A member of theHouse of Oldenburg, Frederick began his personal rule of Denmark-Norway at the age of 24. He inherited capable and strong realms, formed in large byhis father after the civil war known as theCount's Feud, after which Denmark-Norway saw a period of economic recovery and of a great increase in thecentralised authority of the Crown.[3]
Frederick was, especially in his youth and unlike his father, belligerent and adversarial, aroused by honor and national pride,[4] and so he began his reign auspiciously with a campaign under the agedJohan Rantzau, which reconqueredDithmarschen. However, after miscalculating the cost of theNorthern Seven Years' War, he pursued a more prudentforeign policy.[5] The remainder of Frederick II's reign was a period of tranquillity,[6] in which king and nobles prospered. Frederick spent more time hunting and feasting with his councillors, and focused on architecture and science.[7] During his reign, many building projects were begun, including additions to the royal castles ofKronborg atElsinore andFrederikborg Castle atHillerød.[8]
Frederick has to a great extent been overshadowed by his popular, long-reigning sonChristian IV,[9] and often been portrayed with skepticism and resentment, resulting in the prevailing portrait of Frederick as a man and as king: an unlettered, inebriated, brutish sot.[10][11] This portrayal is, however, inequitable and inaccurate, and recent studies[note 1][12] reappraise and acknowledge him as highly intelligent; he craved the company oflearned men, and in the correspondence and legislation he dictated to his secretaries he showed himself to be quick-witted and articulate.[13] Frederick was also open and loyal, and had a knack for establishing close personal bonds with fellow princes and with those who served him.[10][14]
Frederick was committed to becoming the mightiest king inthe North,[18] and for several years he foughtexhausting wars against hisarchrivalErik XIV of Sweden, after which the battles changed character. It became a competition to see who could trace theirfamily history the furthest, and who could construct the most formidable castles.[18] In the 1570s he constructedKronborg, a largeRenaissance castle that became widely recognized abroad, and itsdance hall was the largest inNorthern Europe at the time.[19] He enjoyed entertaining guests and throwing elaborate festivities, which were well known throughout Europe.[20] During the same period, theDanish-Norwegian fleet was developed into one of Europe's largest and most modern. As part of his efforts to strengthen the kingdoms, he provided much support forscience andculture.[21]
At the time of Frederick's birth,a civil war of Denmark was coming to an end (just three days after Frederick's birth his fatherChristian became King of Denmark). The previous king,Frederick I, died on 10 April the year before, but the DanishCouncil of the Realm, which traditionally ruled the kingdom with the king, had not chosen a successor, and now Denmark had, for more than a year, functioned as anAristocratic Republic.[14] The father of the newborn Frederik, Christian, although eldest son of the late king, was not automatically King of Denmark, as the kingship in Denmark was nothereditary, butelective. Noblemen of theCouncil of the Realm could choose to pick another member of the royal family as king if they so decided.
AfterKing Christian III's victory in theCount's Feud, royal power had now returned to Denmark, and in such a way that the king could set his own terms.[24] In hishaandfæstning, a document which all former Danish Kings must sign, and which regulates the relationship between king andnobility, he reduced the nobility's power, and established that the first son of the king should always be seen asheir apparent, and succeed his father automatically.[25]
On 30 October 1536 Christian convened theestates of the realm (Rigsdag) toCopenhagen, where they formally proclaimed Frederickheir apparent and successor to the throne, granting him the title "Prince of Denmark".[25] In 1542, the Prince travelled around Denmark and was hailed by the people. In the Midsummer of 1548 Christian III and his son Frederick, in a fleet of 7 ships and together with 30 Danish nobles, sailed forOslo, where Frederick was hailed as heir apparent to theThrone of theKingdom of Norway.[26] The royal reception included Danish nobles holding fiefs inNorway, received by Prince Frederik on his ship. The entire Norwegian nobility had been summoned to Oslo.[27]
WhileChristian III secured control of Denmark and Norway, his andDorothea's children grew up in the bosom of the family. In addition toAnna, who was born in 1532, and Frederik from 1534, the group of siblings consisted ofMagnus, born 1540, andJohn, who was born in 1545 and calledJohn the Younger, to distinguish him from Christian III's half-brother,John the Elder. Youngest wasa girl who was born in 1546 and named after her mother.[24]
