Thefar-right (French:Extrême droite) tradition in France finds its origins in theThird Republic withBoulangism and theDreyfus affair. In the 1880s, GeneralGeorges Boulanger, called "General Revenge" (Général Revanche), championed demands for military revenge againstImperial Germany as retribution for the defeat and fall of theSecond French Empire during theFranco-Prussian War (1870–71). This stance, known asrevanchism, began to exert a strong influence onFrench nationalism. Soon thereafter, the Dreyfus affair provided one of the political division lines of France. French nationalism, which had been largely associated with left-wing and Republican ideologies before the Dreyfus affair, turned after that into a main trait of the right-wing and, moreover, of the far right. A new right emerged, and nationalism was reappropriated by the far-right who turned it into a form ofethnic nationalism, blended withanti-Semitism,xenophobia,anti-Protestantism andanti-Masonry. TheAction française (AF), first founded as a journal and later a political organization, was the matrix of a new type ofcounter-revolutionary right-wing, which continues to exist today. During theinterwar period, theAction française and its youth militia, theCamelots du Roi, were very active.Far-right leagues organized riots.
AfterWorld War II, theOrganisation armée secrète (OAS) was created in Madrid in 1961 by French military personnel opposed to theindependence of Algeria.Jean-Marie Le Pen founded theFront National (FN) party in 1972. At the1986 legislative elections, the FN managed to obtain 35 seats, with 10% of the votes.Mark Frederiksen, a French Algeria activist, created in April 1966 aneo-Nazi group, theFANE (Fédération d'action nationaliste et européenne, Nationalist and European Federation of Action). However, in 1978, neo-Nazi members of the GNR-FANE broke again with the FN. During the 1980s, theNational Front managed to gather, underJean-Marie Le Pen's leadership, most rival far-right tendencies of France, following a succession of splits and alliances with other, minor parties, during the 1970s.
TheFrench Third Republic (1871–1940) was established after France's defeat in the 1870Franco-Prussian War and the subsequentParis Commune of 1871. From 1894 to 1906, French society became deeply divided by theDreyfus affair, a major political scandal that proved to be a turning point in the history of France. The modern "far right", or radical right, formed as a distinct political current during the Dreyfus affair. However, it had some antecedents in earlier years of the Third Republic.
Many French nationalists came to oppose the Third Republic soon after its founding, believing that it had adopted an "English" constitution by creating a strongparliament and a weakpresidency; in place of this, nationalists favored a political system led by a strong ruler, originally apresidential republic, although some eventually came to support the idea of a restoredmonarchy.[1] Across French society, there was also a common feeling of pride in thearmy and resentment about its defeat by the Germans. This defeat was blamed on the politicians who later became leaders of the Third Republic, and there were increasinganti-Semitic tendencies that accused Jewish politicians and officers of disloyalty to the nation.[2] For the nationalists, the army was "the people armed", the truest representative of the nation, and any criticism of the army was seen as an attack on France itself.[3] Thus, they rallied to "defend the army" when they felt it was under threat from internal enemies, such as first during the Boulanger affair and later during the Dreyfus affair. The political coalitions originally built to support the army during these affairs, provided the foundations for the 20th century radical right.[4]
The "Boulanger Affair", which culminated in 1889, championed the vague demands of the former Minister of War, GeneralGeorges Boulanger. Boulanger had earlier attracted popular support by ordering lenient treatment of strikers when the army was called upon to suppress strikes. He also rattled his saber against Germany, which pleased French patriots intent on taking revenge. But this alarmed the other ministers, who dropped Boulanger from the government. When his champions mounted an electoral campaign to have him elected to the Chamber of Deputies, the government reacted by forcing him out of the army. Violent agitation in Paris on the election night in 1889 convinced the government to prosecute Boulanger in order to remove him from the political scene. Instead of facing trumped up charges, Boulanger fled to Belgium. His supporters, called "Boulangists", afterward nursed an intense grievance against the Republic and reunited during the Dreyfus affair to oppose the Republic and "back the army" once again.[5][6][7]
In 1894, a Jewish officer,Alfred Dreyfus, was arrested on accusations of treason and sharing intelligence with the German Empire. TheDreyfus affair provided one of the political fault lines of France. Before the Dreyfus affair,Nationalism had been a left-wing and Republican ideology; after, it became a main trait of the right-wing and, moreover, of the far-right.[8]
Émile Zola entered the political scene with his open letter "J'Accuse…!", followed by other writers, artists and scholars supporting him with a "Manifesto of the Intellectuals", helping to define the meaning of the term "intellectual",[9] while the left and right were at loggerheads, mainly over the questions ofmilitarism,nationalism,justice andhuman rights. Until then, nationalism was a Republican, left-wing ideology, related to theFrench Revolution and theRevolutionary Wars. It was aliberal nationalism, formulated byErnest Renan's definition of the nation as a "daily plebiscite" and as formed by the subjective "will to live together". Related to "revanchism", the belligerent will to take revenge against Germany and retake control ofAlsace-Lorraine, nationalism could then be sometimes opposed toimperialism. In the 1880s, a debate thus opposed those who opposed the "colonial lobby", such asradicalGeorges Clemenceau, who declared that colonialism diverted France from the "blue line of theVosges" (referring to Alsace-Lorraine), socialistJean Jaurès and nationalistMaurice Barrès, againstModerate RepublicanJules Ferry, republicanLéon Gambetta andEugène Etienne, the president of the parliamentary colonial group.
