| French Revolution of 1848 | |||
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| Part of theRevolutions of 1848 | |||
 Lamartine in front of the Town Hall of Paris rejects the red flag on 25 February 1848, byHenri Félix Emmanuel Philippoteaux | |||
| Date | 22–24 February 1848 | ||
| Location | Paris, France | ||
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TheFrench Revolution of 1848 (French:Révolution française de 1848), also known as theFebruary Revolution (Révolution de février), was a period ofcivil unrest in France, in February 1848, that led to the collapse of theJuly Monarchy and the foundation of theFrench Second Republic. It sparked the wave ofrevolutions of 1848.[1]
The revolution took place inParis, and was preceded by the French government's crackdown on thecampagne des banquets. Starting on 22 February as a large-scale protest against the government ofFrançois Guizot, it later developed into a violent uprising against the monarchy. After intense urban fighting, large crowds managed to take control of the capital, leading to the abdication of KingLouis Philippe on 24 February and the subsequent proclamation of the Second Republic.
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Under theCharter of 1814,Louis XVIII ruled France as the head of aconstitutional monarchy. Upon Louis XVIII's death, his brother, the Count of Artois, ascended to the throne in 1824, asCharles X. Supported by theultra-royalists, Charles X was an extremely unpopular reactionary monarch whose aspirations were far more grand than those of his deceased brother. He had no desire to rule as a constitutional monarch, taking various steps to strengthen his own authority as monarch and weaken that of thelower house.[citation needed]
In 1830, Charles X of France, presumably instigated by one of his chief advisers,Jules, Prince de Polignac, issued theFour Ordinances of St. Cloud. These ordinances abolishedfreedom of the press, reduced the electorate by 75%, and dissolved the lower house.[2] This action provoked an immediate reaction from the citizenry, who revolted against the monarchy during theThree Glorious Days of 26–29 July 1830.[3] Charles was forced to abdicate the throne and to flee Paris for the United Kingdom. As a result,Louis Philippe, of theOrléanist branch, rose to power, replacing the old Charter by theCharter of 1830, and his rule became known as theJuly Monarchy.[citation needed]
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Nicknamed the "Bourgeois Monarch", Louis Philippe sat at the head of a moderately liberal state controlled mainly by an educated elite. He was supported by the Orléanists and opposed on his right by theLegitimists (former ultra-royalists) and onhis left by theRepublicans. Louis Philippe was an expert businessman and, by means of his businesses, he had become one of the richest men in France.[4] Louis Philippe saw himself as the successful embodiment of a "small businessman" (petite bourgeoisie). He and his government did not look with favor on the big business (bourgeoisie), especially the industrial section of the French bourgeoisie, yet Louis Philippe did support the bankers, large and small. At the beginning of his reign in 1830, Jacques Laffitte, a banker and liberal politician who supported Louis Philippe's rise to the throne, said "From now on, the bankers will rule."[5]
During the reign of Louis Philippe, the privileged "financial aristocracy", i.e. bankers, stock exchange magnates, railroad barons, owners of coal mines, iron ore mines, and forests and all landowners associated with them, tended to support him, while the industrial section of the bourgeoisie, which may have owned the land their factories sat on but not much more, were disfavored by Louis Philippe and actually tended to side with the middle class and laboring class in opposition to Louis Philippe in the Chamber of Deputies.[5] Land-ownership was favored, and this elitism resulted in the disenfranchisement of much of the middle and working classes.[citation needed]
By 1848, only about one percent of the population held the franchise. Although France had afree press andtrial by jury, only landholders were permitted to vote[citation needed], which alienated thepetite bourgeoisie and even the industrial bourgeoisie from the government. Louis Philippe was viewed as generally indifferent to the needs of society, especially to those members of the middle class who were excluded from the political arena. Early in 1848, some Orléanistliberals, such asAdolphe Thiers, had turned against Louis Philippe, disappointed by his opposition toparliamentarism. A reform movement developed in France which urged the government to expand the electoral franchise, just as Great Britain had done with theReform Act 1832. The more radical democrats of the reform movement coalesced around the newspaper,La Réforme;[6] the more moderate republicans and the liberal opposition rallied around theLe National newspaper.[7] Starting in July 1847 the reformists of all shades began to hold "banquets" at which toasts were drunk to"République française" (the French Republic), "Liberté, égalité, fraternité", etc.[8] Louis Philippe turned a deaf ear to the reform movement, and discontent among wide sections of the French people continued to grow.