It was the usual pedagogical view of the time that parents were so inclined to spoil their own children that the upbringing of the children should be delegated to other members of the family,[28] typically the child's maternal grandparents. ButQueen Dorothea didn't want to send the children away when ininfancy. Moreover,her own mother was suspected of nurturing Catholic sympathies, and in the religious era, a Lutheran Danish king could not in good conscience expose his child to Catholic influences. Another contributing factor has probably been the royal couple's concern by leaving the children too much out of sight in the tense political situation that prevailed in the first ten years of Frederik's life.[28]
Frederik's education, although profound and thorough, was focused on theecclesiastical andLutheran doctrine, Frederick mainly learning instructions in theology.[29] While a princely educational program, which included learning the art ofstewardship, diplomacy and war, was proposed and planned by the Danish Chancellor, it was not executed in full as the Danish Chancellor's relationship withChristian III deteriorated before the education could begin.[30]
Life at the court ofChristian III andDorothea was imbued with a ferventLutheran Christianity with which all their children naturally grew up. In March 1538Chancellor Wolfgang von Utenhof proposed an educational program for the young Prince Frederick. He was to have a Danishcourt steward, but he also had to work with and be inspected daily by achamberlain, who was to be a reliable and sobering man from theHolsteinnobility. The prince had to learnLatin, German,Danish, French and other languages, and when he got older he had to learnfencing and other chivalry exercises. He was to have 10–15 young men for company both in his studies and in his chivalrous exercises.[30]
To which extent this educational program was followed is not known. In 1541, Frederick aged 7, he began his schooling. Frederick was appointedHans Svenning, a reputed Danishhumanist and professor ofrhetoric atUniversity of Copenhagen, as teacher.[30]
Christian III andDorothea had probably been expecting a lot from Frederick's schooling.[31] The son was obviously bright and had a good memory. So much bigger has the disappointment, and the amazement, been when the teaching started. Frederick learned to write beautiful and clear letters, but when it came to reading and spelling, the royal student was "a disaster".[31]
ForHans Svaning, this deranged spelling of Frederick's could only be seen as sloppy and laziness, given that the royal boy otherwise seemed smart enough.[32] Time and time again, Frederick has been punished, probably not only by the teacher, but also by his strict mother, who would gladly step in if Svaning's teaching was not sufficient.[32]
Because of Frederick's heavydyslexia, he was perceived by his contemporaries as unlettered and illiterate. Both Frederick's father and mother looked with skepticism at the heir to the throne, and they kept him under the watchful eye of knowledgeable men as far as possible to prevent him from publicly speaking out. Neither did his father entrust Frederik with any administrative duties.[31]
It was only at the age of 20 in 1554 that Frederik was allowed to hold his own court atMalmö Castle inScania, but under the supervision of the middle-aged lensman ('Fief-man')Ejler Hardenberg, who was appointed the prince's court master. At the same time, political training began, which was put in the hands of the two driven noblemenEiler Rønnow and Erik Rosenkrantz.[33] The years inScania, must have felt like a liberation for Frederick.[32] He had finally escaped from the royal court with its tightly regulated existences and pious daily lives. Just outside the moats aroundMalmö Castle was the lively trading town ofMalmö, which offered a young man all-out experiences.[33]
While spending many of his youth years inScania, he became known as the "Prince of Scania" (princeps Scaniæ) (Danish:Fyrste af Skåne).[34] It is not known whether this title was ever officially decreed to him.[34]
The only political education that Frederik received came from his close friendship with his brother-in-law,Elector Augustus of Saxony (reigned 1553–86). Some authors have later stated that Augustus was "the only strong emotional support" Frederick received in his youth.[29]
Augustus, who was the husband of Frederik's elder sisterAnne, took Frederik under his wing, chaperoning him on a trip throughout theHoly Roman Empire in 1557–58. Here Frederik made the acquaintance of the new emperor,Ferdinand I (reigned 1558–64) at hiscoronation, his son and heir apparentMaximilian (emperor 1564–76),William of Orange, and a host of other more prominent German Protestant princes. The experience nurtured in Frederik a lasting appreciation of the great complexity of German politics and a taste for all things military.[29]
This was most troubling to Frederick's father, the ageingChristian III, who feared that in the Empire Frederick would develop ambitions that would exceed both his abilities and the resources of his kingdoms, and that the trip would ultimately drag Denmark-Norway into the maelstrom of German princely politics.[34]
In 1552, Steward of the Realm,Peder Oxe (1520–1575), had been raised to Councillor of State (Rigsraad). During the spring of 1557, Oxe andthe King had quarreled over a mutual property exchange. Failing to compromise matters with the King, Oxe had fled to Germany in 1558.
