升。
焦溪涸,湯谷凝。
火井滅,溫泉冰。
沸潭無湧,炎風不興。
北戶墐扉,裸壤垂繒。
於是河海生雲,朔漠飛沙。
連氛累䨠,揜日韜霞。
霰淅瀝而先集,雪粉糅而遂多。

—Excerpt from "Fu on Snow", Xie Huilian (Chinese:謝惠連;c. 407–433)
Translation:

Now, as the time of darkness reaches its peak, and harsh air is ascendant,
Scorching Creek dries up, Scalding Vale freezes,
Fire wells are extinguished, hot springs ice over,
Frothing pools no longer bubble, fiery winds do not rise.
On north-facing doors, panels are plastered;
In the land of the naked, men drape themselves in silk.
And then, clouds rise on river and sea; sand flies on northern deserts.
Unbroken vapors, piled up haze, shroud the Sun, veil the clouds.
First sleet comes pattering down; then snow, copiously cluttered, falls harder and harder.

Ban Zhao, one of the most famous female poets of Chinese history, wrote a well-knownfu during the reign ofEmperor He of Han entitled "Fu on the Great Bird" (大雀賦;Dà què fù), believed to be a description of anostrich brought to the Han court fromParthia around AD 110.[37] ScholarMa Rong wrote two well-knownfu on ancientboard games: "Fu onChaupar" (樗蒲賦;Chūpú fù), which the Chinese believed to actually have been invented byLaozi after he departed west out of China, and "Fu on Encirclement Chess" (圍棋賦;Wěiqí fù), one of the earliest known descriptions of the gameGo.[38] Han dynasty librarianWang Yi, best known as the compiler of the received version of theVerses of Chu, wrote several object-descriptionfu in the early 2nd century AD, such as "Fu on the Lychee" (荔枝賦;Lìzhī fù), the earliest known poetic description of thelychee fruit.[39]

The literary salon ofCao Pi's court produced a number of notable "fu on things" in which a group of poets known as theSeven Masters of the Jian'an period each composed their own version of thefu. During this period, Cao Pi was once presented with a largeagate of unusual quality which Cao had made into abridle.[40] Each of the men composed their own "Fu on the Agate Bridle" (瑪瑙勒賦;Mǎnǎo lè fù) for the occasion.[40] Another object-descriptionfu from the Cao court is "Fu on theMusāragalva Bowl" (硨磲碗賦;Chēqú wǎn fù),[n 2] which was a bowl made of a coral- or shell-like substance from somewhere near India, which was then known as the "Western Regions".[40]

One of the poet Shu Xi's (束皙; AD 263–302)fu has become well known in the history ofChinese cuisine: his "Fu on Pasta" (餅賦;Bǐng fù) is an encyclopedic description of a wide variety ofdough-based foods, includingnoodles,steamed buns, anddumplings,[41] which had not yet become the traditional Chinese foods they are in modern times.Western Jin poet Fu Xian's "Fu on Paper" (紙賦;Zhǐ fù) is well known as an early description of writing paper, which had onlybeen invented about 150 years earlier.[42]

Sociopolitical protest

[edit]