Alexis de Tocqueville observed, "We are sleeping together in a volcano. ... A wind of revolution blows, the storm is on the horizon." Lacking the property qualifications to vote, the lower classes were about to erupt in revolt.[9]
The French middle class watched changes in Britain with interest. When Britain'sReform Act 1832 extended enfranchisement to any man paying taxes of £10 or more per year (previously the vote was restricted to landholders), France's free press took interest. Meanwhile, economically, the French working class may perhaps have been slightly better off than Britain's working class. Still, unemployment in France threw skilled workers down to the level of the proletariat. The only nominally social law of theJuly Monarchy was passed in 1841. This law prohibited the use of labor of children under eight years of age, and the employment of children less than 13 years old for night-time work. This law was routinely flouted.[citation needed]
The year 1846 saw a financial crisis and bad harvests, and the following year saw an economic depression. A poor railway system hindered aid efforts, and the peasant rebellions that resulted were forcibly crushed. According to French economistFrédéric Bastiat, the poor condition of the railway system can largely be attributed to French efforts to promote other systems of transport, such as carriages.[10] Perhaps a third of Paris was onsocial welfare. Writers such asLouis Blanc ("Theright to work") andPierre-Joseph Proudhon ("Property is theft!") proliferated.[citation needed]
Bastiat, who was one of the most famous political writers of the 1840s, had written countless works concerning the economic situation before 1848, and provided a different explanation of why the French people were forced to rise in the revolt. He believed that the main reasons were primarily the political corruption, along with its very complex system of monopolies, permits, and bureaucracy, which made those who were able to obtain political favors unjustly privileged and able to dictate the market conditions and caused a myriad of businesses to collapse, as well asprotectionism which was the basis for the French foreign trade at the time, and which caused businesses along the Atlantic coast to file for bankruptcy, along with the one owned by Bastiat's family. Indeed, most of Bastiat's early works concern the situation in Bayonne and Bordeaux, two large merchant harbors before the Napoleonic Wars, gradually devastated first by Napoleon I's continental blockade, and later by the protectionist legislation of the nineteenth century. According to Bastiat's biographer, G.C. Roche, just prior to the revolution, 100,000 citizens of Lyon were described as "indigent" and by 1840 there were at least 130,000 abandoned children in France. International markets were not similarly troubled at the time, which Bastiat attributed to the freedom of trade. Indeed, a large part of French economic problems in the 1830s and 1840s were caused by the shortage and unnaturally high prices of different products which could have easily been imported from other countries, such as textiles, machines, tools, and ores, but doing so was either outright illegal at the time or unprofitable due to the system of punitive tariffs.[citation needed]
Bastiat has also noted that the French legislators were entirely unaware of the reality and the effects of their radical policies. One of the members of the French Chamber of Deputies reportedly received a standing ovation when he proposed that the depression of 1847 was due primarily to "external weakness" and "idle pacifism". Nationalist tendencies caused France to severely restrict all international contacts with the United Kingdom, including the ban on importing tea, perceived as destructive to the French national spirit.[11] As the United Kingdom was the largest economy in the world in the nineteenth century, France deprived itself of its most important economic partner, one that could have supplied France with what it lacked and bought surplus French goods.[citation needed]
Such governmental policies and obliviousness to the real reasons of economic troubles were, according to Bastiat, the main causes of the French Revolution of the 1848 and the rise of socialists and anarchists in the years preceding the revolution itself.[citation needed]
Because political gatherings and demonstrations were outlawed in France, activists of the largely middle class opposition to the government began to hold a series of fund-raising banquets. This campaign of banquets (Campagne des banquets), was intended to circumvent the governmental restriction on political meetings and provide a legal outlet for popular criticism of the regime. The campaign began in July 1847.Friedrich Engels was in Paris dating from October 1847 and was able to observe and attend some of these banquets.[12] He wrote a series of articles on them, including "The Reform Movement in France" which was published inLa Rèforme on 20 November 1847; "Split in the Camp—theRèforme and the National—March of Democracy" published inThe Northern Star on 4 December 1847; "Reform Banquet at Lille—Speech of LeDru-Rollin" published inThe Northern Star on 16 December 1847; "Reform Movement in France—Banquet of Dijon" published inThe Northern Star on 18 December 1847; "The Réforme and the National" published in theDeutsche-Brüsseler-Zeitung on 30 December 1847; and "Louis Blanc's Speech at the Dijon Banquet" published in theDeutsche-Brusseler-Zeitung on 30 December 1847.[13]