20 August 1559:Coronatio Regis et equitum auratorum creatio, Hafniæ, post gestum bellum Dithmarsicum, eadem æstate, 20. Augusti.
Frederick's fatherChristian III died on 1 January 1559 atKoldinghus. Frederick was not present at his father's bedside when he died, a circumstance that did not endear the new king, now King Frederick II of Denmark-Norway, to the councillors who had grown to appreciate and revere Christian.[10]
Within weeks of Christian's death, Frederick joined with his uncles inHolstein,John andAdolf, in amilitary campaign to conquer theDitmarschen, underJohan Rantzau. Frederik II'sgreat-uncle,King John, had failed to subjugate the peasant republic in 1500, but the Frederick's 1559-campaign was a quick and relatively painless victory for the Danish Kingdom. The brevity and low cost of the campaign were cold comforts to the members of theCouncil of the Realm,Johan Friis in particular. Friis had warned Frederick that a very real threat of conflict with Sweden loomed just over the horizon, but the king had not listened, and had not even consulted with the Council about the Ditmarschen.[37]
The adversarial king–Council relationship improved relatively quickly however, and not because Frederik caved in to conciliar opposition. Rather, the two parties quickly learned to work together because their interests, and the Kingdom's, required that they did so. From an early time, the council invested much power in Frederick, as they had no desire to go back to the destructive near-anarchy of the pre-civil war years.[38]
Frederik would soon learn how to play the constitutional game that is required in a consensual monarchy, such as Denmark; namely to humour the Council without sacrificing his own royal interests. This meant showing generosity to the conciliararistocracy through various gifts and concessions, which he did in grand style. Shortly before the signing of his coronation charter (haandfæstning),Andreas von Barby, leader of the German Chancery, died. Barby was not well liked in the Council of the Realm, but he was extreamly wealthy.[39] The extensivefiefs in his possession reverted to the Crown, and Frederik was careful to distribute out these properties among the leading members of the Council of the Realm. Throughout his reign, Frederik would reward his conciliar aristocracy generously. Fiefs were distributed on highly favourable terms.[40]
The substantially warmer relationship between king and Council of the Realm after theDitmarschen campaign is best illustrated by the Danish central administration's performance in the greatest national crisis of the reign, theNorthern Seven Years' War (1563–70) against Sweden.
From his predecessor, Frederick inherited theLivonian War. In 1560, he installed his younger brother,Magnus of Holstein (1540–1583), in theBishopric of Ösel–Wiek. King Frederick II largely tried to avoid conflict inLivonia and consolidated amicable relations with TsarIvan IV of Russia in the 1562Treaty of Mozhaysk.[41] His brother Magnus was later made titular King of Livonia, as a vassal of Tsar Ivan IV.
King Frederick's competition with Sweden for supremacy in theBaltic broke out into open warfare in 1563, the start of theNorthern Seven Years' War, the dominating conflict of his rule.[42]
The leading councillors,Johan Friis foremost among them, had feared a Swedish onslaught for several years, and after the succession of Frederick II's first cousin, the ambitious and unbalancedEric XIV (reigned 1560–1568) to theVasa throne a confrontation appeared inevitable. Still, few councillors wanted war, and they preferred to wait until it was forced upon them, while Frederik preferred apreemptive strike. Despite its initial opposition to the war, theCouncil of the Realm went along with the king. Frederik II, wisely, made no effort to exclude the council from the direction of the war, and though he retained chief operational control he entrusted much responsibility to his councillors, including Holger OttesenRosenkrants,MarshalOtte Krumpen, andAdmiralHerluf Trolle.[43]
Only one constitutional crisis emerged duringthe war; in late 1569, after six years of war, the Council decided not to provide the king with further grants of taxation. The war had been costly, both in lives and in gold, but since 1565 Denmark-Norway had made no appreciable gains. The council had already asked Frederik to make peace, and he had made a half-hearted attempt to do so in 1568, but neither Frederik nor hisSwedish opponent was willing to concede defeat.[44]
The war developed into an extremely expensivewar of attrition in which the areas ofScania were ravaged by the Swedes, andNorway was almost lost. During this war, King Frederick II led his army personally on the battlefield, but although with some small success, overall without much result.[citation needed]