Part of the legacy associated with thefu is its use as a form of sociopolitical protest, such as the theme of the loyal minister who has been unjustly exiled by the ruler or those in power at the court, rather than receiving the promotion and respect which he truly deserves. In theVerses of Chu, one of the works attributed to Qu Yuan is the "Li Sao", which is one of the earliest known works in this tradition, both as ancestral[43] to thefu as well as its incorporation of political criticism as a theme of poetry.[44] The theme of unjust exile is related to the development ofXiaoxiang poetry, or the poetry stylistically or thematically based upon lamenting the unjust exile of the poet, either directly, or allegorically through the use of the persona of a friend or historical figure (a safer course in the case of a poet-official who might be punished for any too blatant criticism of the current emperor).[45] During the Han dynasty, along with the development of thefu stylistically, the idea that it incorporate political criticism through indirection and allegory also developed. Han dynasty historian and authorBan Gu in hisBook of Han pointedly refers to afu byQu Yuan as a literary example of the use of the theme of the loyal minister who has been unjustly exiled, rather than receiving the promotion and respect which he truly deserves. As Hellmut Wilhelm puts it: "...the Hanfu can easily be classified into a limited number of types. All types have one feature in common: almost without exception they can be and have been interpreted as voicing criticism—either of the ruler, the ruler's behavior, or certain political acts or plans of the ruler; or of the court officials or the ruler's favorites; or, generally, of the lack of discrimination in the employment of officials. The few examples that are positive in tone recommend the authors or their peers for employment, or even contain specific political suggestions. In short, almost allfu have a political purport, and, in addition, almost all of them deal with the relationship between the ruler and his officials."[46] Seen in context, Ban Gu's discussion of Qu Yuan and theChusao style is less to the point of the actual evolutionary path of thefu and more to the point that the main purpose of thefu is political and social criticism through poetic indirection: thus, infu, paradoxically, the "fantastic descriptions and an overflowing rhetoric...can be reduced to...restraint", as the sociopolitical criticism which was key to thefu was constrained within a very subtle, elaborately indirect, occasional, and allusive mode.[47]

Collections

[edit]

Fu pieces comprise the first main category in theWen Xuan (Selections of Refined Literature), an early Chinese literary anthology which is still extant.[48] TheSelections collects all knownfu pieces from the earlyHan dynasty to its compilation in the 6th century CE, during theLiang dynasty; it has since been the traditional source for studying classicalfu.

In the late 17th and early 18th centuries, during the reign of theKangxi Emperor, scholar Chen Yuanlong (1652–1736) compiled a collection of all knownfu extant in his day, publishing his collection in 1706 asCollection of Fu Through the Ages (歷代賦彙;Lìdài fù huì). Chen'sCollection in total contains 4,155fu.

See also

[edit]

Notes

[edit]
  1. ^AlthoughThe Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, vol. 1, p. 350, gives the name of the palace as "Apang", most scholarly dictionaries read the first character asē, notā, in this case.
  2. ^The Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, vol 1, p. 170, gives the pinyin transliteration of "Fu on theMusāragalva Bowl" asJūqú wǎn fù, using an alternate reading of the character車/硨. TheGuangyun and most modern scholarly dictionaries givechē, not.

References

[edit]

Footnotes

[edit]
  1. ^abThe parenthetical "(r)" in these reconstructions indicates that the linguist is unable to say for certain whether or not the /r/ was present.
  2. ^Cao & Knechtges (2010), p. 317.
  3. ^abcdeKern (2010), p. 88.
  4. ^abcdKern (2010), p. 91.
  5. ^abcIdema & Haft (1997), p. 97.
  6. ^Gong (1997), p. 3.
  7. ^Gong (1997), p. 5.
  8. ^Gong (1997), p. 5-10.
  9. ^Ho (1986), p. 388.
  10. ^abcdeKern (2010), p. 90.
  11. ^abcdeIdema & Haft (1997), p. 98.
  12. ^abKern (2010), p. 89.
  13. ^Knechtges (2010), p. 184.
  14. ^Gong (1997), p. 11.
  15. ^Kern (2010), pp. 92–93.
  16. ^abcdeKern (2010), p. 93.
  17. ^abKnechtges (2010), p. 157.
  18. ^abKnechtges (2010), p. 143.
  19. ^abKnechtges (2010), p. 144.
  20. ^Knechtges (2010), p. 144-145.
  21. ^Knechtges (2010), p. 145.
  22. ^abcKnechtges (2010), p. 156.
  23. ^abcdeIdema & Haft (1997), p. 109.
  24. ^Knechtges (1996), p. 51.
  25. ^Tian (2010), p. 235.
  26. ^abTian (2010), p. 232.
  27. ^abcTian (2010), p. 264.
  28. ^abTian (2010), p. 267.
  29. ^Idema & Haft (1997), p. 110.
  30. ^abTian (2010), p. 270.
  31. ^abcdOwen (2010), p. 289.
  32. ^abcOwen (2010), p. 350.
  33. ^Owen (2010), p. 361.
  34. ^abKern (2010), p. 95.
  35. ^Knechtges (2010), p. 118.
  36. ^Knechtges (1996), p. 23-25.
  37. ^Kern (2010), p. 129.
  38. ^Knechtges (2010), p. 149.
  39. ^Knechtges (2010), p. 150.
  40. ^abcKnechtges (2010), p. 170.
  41. ^Knechtges (2010), p. 194.
  42. ^Knechtges (2010), p. 193.
  43. ^At least according to some Chinese literary historians. See: Hawkes (2011 [1985]): 221.
  44. ^Davis (1990), p. xlvi–xlvii.
  45. ^Davis (1990): xlviii
  46. ^Wilhelm (1967 [1957]): 311.
  47. ^Wilhelm (1967 [1957]): 312–314, quoting Sima Qian on Sima Xiangru.
  48. ^Tian (2010), p. 255.