On 14 January 1848, ahead of the highly awaited next banquet in Paris, the government of prime ministerFrançois Guizot outlawed it. Nonetheless, the banquet's organizers decided that it would still be held, alongside a political demonstration, and scheduled it for 22 February.[14]
Aware of the political gatherings scheduled for the following day, the French government banned the political banquets for the second time on 21 February. The ban succeeded in pressuring the organizing committee to cancel the events. However, the workers and students, mobilising in the previous days, refused to back down over the demonstrations.[14] 22 February started quietly, and at 9 a.m., members of the Municipal Guard who had been assigned to arrest the banquet leaders were recalled to their normal duties by thePrefect of Police.[15] Only a small number of troops remained at critical points.[15] Shortly before noon, large crowds began flooding out onto the streets of Paris, gathering from the eastern suburbs and theLatin Quarter towards thePlace de la Concorde and thePlace de la Madeleine.[14][15] Their appearance came as a surprise to the authorities, after the events were supposedly cancelled, and led to a confused initial response.[15]
The crowds, mostly unarmed, easily overcame the few Municipal Guardsmen, filling the squares and nearly invading thePalais Bourbon, the seat of theChamber of Deputies.[15] These demonstrations soon developed into a large-scale, popular revolt, making 22 February the first day of the Revolution.[15] With the arrival of reinforcements in the afternoon, protesters were dispersed from the Place de la Concorde and the Place de la Madeleine. The crowds were too large to be arrested or contained, and so they spread out around theChamps-Élysées and back into southeast Paris, building the firstbarricades.[15] In the evening, early skirmishes took place with the Municipal Guard.[14][16]
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On 23 February, theMinistry of War requested more regular troops from outside Paris.[15] Crowds marched past Guizot's residence shouting "Down with Guizot" (À bas Guizot) and "Long Live the Reform" (Vive la réforme).[17] TheNational Guard was mobilized, however its soldiers refused to engage the crowds, and instead joined them in their demonstrations against Guizot and King Louis Philippe.[14] In the early afternoon, Louis Philippe summoned Guizot to theTuileries Palace, the king's residence, and reluctantly asked for his resignation. Guizot returned to the Parliament where he resigned as prime minister,[16] and the King then requestedCount Molé to form a new government.[14]
Upon Guizot's resignation, the leaders of theMovement Party (known as the "dynastic opposition"),Adolphe Thiers andOdilon Barrot, congratulated themselves on achieving a change of ministry while preserving the monarchy.[16] After news of Guizot's resignation spread through Paris, fighting gradually ceased and the crowds began to celebrate.[16] However, despite the fall of an unpopular government, underlying social pressures remained, and republicans still sought to secure a change of regime.[16]
At around 9:30 pm, a crowd of over six hundred gathered outside theMinistry of Foreign Affairs on theBoulevard des Capucines.[16] The building was guarded by about two hundred men of the14th Line Infantry Regiment [fr].[16] The commanding officer ordered the crowd not to pass, but the soldiers began to be pressed by the crowd.[14] The officer then ordered his men to fixbayonets in order to keep people at distance.[16] However, as they were performing this, an unidentified weapon was discharged, and in response the soldiers opened fire on the crowd in afusillade. 52 people were killed and 74 others were injured,[15] and the crowd immediately dispersed as people fled in all directions.[16]
News of the massacre soon sparked anger among Parisians. After the crowd regrouped on the Boulevard des Capucines, some of the dead were loaded on to horse-drawn wagons and paraded through the streets by workers calling for vengeance, as a general call to arms.[16][14] During the night between 23 and 24 February, over 1,500 barricades were erected throughout Paris, and many railways leading to the city weresabotaged.[15]