The council, in cutting off financial support, had hoped to coerce the king into ending the war. Frederik felt betrayed, and after some reflection, Frederick felt that the only honourable recourse wasabdication.[44] With hisletter of resignation in the hands of the councillors, he leftthe capital to go hunting in thecountryside. The king, still unmarried, had no heir, and consequently theCouncil of the Realm had good reason to fear another leaderlessinterregnum and even another civil war. It played into the king's hands; the Council begging for his return to the throne and allowed him to summon aDiet to consider additionaltax levies.[44]
The conflict damaged his relationship with his noble councillors; however, the laterSture murders of 24 May 1567 by the insane King Eric XIV in Sweden, eventually helped stabilize the situation in Denmark-Norway. After KingJohn III of Sweden, King Eric's successor, refused to accept a peace favoring Denmark-Norway in theTreaties of Roskilde (1568), the ongoing war dragged on until it was ended by a status quo peace in theTreaty of Stettin (1570), that let Denmark-Norway save face but also show limits of Danish and Norwegian military power.[45]
Frederik II learned a great deal about kingship during the war with Sweden. He learned to include theCouncil of the Realm in most matters of policy, but he also learned that it was possible to manipulate the council, even to bend it to his own will, without humiliating it or undermining its authority.[43] He would later come to master this ability and use it extensively.[43]
During the eighteen remaining years of his reign, Frederik would come to drew extensively on the lessons he learned in theNorthern Seven Years' War withEric XIV of Sweden. In the peacetime years, he maintained a rather peripatetic court, moving from residence to residence throughout the Danish countryside, spending a fair share of his time inhunting. This allowed him the opportunity to meet members of theCouncil individually and informally, in their home regions. As was required of the Danish King, he did summon theCouncil of the Realm once annually to meet at theherredag, but most of his business with the council was done on a one-to-one basis.[46] This ensured a very close personal bond with each member of the council while minimizing the opportunity for the council to oppose him as a full body. Frederik's personable disposition also helped,[45] and so, too, did the informal nature of court life under Frederik II. The kinghunted,feasted, and drank with his noblecouncillors andadvisers, and even with visitingforeign dignitaries, treating them as his equal peers and companions rather than as political opponents or inferiors. The eighteenth-century chroniclerLudvig Holberg claimed that when dining at his court, Frederik would frequently announce that 'the king is not at home', which signalled to his guests that all courtformalities were temporarily suspended, and that they could talk and joke as they pleased without restraint. The Danish court of Frederick II may have appeared to be unsophisticated to outside observers, but the openness and bawdiness of court life served Frederik's political purposes.[46] In 1585, he visited Norway for the first and only time as king, but only went toBohuslen.[47]
The great cost of theNorthern Seven Years' War, some 1.1 millionrigsdaler, was recovered chiefly from higher taxation on both Danish and Norwegian farm properties.[48] After state finances collapsed in the aftermath of the war, King Frederick II calledPeder Oxe home to address the kingdom's economy. The taking over of Danish administration and finances by the able councillor, provided a marked improvement for the national treasury. Councillors of experience, includingNiels Kaas,Arild Huitfeldt, andChristoffer Valkendorff, took care of the domestic administration. Subsequently, government finances were put in order and Denmark-Norway's economy improved. One of the chief expedients of the improved state of affairs was the raising of theSound Dues. Oxe, as lord treasurer, reduced the national debt considerably and redeemed portions ofcrown lands.[49][50][51]
After theNorthern Seven Years' War a period of affluence and growth followed in Danish-Norwegian history. The greater financial liquidity of the crown and the king's decreased dependence on theCouncil for funding, while not meaning that Frederick was actively seeking to sidestep conciliar control,[48] it did allow him to be less frugal than his late father,Christian III, had been. Considerable funds were devoted to an expansion ofthe Danish-Norwegian fleet and of the facilities for its support, not merely for security purposes but also to aid Frederick's active endeavours to rid theBaltic Sea ofpirates.[52] The increased revenues likewise enabled Frederik to undertake the construction of Denmark's first nationalroad network, the so-calledkongevej ('King's Road'), connecting the larger towns and the royal residences.[53]
The most visible area of expenditure, however, was the royal castles and the court itself. Frederick spent freely on the reconstruction of several royal residences and other cities:[54]
Antvorskov (near Slagelse, Sjælland), was one of Frederick's favourite hunting-castles. He later died atAntvorskov.