Works cited

[edit]
  • Cao, Daoheng; Knechtges, David R. (2010). "HanFu 賦 (Fu of the Han)". In Knechtges, David R.; Chang, Taiping (eds.).Ancient and Early Medieval Chinese Literature: A Reference Guide, Part One. Leiden: Brill. pp. 317–333.ISBN 978-90-04-19127-3.
  • Davis, A. R. (1990).The Penguin Book of Chinese Verse. Baltimore: Penguin Books.
  • Gong, Kechang (1997).Han fu yanjiu漢賦研究 [Studies on the Han Fu]. Translated by David R. Knechtges. New Haven: American Oriental Society.ISBN 0940490145.
  • Hawkes, David (1985).The Songs of the South. London: Penguin Books.ISBN 978-0-14-044375-2.
  • Ho, Kenneth Pui-hung (1986). "Fu 賦". In Nienhauser, William (ed.).The Indiana Companion to Traditional Chinese Literature (2nd revised ed.). Bloomington: Indiana University Press. pp. 388–391.ISBN 0-253-32983-3.
  • Idema, Wilt; Haft, Lloyd (1997).A Guide to Chinese Literature. Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan.doi:10.3998/mpub.22826.ISBN 0-89264-123-1.
  • Kern, Martin (2010). "Early Chinese literature, Beginnings through Western Han". In Owen, Stephen (ed.).The Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume 1: To 1375. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press. pp. 1–115.doi:10.1017/CHOL9780521855587.003.ISBN 978-0-521-11677-0.
  • Knechtges, David R. (1996).Wen Xuan, or Selections of Refined Literature, Volume Three: Rhapsodies on Natural Phenomena, Birds and Animals, Aspirations and Feelings, Sorrowful Laments, Literature, Music, and Passions. Princeton: Princeton University Press.ISBN 0691021260.
  • Knechtges, David R. (2010). "From the Eastern Han through the Western Jin (AD 25–317)". In Owen, Stephen (ed.).The Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume 1: To 1375. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 116–198.doi:10.1017/CHOL9780521855587.004.ISBN 978-0-521-11677-0.
  • Owen, Stephen (2010). "The Cultural Tang (650–1020)". In Owen, Stephen (ed.).The Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume 1: To 1375. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 286–380.doi:10.1017/CHOL9780521855587.006.ISBN 978-0-521-11677-0.
  • Tian, Xiaofei (2010). "From the Eastern Jin through the early Tang (317–649)". In Owen, Stephen (ed.).The Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume 1: To 1375. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 199–285.doi:10.1017/CHOL9780521855587.005.ISBN 978-0-521-11677-0.
  • Wilhelm, Hellmut (1967) [1957]. "The Scholar's Frustration: Notes on a Type ofFu". In Fairbank, John K. (ed.).Chinese Thought and Institutions. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press.
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