However, in the midst of the Dreyfus affair, a new right emerged, and nationalism was appropriated by the far right who turned it into a form ofethnic nationalism, itself blended with anti-Semitism,xenophobia, anti-Protestantism andanti-Masonry.Charles Maurras (1868–1952), founder of "integralism" (or "integral nationalism"), created the term "Anti-France" to stigmatize "internal foreigners", or the "four confederate states of Protestants, Jews, Freemasons and foreigners" (his actual word for the latter being the far less politemétèques). A few years later, Maurras would join the monarchistAction française, created byMaurice Pujo andHenri Vaugeois in 1898. Maurras, who was an agnostic, spearheaded a monarchist and Catholic revival. He pragmatically conceived of religion as anideology useful to unify the nation. Most French Catholics were conservatives, a trait that continues today. On the other hand, most Protestants, Jews and atheists belonged to the left. Henceforth, the republicans' conception was, to the contrary, that onlystate secularism could peacefully bind together diverse religious and philosophical tendencies, and avoid any return to theWars of Religion. Furthermore, Catholic priests were seen as a major reactionary force by the republicans, among whomanti-clericalism became common. TheFerry laws on public education had been a first step for the Republic in rooting out the clerics' influence: they would be completed by the1905 law on the separation of Church and State.
Action française, first founded as a review, was the matrix of a new type of counter-revolutionary right-wing, and continues to exist today.Action française was quite influential in the 1930s, in particular through its youth organization, theCamelots du Roi, founded in 1908, and which engaged in many street brawls. TheCamelots du Roi included such figures as Catholic writerGeorges Bernanos andJean de Barrau, member of the directing committee of the National Federation, and particular secretary of theduc d'Orléans (1869–1926), the son of theOrléanistcount of Paris (1838–1894) and hence Orléanist heir to the throne of France. Many members of theOAS terrorist group during theAlgerian War (1954–62) were part of the monarchist movement.Jean Ousset, Maurras' personal secretary, created theCatholic fundamentalist organizationCité catholique, which would include OAS members and founded a branch in Argentina in the 1960s.
Apart from theAction française, severalfar-right leagues were created during the Dreyfus affair. Mostly anti-Semitic, they also represented a new right-wing tendency, sharing common traits such asanti-parliamentarism, militarism, nationalism, and often engaged in street brawls. Thus, the nationalist poetPaul Déroulède created in 1882 the anti-semiticLigue des patriotes (League of Patriots), which at first focused on advocating 'revanche' (revenge) for the French defeat during theFranco-Prussian War. Along withJules Guérin, the journalistEdouard Drumont created theAntisemitic League of France in 1889. Also anti-Masonic, the League became at the start of the 20th century theGrand Occident de France [fr], a name chosen in reaction against the Masonic lodge of theGrand Orient de France.