He also rebuiltKronborg inElsinore from a medieval fortress into a magnificentRenaissance castle, between 1574 and 1585.[56]He commissioned the so-calledKronborg Tapestries for the Great Hall. The 43 tapestries were created in Helsingør by Dutch tapestry makers. Tehy depicted more than 100 Danish kings, starting with the legendary King Dan and ending with himself and a young crown prince Christian (IV) standing in front of Kronborg Castle.
In 1561, Frederik II developed and fortifiedSkanderborg Castle with materials fromØm Abbey.
For all Frederick's egalitarian behaviour at his court, Frederick was acutely aware of his elevated status. Like most monarchs of his day, he sought to bolster his international reputation through a measure of ostentatious display, in his patronage of artists and musicians, as well as in the elaborate ceremonies staged for royal weddings and other public celebrations.
Frederick II had claimed naval supremacy in 'the king's sound', as he calledThe Sound and, indeed, the whole expanse of waters lying between his Norwegian and Icelandic possessions. In 1583 he secured an agreement by which England made an annual payment for permission to sail there, and France later followed suit.[59]
He also tried to bring the Icelandic trade and fisheries into the hands of his own subjects instead of Englishmen and Germans and encouraged adventurers such asMagnus Heinason, to whom he gave a monopoly of trade with theFaeroes, a half-share in ships captured on unlawful passage to theWhite Sea, and backing for a bold but unsuccessful attempt to reach eastGreenland.[60]
The necessity of maintaining order within the church meant that royal interference intoecclesiastical affairs was unavoidable. There was no longer anarchbishop within thehierarchy, so the king was the final authority in matters that could not be settled by the bishops alone. As his father,Christian III, put it, kings were the 'father to the superintendents'.[61]
As protector of the church and therefore of the clergy, Frederick frequently intervened in disputes between clergy andlaity, even when the issues involved were trivial ones.[61]
Frederik II repeatedly came to the defence of new parish priests whose congregations tried to force them to marry their predecessors'widows, and sometimes to protect preachers from the wrath of overbearing noblemen. Conversely, the king – and especially Frederik II – would see to it personally that unruly, incompetent, or disreputable priests lost their parishes, or he wouldpardon those who had been punished by their superintendents for minor infractions. Protecting and disciplining the clergy was, after all, part of the king's obligation to thestate church.[62]
Frederik II was more active than his late father in extending his royal authority into areas that the 1537 Ordinance had protected from secular power.[63] Frederik consulted with members of thetheological faculty at theUniversity of Copenhagen—the so-called 'most learned ones' (højlærde)—but he did not shy away from making changes in the most minute liturgical matters. He stipulated the books that every parish priest should have in his library, set standardized times for worship services in the towns, and set minimal standards of competence for all preachers.[62]Although Frederick interfered much inecclesiastical affairs,Paul Douglas Lockhart pointed out, that Frederick "was not interested in dictating conscience", stating that "he wanted only to prevent useless religious disputes, disputes that could weaken the kingdom and leave it vulnerable to Catholic aggression".[64]
A good testimony of Frederik's stubborn resistance to all religious controversy can be found in his response to the late sixteenth-centuryLutheran statement of faith,the Formula and Book of Concord.[65] The 'Concord', which was written by leadingSaxon divines and sponsored by Frederik II's brother-in-law,Augustus, Elector of Saxony, was an attempt to promote unity among the German Lutheran princes. As a unifier, however, the Concord was an abject failure.[66]
August had recently purged his court ofCalvinists andPhilippists, andorthodox Lutherans likeJacob Andreae composed the document. The Concord was extremely orthodox.[67] Frederik II had already clashed with his old friend and companion Augustus over theological issues: in 1575, Augustus had complained profoundly about the Calvinist sentiments expounded byNiels Hemmingsen in thetreatiseSyntagma institutionum christianarum (1574). Though Frederik tried to defendHemmingsen, who was his favourite divine, he also wanted to keep Augustus' friendship, and he therefore dismissed Hemmingsen – with honour – from his post at theUniversity of Copenhagen in 1579. Frederik was not nearly so receptive to August's promotion of the Concord.[64]
Like many other contemporaries of his time, Frederick believed that the Book of Concord promoted discord, and not harmony. Ignoring Augustus's warnings that a Calvinist plot had taken root in Denmark's clergy, he banned the Concord from his lands in July 1580.[66] Possession of the book, or even discussion of its contents, would be punished severely.[65] The king burned his own personal copies, which were sent to him by his sisterAnne, wife of Augustus. The Concord, he argued, contained "teachings which are foreign and alien to us and to our churches, [and which] could easily disrupt the unity which ... these kingdoms have hitherto maintained".[64]