By 24 February, Paris was a barricaded city, and King Louis Philippe remained without a government, as first Molé, then Thiers, failed to form a cabinet.[14] After hearing of the massacre on the Boulevard des Capucines, Louis Philippe called for a government to be installed by Barrot, who represented a significant concession to the reformists.[14] At the same time, however, the king gave the command of the troops in Paris toMarshal Bugeaud, who was despised by the crowds for his reputation of brutality in suppressing protests.[16][14] In the early morning, Bugeaud sent fourcolumns through the city in an attempt to defeat the insurgents at the barricades.[16] However, Louis Philippe, intending to avoid even more bloodshed, ordered the officers in charge to attempt to negotiate before opening fire.[16] Several barracks in Paris were attacked, and a convoy of ammunition was captured by the insurgents atVincennes.[16] The seat of the city administration, theHôtel de Ville, was taken by the revolutionary National Guards.[16] Bugeaud ordered all his soldiers to fall back and consolidate the defense around the Tuileries Palace.[16]
During the morning, heavy fighting broke out in several parts of Paris, with the largest combat taking place at thePlace du Château d'Eau.[14] There, armed insurgents attacked the Château d'Eau, a guard post on the way to the Tuileries held by about one hundred men of the Municipal Guard and the despised 14th Line Regiment. After intense fighting, the Château d'Eau was overrun and set on fire, with the surviving soldiers throwing away their weapons in surrender.[16]
With the insurgents closing in on the royal palace, Thiers advised Louis Philippe to leave Paris and crush the revolution from outside with an overwhelming force of regular troops; however, this strategy was soundly rejected by Thiers' colleagues, including Barrot.[16] While the Château d'Eau burned, the king received conflicting pieces of advice from his allies, and briefly collapsed on his study.[16]Émile de Girardin was the first of his advisors to suggest abdication.[16] At around noon, realizing no further defense was possible, Louis Philippe called off all resistance and formally abdicated in favor of his nine-year-old grandsonPhilippe, Count of Paris.[16][14]
Louis Philippe andQueen Maria Amalia boarded a carriage awaiting at thePlace de la Concorde and left Paris escorted by cavalry.[16] After the royal couple's departure, the revolutionaries finally seized the now nearly deserted Tuileries Palace. On the king's throne, which would be burned the next day at thePlace de la Bastille, they wrote, "The People of Paris to All Europe:Liberty, Equality, Fraternity. 24 February 1848".[16] ThePalais Royal, the historic seat of the Orléans family in Paris, was likewise invaded by a mob and sacked. Another Orléans residence just west of Paris, theChâteau de Neuilly, was pillaged and largely burned down by a mob on the 25th.[18][19]
After Louis Philippe's abdication, his daughter-in-lawHelena, Duchess of Orléans, became the presumptiveregent of France as the mother of Philippe, Count of Paris.[14] She therefore, along with her son, went from the Tuileries to the Chamber of Deputies to try to prevent the abolition of the monarchy.[14] However, following their victory at the Tuileries, the revolutionary crowd broke into the meeting hall of the Chamber.[14] The effort by the dynastic opposition to secure a regency was defeated by popular calls for a Republic, and a preliminary list of members of a provisional government was announced by deputyAlphonse de Lamartine.[16]
Responding to cries of "To the Hôtel de Ville!", Lamartine, along with the left-wing republican deputyLedru-Rollin, marched to the Hôtel de Ville. There, on the evening, the final list of the eleven individuals who would form theProvisional Government was drawn up, with its members then being proclaimed one by one to the crowd outside. Its composition was the result of a compromise between the moderate and radical tendencies of the republican movement, associated, respectively, with the newspapersLe National andLa Réforme.[16][14] In the early hours of 25 February, Lamartine came to the balcony of the Hôtel de Ville and, followed by cheering from the crowd, he proclaimed the French Republic.[16]
The February Revolution had a major impact in Europe, sparking arevolutionary wave known as theRevolutions of 1848.[20][16] The Americanchargé d'affaires to theAustrian Empire,William H. Stiles, reported the Revolution "fell like a bomb amid the states and kingdoms of the Continent", and that "the various monarchs hastened to pay their subjects the constitutions which they owed them".[16] As one of its immediate effects, it sparked awave of revolutions in the German states.[16] The outcome of the Revolution in France pressured the monarchs ofPrussia,Bavaria, Austria andSardinia into granting liberal reforms.[20]
InMexico,monarchist sentiment had gained traction since 1845, envisioning the restoration of theFirst Mexican Empire under a European monarch as the cure to the country's chronic instability.Great Britain, theNetherlands, andFrance were cited as examples of countries that had abandoned unstable republican forms of government and found prosperity as parliamentary monarchies.[21] The fall of the French monarchy and its replacement by a republic switched political fashion back to republicanism and may have prevented a monarchist restoration in the aftermath of the Mexican defeat in theMexican-American War.[22][23]
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