During theinterwar period, theAction française (AF) and its youth militia, theCamelots du Roi, were very active in Paris.[10] Apart from the AF, variousfar-right leagues were formed and opposed bothCartel des gauches (Coalition of the left) governments.Pierre Taittinger thus formed theJeunesses Patriotes in 1924, which imitated the style of theFascists, although it remained a more traditional authoritarian movement. The following year,Georges Valois createdLe Faisceau, heavily inspired byBenito Mussolini'sFascism. In 1933, the yearAdolf Hitler gained power in Germany, perfumerFrançois Coty foundedSolidarité française andMarcel Bucard formed theFrancisme, which was subsidised by Mussolini. Another important league wasFrançois de la Rocque'sCroix de Feu, which formed the base for theParti Social Français (PSF), the first mass party of the French right-wing. Mussolini was much more popular in right-wing circles than Hitler due to the negative reaction many French conservatives had to Hitler's repression of dissident German conservatives and Catholics in 1933 and 1934.[11]
Apart from the leagues, a group ofNeosocialists (Marcel Déat,Pierre Renaudel, etc.) were excluded in November 1933 from theFrench Section of the Workers' International (SFIO, the socialist party) because of their revisionist stances and admiration for fascism. Déat would become one of the most ardent collaborationists during World War II.
Another major player in France's right-wing world between the wars wasJacques Doriot. Doriot had been expelled by theFrench Communist Party after proposing aPopular Front with other leftist parties, which at that time was seen asheresy by his party's hierarchy. Personally hurt and embittered by his expulsion, Doriot would slowly change sides, eventually openly denouncing communism and going on to found theParti Populaire Francais or PPF, the largest pre-war right wing party. Other important figures of the 1930s includeXavier Vallat, who would become General Commissioner for Jewish Affairs underVichy, members of theCagoule terrorist group (Eugène Deloncle,Eugène Schueller (the founder ofL'Oréal cosmetic firm),Jacques Corrèze,Joseph Darnand, who later founded theService d'ordre légionnaire militia during Vichy, etc.). To obtain arms fromfascist Italy, the group assassinated two Italian antifascists, theRosselli brothers,[12][13] on June 9, 1937, and sabotaged aeroplanes clandestinely supplied by the French government to theSecond Spanish Republic. They also attempted a coup against thePopular Front government, elected in 1936, leading to arrests in 1937, ordered by Interior MinisterMarx Dormoy, during which the police seized explosives and military weapons, including anti-tank guns.[14]
Far right leagues organisedmajor riots on 6 February 1934.[15] The groups did not coordinate their efforts and the riots were suppressed by the police and military. Elements on the left were convinced that unity was essential to suppress fascism, and in 1936 they formed thePopular Front and dissolved the leagues. However the right-wing leagues promptly reorganized as political parties and continued vocal attacks on the left.[16]
TheOrganisation armée secrète (OAS) was created in Madrid by French military officers opposed to theindependence of Algeria. Many of its members would later join variousanti-communist struggles around the world. Some, for example, joined theCité catholique fundamentalist group and went to Argentina, where they were in contact with theArgentine Armed Forces.Jean Pierre Cherid, former OAS member, took part in the 1976Montejurra massacre against left-wing Carlists.[17][18] He was then part of the SpanishGAL death squad, and participated in the 1978 assassination ofArgala, one of theETA members who had killedFranco's Prime minister,Luis Carrero Blanco, in 1973.
Jean-Louis Tixier-Vignancour was the far-right candidate at the1965 presidential election.His campaign was organised byJean-Marie Le Pen.Charles de Gaulle said of Tixier-Vignancourt: "Tixier-Vignancour, that is Vichy, theCollaboration proud of itself, theMilice, the OAS".
Jean-Marie Le Pen founded theFront National (FN) party in 1972, along with formerOccident memberJacques Bompard, formerCollaborationistRoland Gaucher,François Duprat, who introduced thenegationist thesis to France,[19] and others nostalgics ofVichy France,Catholic fundamentalists, etc.[20] Le Pen presented himself for the first time in the1974 presidential election, obtaining 0.74%.[20] The electoral rise of the FN did not start untilJean-Pierre Stirbois's victory, in 1983, inDreux. The FN became stronger throughout the 1980s, managing to unite most far-right tendencies, passing electoral alliances with the right-wingRally for the Republic (RPR), while some FN members quit the party to join the RPR or theUnion for a French Democracy (UDF). At the1986 legislative elections, the FN managed to obtain 35 seats, with 10% of the votes.
Meanwhile, other far-right tendencies gathered inAlain de Benoist'sNouvelle Droite think-tank, heading a pro-European and neopagan line. Some radical members of the "national revolutionary" tendency quit the FN to form other minor parties (Party of New Forces, PFN, andFrench and European Nationalist Party, PNFE).