Frederick was a greatpatron of theUniversity of Copenhagen, where he introduced educational reforms in the 1570s and 1580s. Frederik increased the university's budget almost exponentially, expanding the size of its teaching staff and providing substantially higher salaries.[68] While demanding higher educational standards from the priesthood, Frederick and his advisers provided more support for impoverished students. One hundred students, selected by the faculty, received room and board free of fee from the crown, each for a period of five years. Four especially promising students would be awarded thestipendium regium, which paid all costs forstudy abroad so long as the recipient returned toCopenhagen to finish his doctorate.[68]
The interests of Frederik II and his intellectual circle of wise men were more wide-ranging than that ofhis father'stheological one. Frederik had a strong proclivity forParacelsian medicine: in 1571 he appointed Johannes Pratensis to the medical faculty of theUniversity of Copenhagen, and in the same yearPetrus Severinus became his personal physician. Severinus wielded considerable influence among Paracelsian practitioners, following the publication of his Ideamedicinæ philosophicæ (1571).[69]
After an extensive education abroad, Tycho Brahe returned to Denmark not to pursue a career in state service as men of his blood typically did, but instead retreated to themonastery atHerrevad,[72] where he and his maternal uncleSten Bille experimented with the manufacture of paper and glass and maintained a privateobservatory.[73] Brahe's treatise on thesupernova that appeared inCassiopeia in November 1572, published at the behest of the rigshofmesterPeder Oxe, brought his activities to the attention of Frederik and his court.[74] At the king's insistence, Brahe took up a lectureship at theUniversity of Copenhagen in 1574,[71] and two years later he was granted the island ofVen as hisfief.[75] As a fiefholder, he turned out to be a minor disaster, but the observatory at his residence,Uraniborg, drew students from all over Europe. From 1576 until his expulsion byChristian IV in 1597, Brahe supervised the first publicly funded scientific research institute in European history.[74][75]
In his later life, Frederik was fiscally cautious in all matters of state, but he gave an abundance of royal support when it was directed towards the life of the mind. Even after he dismissedHemmingsen from theUniversity of Copenhagen in 1579, for example, he made sure that the theologian still had a gracious salary and the opportunity to study.Tycho Brahe received not onlyVen as a 'free fief', but also several otherfiefs,canonries, and farms inScania to fund his work atUraniborg.[68]
Frederik himself picked out the island ofVen as a place where Brahe could conduct his experiments without distraction. Perhaps the king was driven, in part, by a desire to enhance Denmark's reputation among the great nations of Europe, but even so he demonstrated a finely tuned appreciation for intellectual talent.[70]
As Frederick is alleged to have said to Brahe:[68]
I will sail over to the island [Hven] from time to time and see your work in astronomy and chemistry, and gladly support your investigations, not because I have any understanding of astronomical matters ... but because I am your king and you my subject ... . I see it as my duty to support and promote something like this
Frederick's areas of interest did not consist only oftheological andscientific ones. Frederick is known very well for his love ofhunting,drinking andfeasting.[13] In his youth and in the start of his reign this was a way for Frederick to get away from the Danish court and its formalities.[46] However, in Frederick's later reign he began using hunting and feasting as a political tool. In the peacetime years of his reign, Frederick would maintain a peripatetic court, moving from residence to residence throughout the Danish countryside, spending a fair share of his timehunting. This allowed him the opportunity to meet members of theCouncil individually and informally, in their own home regions. Most of his business with theCouncil of the Realm was therefor done on a one-to-one basis.[46] This ensured a very close personal bond with each member of the council while minimizing the opportunity for the council to oppose him as a body. Frederik's personable disposition undoubtedly helped.[68]
The kinghunted,feasted, and drank with hiscouncillors andadvisers, and even with visiting Europeanforeign dignitaries, treating them as his peers and companions rather than as political opponents or inferiors. The eighteenth-century chroniclerLudvig Holberg claimed that when dining at the court of Frederick II, he would frequently announce that 'the king is not at home', which signalled to his guests that all courtformalities were temporarily suspended, and that they could talk and joke as they pleased without restraint. The Danish court may have appeared unsophisticated to outside observers, but the openness and bawdiness of court life served Frederik's political purposes.[46]
As a young man, Frederick II had desired to marry the noblewoman,Anne Hardenberg, who had served as a lady-in-waiting to his mother, theDowager Queen Dorothea of Denmark, however as she was not of princely birth, this was impossible.[76] There is no evidence that either of them had any interest in entering a morganatic marriage and Anne Hardenberg was married six months after Frederick, after which there is no known contact between them.
Negotiations to find a suitable royal bride were manifold during the 1560s, but mostly it came to nothing, often because Frederick strongly insisted on meeting the prospective bride before committing to her.[77] The proposed matrimonies included:
Renata of Lorraine: Throughout the 1550s, Frederick's fatherChristian III strongly advocated a marriage alliance with theHouse of Lorraine, hoping that a match between his son Prince Frederik and claimant to the Danish throneChristina of Denmark's daughterRenata, would settle the claimant disputes, and possibly even addLorraine to the Oldenburg patrimony.[78] The match never took place—Frederik was indifferent to it,[79] many of the king's advisers opposed it, and Christina was none too cooperative – but it remained Christian III's fervent hope to the end of his days.[79]
Juliana of Nassau: Throughout the 1560s, a marriage between Frederick andWilliam of Orange's sister,Juliana, was heavily considered. Frederick and theDanish Council of State wanted to strengthen relations with otherProtestant powers, and the relationship between Frederick and William was very positive, and they kept close confidential correspondence right up until Frederick's death.[80] The marriage failed due tohigh political complications, as Frederick did not want to appear as an obvious supporter of one ofSpain's enemies.[81][82]
Gold coins minted during the reign of Frederick II. "Queen Sophjie's Gift Set".
Sophie was the daughter ofUlrich III, Duke of Mecklenburg-Güstrow andElizabeth of Denmark. Their marriage was harmonious and happy. Sophie is consistently mentioned in Frederick's handwritten diary as "mynt Soffye", meaning "my Sophie" and she followed him through the country as the court was very mobile. Queen Sophie was a loving mother, nursing her children personally during their illnesses. When Frederick was sick with malaria in 1575, she personally nursed him and wrote many worried letters to her father about his progress.[84][85]
After Frederick's death Sophie was granted alife estate or 'Dowager-pension' (Danish:Livgeding), consisting ofNykøbing Castle and the islands ofLolland andFalster. The Dowager Queen Sophie managed her estates inLolland-Falster so well that her son could borrow money from her on several occasions for his wars.[86]
Antvorskov where King Frederick II of Denmark died.Sepulchral monument of Frederick II byGert van Egen in the Christian I's Chapel (Chapel of the Magi).
King Frederick II died on 4 April 1588, aged 53, atAntvorskov.
Many recent historians, such as Poul Grinder-Hansen,Paul Douglas Lockhart, Thomas Kingston Derry andFrede P. Jensen have expressed, that it is difficult to see how the reign, and especially the later reign, of Frederik II could be viewed as anything other than a resounding success.[10][14] Frederick's character have throughout time been misinterpreted by Danish historians as unlettered, foolish and stupid; leaving state affairs to hiscouncillors to gohunting in the countryside.[12]
However, this is incorrect, and Frederick was highly intelligent. He craved the company oflearned men, who composed his inner circle of intellectuals, and they had many interests, including medicine,alchemy,astrology and theology.[88] AsPaul Douglas Lockhart later stated: "Frederik II may have been a near illiterate (...) but nonetheless he was enlightened as few monarchs of his generation were. It is difficult to see how Danish historians for so long laboured under the impression that he was little better than a drunken fool".[70]
The negative portrayal of Frederik II was founded by thecultural historianTroels Frederik Lund in his 1906 biography ofPeder Oxe, who in his opinion saved Denmark on the brink of abyss against the foolhardy young king and his German war-mad officers.[12] This portrayal was continued byErik Arup, he wrote:
He (Frederick II) was robust and brutal, so hotheaded and gross in his whole way that it was striking even for his contemporaries. His penchant for overestimating himself and underestimating everyone else was a profound feature of him that made him highly ungracious and unlovable
— Erik Arup
Often described as wilful and impatient, he was easily moved to anger, and by his early twenties had exhibited a weakness for strong drink and an addiction to the hunt. These are the traits upon which Danish historians have most often focused, resulting in the prevailing portrait of Frederik as a man and as king: an unlettered, inebriated, brutish sot, who virtually abdicated his responsibilities of king in favour of hunting and binge drinking.[10]