Mark Frederiksen, a French Algeria activist, created in April 1966 aneo-Nazi group, theFANE (Fédération d'action nationaliste et européenne, Nationalist and European Federation of Action). The FANE boasted at most a hundred activists, including members such asLuc Michel, now leader of theParti communautaire national-européen (National European Communautary Party),Jacques Bastide,Michel Faci,Michel Caignet [fr] andHenri-Robert Petit, a journalist and formerCollaborationist who directed under theVichy regime the newspaperLe Pilori. The FANE maintained international contacts with the British group theLeague of Saint George.[21]
The FANE ralliedJean-Marie Le Pen'sNational Front in 1974, gathered aroundFrançois Duprat andAlain Renault [fr]'sRevolutionary Nationalist Groups (GNR), which represented thenationalist revolutionary tendency of the FN.
But in 1978, neo-Nazi members of the GNR-FANE broke again with the FN, taking with them sections of the FN youth movement, theFront National de la Jeunesse.[22] On the other hand, GNR activists closer to theThird Position (Jacques Bastide and Patrick Gorre)[22] joinedJean-Gilles Malliarakis to found, on February 11, 1979, theRevolutionary Nationalist Movement [fr] (Mouvement nationaliste révolutionnaire), which became in 1985Third Way (Troisième Voie).
After this brief passage at the National Front, Mark Fredriksen created theFaisceaux nationalistes européens (FANE) in July 1980. These would eventually merge with theMouvement national et social ethniste in 1987, and then with thePNFE (French and European Nationalist Party) in January 1994, which also gathered former National Front members.
Dissolved first in September 1980 byRaymond Barre's government, Fredriksen's group was recreated, and dissolved again in 1985 byLaurent Fabius' government. Finally, it was dissolved a third time in 1987 byJacques Chirac's government, on charges of "violent demonstrations organised by this movement, which has as one of its expressed objective the establishment of a newNazi regime", the "paramilitary organisation of this association and its inciting ofracial discrimination".
In the 1980s,Alain de Benoist became chief theorist of theNouvelle Droite movement, creating the think-tankGRECE in 1968, some of whose members were involved with the formation of theClub de l'Horloge in 1974. They advocated anethno-nationalist stance focused on European culture, which advocated a return ofpaganism. Members of the GRECE quit the think tank in the 1980s, such asPierre Vial who joined the FN, orGuillaume Faye who quit the organisation along with others members in 1986. Faye participated in 2006 in a conference in the US organised byAmerican Renaissance, awhite separatist magazine published by theNew Century Foundation.
Alain de Benoist occasionally contributed to theMankind Quarterly review, which supportshereditarianism and is associated with the US think tank thePioneer Fund, headed byJ. Philippe Rushton, the author ofRace, Evolution and Behavior (1995), which argues in favour of a biological conception of "race". GRECE and the Pioneer Fund are actively involved in therace and intelligence debate, postulating that there is an identifiable link between levels of intelligence and distinctethnic groups.
The Club de l'horloge itself had been founded byHenry de Lesquen, a former member of the conservativeRally for the Republic, which he quit in 1984. Others members of the Club de l'horloge, such asBruno Mégret, later joined the FN after a short time in the RPR.
During the 1980s, theNational Front managed to gather, underJean-Marie Le Pen's leadership, most rival far-right tendencies of France, following a succession of splits and alliances with other, minor parties, during the 1970s.
One of those parties, theParty of New Forces (PFN,Parti des forces nouvelles), was an offshoot of the National Front, formed from a 1973 split headed byAlain Robert andFrançois Brigneau who first organised theComité faire front which subsequently merged into the PFN.
The PFN was formed mainly by former members ofNew Order (Ordre nouveau, 1969–1973), who had refused to merge into the FN at its 1972 creation. New Order, dissolved by Interior MinisterRaymond Marcellin in 1973, was itself a successor toOccident (1964–1968) and of theUnion Defense Group (GUD,Groupe union défense).
Close to theThird Position and supporting a "national-revolutionary" thesis, this tendency maintained links with the FN, despite some tensions. The GUD, in particular, had published the satiric monthlyAlternative with theYouth Front (Front de la jeunesse), the youth organisation of the FN. They also had attempted alliances with other far-right parties in Europe, with New Order organising the alliance "A Fatherland for Tomorrow" (Une patrie pour demain) with the SpanishFalange, theItalian Social Movement (MSI) and the GermanNational Democratic Party.
This European strategy was continued by the PFN, who launched theEuroright alliance, with the MSI, the SpanishNew Force and the BelgianPFN, for the1979 European elections. Headed byJean-Louis Tixier-Vignancour, the PFN won 1.3% of the vote. This electoral failure promptedRoland Gaucher andFrançois Brigneau to quit the party and join Le Pen's National Front.
The French far-right was divided in the1981 presidential election, with bothPascal Gauchon (PFN) and Le Pen (FN) attempting, without success, to secure the 500 signatures from mayors necessary to stand as candidates.François Mitterrand (Socialist Party) won those elections, competing againstJacques Chirac (Rally for the Republic, RPR).
These succeeding electoral defeats prompted the far-right to unify itself. In 1983, the FN managed to make its first electoral breakthrough, taking control of the town ofDreux:Jean-Pierre Stirbois obtained 17% of the votes in the first round, for the FN municipal list. In the second round, he merged his list with Chirac's RPR list (headed byJean Hieaux), enabling the right to claim a victory against theleft. Chirac supported the alliance with the far-right, claiming that the Socialist Party, allied with theCommunist Party in government, had no lessons to give.[23]
This first electoral success was confirmed at the1984 European elections, the FN obtaining 10% of the votes. Two years later, the FN gained 35 deputies (nearly 10% of the votes) at the1986 legislative elections, running under the label of "Rassemblement national". Those elected included the monarchistGeorges-Paul Wagner.
Internal disputes continued however to divide the far-right. Following the 1986 elections, which broughtJacques Chirac to power asPrime Minister, some hardliners inside the FN broke away to create theFrench and European Nationalist Party (PNFE, Parti Nationaliste Français et Européen), along with members ofMark Frederiksen's Third PositionFANE. Three former members of the PNFE were charged of having desecrated, in 1990, a Jewish cemetery inCarpentras.[24] The PNFE was also implicated in the1988 Cannes and Nice attacks.
The most important split was headed byBruno Mégret in 1999. Taking many FN elected representatives and party officials with him, he then created theNational Republican Movement (MNR). However, with an eye to the2007 legislative elections, he supported Le Pen's candidacy for thepresidential election.
During these presidential elections,Jean-Marie Le Pen only took 10.4% of the vote, compared to his 16.9%first round result in 2002, qualifying him for the second round, where he achieved 17.79% against 82.21% forJacques Chirac (Rally for the Republic, RPR).
With only 1.85% in the second round of the2002 legislative elections, the FN failed to gain any seats in theNational Assembly. In the2007 presidential election, Le Pen finished fourth, behindNicolas Sarkozy,Ségolène Royal andFrançois Bayrou.Philippe de Villiers, theCatholic traditionalist candidate of theMovement for France (especially strong in the conservativeVendée region), was sixth, obtaining 2.23% of the vote.
This electoral slump for the FN was confirmed at the2007 legislative elections, the FN obtaining only 0.08% of the votes in the second round, and therefore no seats.
These electoral defeats, which contrasted with the high score obtained at the 2002 presidential elections, caused financial problems for the FN, which was forced to sell its headquarters, thePaquebot, inSaint-Cloud. Le Pen then announced, in 2008, that he would not compete again in presidential elections, leaving the way for contest for the leadership of the FN between his daughter,Marine Le Pen, whom he favoured, andBruno Gollnisch.[25] The latter had been condemned in January 2007 forHolocaust denial,[26] while Marine Le Pen attempted to follow a slicker strategy to give the FN a more "respectable" image.
Since her election as the leader of the party in 2011, the popularity of the FN continued to grow apace as the party won several municipalities at the2014 municipal elections; it topped the poll in France at the2014 European elections with 25% of the vote; and again won more votes than any other party in the2015 departmental elections.[27] The party once again came in first place in the2015 regional elections with a historic result of just under 28% of the vote.[28] By 2015, the FN had established itself as one of the largest political forces in France, unusually being both most popular and most controversial political party.[29][30][31][32]
For the2012 presidential election, Le Pen came third in the first round, scoring 17.9% – the partys then best showing ever for the FN.