This portrayal is, however, unfair and inaccurate, and thanks to the research of Frede P. Jensen it has been redrawn.Frede P. Jensen (1940–2008), after thorough archival studies, was one of the first historians in Denmark who, in his works, radically changed the view of the King Frederick II.[89]
Frederik was indeed no great scholar, owing largely to the fact that he was verydyslexic. Throughout his entire life he would struggle with his difficulty in reading and writing, and it embarrassed him immensely. But he was, as those close to him would attest, highly intelligent; he craved the company oflearned men, and in the correspondence and legislation he dictated to his secretaries he showed himself to be quick-witted and articulate. Frederik was also open and loyal, and had a knack for establishing close personal bonds with fellow princes and with those who served him. These qualities would make him an ideal politician. Indeed, Frederik would take the chief legacy of his father's kingship – the close symbiosis between king and aristocracy – to its logical limits, and simultaneously would bring Denmark to the height of its power and influence in European affairs.[10]
The rebirth of theUniversity of Copenhagen and the professionalization of the central administration, coupled with the prominence of learned men within the king's inner circle, gave the court of Frederik II a uniquely refined and scholarly character that was lacking in his father's court. This, in turn, gave rise to increased intellectual activity throughout the realm. Literature, mostlytheological, blossomed in the second half of the century.[89]
^Thanks in large part to the research of historianFrede P. Jensen, who, after thorough archival studies, were able to provide a real and contemporary historical description of the King's character.
^Larson, James L. (2 January 2014).Reforming the north: the kingdoms and churches of Scandinavia, 1520–1545. p. 435.ISBN978-1-107-68945-9.OCLC861358270.
^Grundtvig, Johann (1876).Frederik den Andens Statshusholdning. Copenhagen: C. A. Reitzel. pp. CLXXVI–CLXXVII.
^Wittendorff, Alex (1973).Alvej og kongevej studier i samfaerdselsforhold og vejenes topografi i det 16. og 17. århundrede ; [mit engl. Zsfassung.] Akad. Forl. pp. 164–207,244–57.OCLC1071371212.
^NORN, Otto Creemers. (1954).Kronborgs bastioner. En fortifikationshistorisk studie. [With plans.] pp. 19–37.OCLC562940392.
^abLockhart, Paul Douglas (2004).Frederik II and the Protestant cause: Denmark's role in the Wars of Religion, 1559–1596. Leiden: Brill. p. 78.ISBN90-04-13790-4.OCLC53485232.
^abLockhart, Paul Douglas (2004).Frederik II and the Protestant cause: Denmark's role in the Wars of Religion, 1559–1596. Leiden: Brill. p. 77.ISBN90-04-13790-4.OCLC53485232.
^Shackelford, Jole. (2004).A philosophical path for Paracelsian medicine: the ideas, intellectual context, and influence of Petrus Severinus (1540/2-1602). Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, University of Cophenhagen.ISBN978-87-7289-817-9.OCLC56966680.
^Christianson, John Robert. (2003).On Tycho's island: Tycho Brahe, science, and culture in the sixteenth century. Cambridge University Press.ISBN0-521-00884-0.OCLC899038154.
^abThoren, Victor E.; Christianson, J. R. (1991).The Lord of Uraniborg: a Biography of Tycho Brahe. Cambridge University Press.ISBN978-0-511-66541-7.OCLC776969800.
^Grinder-Hansen, Poul (2013).Frederik II – Danmarks Renæssancekonge. Gyldendal. pp. See Chapter 12, Kærlighed, chapter 24, Private notater.ISBN978-87-02-13569-5.
^Colding, Poul (1939).Studier i Danmarks politiske historie i slutningen af Christian III.s og begyndelsen af Frederik III.s tid. Nyt nordisk forlag—Arnord Busck.OCLC581614588.
Derry, T. K. (2008).A history of Scandinavia: Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Finland and Iceland. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.ISBN978-0-8166-3799-7.OCLC757764817.
Lockhart, Paul Douglas (2011).Denmark, 1513–1660: the rise and decline of a Renaissance monarchy. Oxford University Press.ISBN978-0-19-927121-4.OCLC844083309.
Scocozza, Benito (1997). "Frederik 2.".Politikens bog om danske monarker [Politiken's book about Danish monarchs] (in Danish). Copenhagen: Politikens Forlag. pp. 120–124.ISBN87-567-5772-7.
Lockhart, Paul (2004).Frederik II and the Protestant Cause. Boston: Brill.