For the2017 presidential election, Le Pen came second in the first round, scoring 21.3% – the best showing ever for the FN. in the second round she came second with 33.9% a best for NF.
In 2018, the National Front was renamedNational Rally.[33]
Far right parties have never enjoyed such a big popularity as they have done since the results of the 2017 and 2022 elections. For the2022 presidential election, Le Pen came second in the first round, scoring 23.15% – the best showing ever for the RN. Eric Zemmour got 7.07%. Total Far Right vote was 32%, the highest vote ever in a French election. Marine Le Pen may have lost in the second round, but nonetheless her defeat had a taste of victory: the score of 41.46% was the best showing ever for the RN or for a Far Right candidate.
The main reason of the success of theRassemblement National lies with the political strategies of normalisation anddediabolisation led by Marine Le Pen and her fellow members of the party, to rally votes of right wing centrists, and to sweep away the extremism her father had cast upon the party.
However, the most radical fraction of theRassemblement National accused Marine Le Pen of not being radical enough. In parallel,Éric Zemmour, a far-right pundit with no previous party affiliation or political experience, created his own party,Reconquête.[34] His views, as a former journalist, in topics such as immigration are much more outspoken and radical than Le Pens. He even overtook Le Pen in one of the polls in the early days of the creation of his party.[35]
Le Pen's niece,Marion Maréchal Le Pen, former member of RN became a member of Reconquête in 2021 while arguing herself and her aunt had "ideological differences".[36] She was excluded of the party on the 18th June, accused of high treason by the head-of-party Eric Zemmour after she showed support for the Central- Far Right coalition between Eric Ciotti's PartyThe Republicans (France) and Rassemblement National.
In the June 2022Assemblée Nationale election, the RN gained 89 seats in the national assembly, winning the party enough seats to form a parliamentary group for the first time since 1986.
The result of the European election was a long-awaited result for Le Pen. Arriving ahead of all other parties, Jordan Bardella's party "La France revient!" (lit. "France is coming back") cumulated 31,37% of votes.[37] Turnout rate reached 51.49% and was 1.37 points higher than in 2019.[37]
To this, President Emmanuel Macron dissolved the French Assembly and called for anticipated legislative elections on 30th and 3 July, acknowledging "that he wouldn't act as is nothing had happened."[38] and arguing that far right parties are the impoverishment of French people.
On the night of June 9, following the announcement of new elections,Marion Maréchal called for a "coalition of the rights" in the hopes of forming a union between theRN,LR,Reconquête! andDLF,[39] mixing right-wing and far-right parties. In the following days,Marion Maréchal met withRN officials to discuss the modalities of a potentialRN andReconquête! coalition. However, on June 11, talks between the two parties failed asJordan Bardella refused "any direct or indirect association with Éric Zemmour".[40] Despite not reaching an agreement,Marion Maréchal exhorted her followers to vote for the RN-LR alliance the next day.Éric Zemmour denouncedMarion Maréchal's declaration, calling her out for her "treason" and excluding her fromReconquête!.[41]
On June 11,Éric Ciotti, the president ofLR, announced during an interview onTF1 that he intended to form an alliance between his party and theRN, triggeringThe Republicans crisis. This announcement broke the historicalcordon sanitaire between the French republican right and the far-right. However, many figures ofLR criticizedÉric Ciotti's decision to ally with the RN.[42] In an interview in the evening onFrance 2,Jordan Bardella, president of theRN, confirmed the alliance between theRN andLR, declaring that a "deal" has been made between the two parties and that theRN will support multiple candidates ofLR.[43] On June 12, a political committee composed of influential members ofLR declared the exclusion ofÉric Ciotti from the party.Éric Ciotti contested this decision, claiming that he was still president of the party.[44] This issue was brought to justice, where a judge temporarily invalidated the political committee's decision. However, a second political committee again excludedÉric Ciotti fromLR on June 14.[45]
In response to the threat of a potential RN government, France's 4 major leftist parties, thePS,LFI,Les Écologistes and thePCF, announced a union of the lefts, forming theNew Popular Front.[46] Moreover, around 640 000 people mobilized against the far-right in a nationwide protest on June 15; 75 000 or 250 000 of which, depending on sources, were in Paris.[47]
Other minor groups that are or have been active in the Fifth Republic include:
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