Franz Josef Strauss (German:Strauß[fʁantsˈjoːzɛfˈʃtʁaʊs]; 6 September 1915 – 3 October 1988) was a German politician. He was the long-time chairman of theChristian Social Union in Bavaria (CSU) from 1961 until 1988, member of the federal cabinet in different positions between 1953 and 1969 andminister-president of Bavaria from 1978 until 1988. Strauss is also credited as a co-founder of European aerospace conglomerateAirbus.
After the1969 federal elections, West Germany'sCDU/CSU alliance found itself out of power for the first time since the founding of the Federal Republic. At this time, Strauss became more identified with the regional politics of Bavaria. While he ran for thechancellorship as the candidate of the CDU/CSU in1980, for the rest of his life Strauss never again held federal office. From 1978 until his death in 1988, he was the head of the Bavarian government. His last two decades were marked by a fierce rivalry withCDU chairmanHelmut Kohl.[1]
Born inMunich on 6 September 1915, as the second child of a butcher,[2] Strauss studiedGerman letters, history and economics at theLudwig Maximilian University of Munich from 1935 to 1939. He was an active member of a Roman Catholic youth organization that clashed with the Nazi Party. Like most young men in Germany he was called up for military service when war began in 1939. Thanks to his university background he became an officer.[3]
InWorld War II, he served in theWehrmacht on the Western and Eastern Fronts. While on furlough, he passed the German state exams to become a teacher. After suffering from severe frostbite on theEastern Front in early 1943, he served as anOffizier für wehrgeistige Führung, responsible for the education of the troops, at theantiaircraft artillery school inAltenstadt Air Base, nearSchongau. He held the rank ofOberleutnant at the end of the war.
In 1945 he served as translator for the U.S. Army. He called himselfFranz Strauß until soon after the war when he started using his middle nameJosef as well.[4]
After the war, in 1945, he was appointed deputyLandrat (chief executive and representative of the district) of Schongau by theAmerican military government and was involved in founding the local party organization of theChristian Social Union in Bavaria (CSU).[5] Strauss became a member of the firstBundestag (Federal Parliament) in 1949.
In 1953 Strauss became Federal Minister for Special Affairs in the second cabinet ofChancellorKonrad Adenauer, in 1955 Federal Minister of Nuclear Energy, and in 1956 Defence Minister, charged with the build-up of the new West German defence forces, theBundeswehr – the youngest man to hold this office at the time. He became chairman of the CSU in 1961.
Strauss stated in a letter toHIAG in March 1957: "I think you know how I personally think about the front line units of theWaffen-SS. They are included in my admiration for the German soldiers of the last world war."[6]
FormerLockheed lobbyistErnest Hauser [de] admitted to investigators during a U.S. Senate hearing thatMinister of Defence Strauss and his party had received at least $10 million in remuneration for arranging West Germany's purchase of 900F-104G Starfighters in 1961, which later became part of theLockheed bribery scandals. The party, its leaders, and Strauss all denied the allegations; and Strauss filed a slander suit against Hauser. Strauss and Hauser had met after World War II inSchongau, Bavaria, where Hauser was stationed. Hauser worked for U.S. Intelligence and Strauss was Hauser's translator.[citation needed] They were good friends, which Strauss later denied, in a denial belied by the fact that Strauss had attended Hauser's wedding.[disputed –discuss] As the allegations were not corroborated, the issue was dropped.[7] It was known at the time that a Senate hearing in the U.S. revealed that Lockheed associates paid Strauss a bribe to purchase the planes, due to Boeing suing Lockheed over the lost German business. In a Senate hearing in the U.S., it was admitted by Lockheed associates that the funds were disbursed to Strauss. In spite of this fact, Strauss was never indicted in Germany due to his influence. Lockheed at that time was on the brink of collapse; the German contract was key to the company's survival. The F-104G's development had been expensive; the U.S. Air Force refused to purchase the plane due to its unnecessary features. The German contract proved to be a windfall for Lockheed. After Germany ordered the fighter planes from Lockheed, many more European governments started to place their trust in the Starfighter and ordered more planes, saving Lockheed from financial ruin.[citation needed]
Strauss was forced to step down as defence minister in 1962 in the wake of theSpiegel affair.Rudolf Augstein, owner and editor-in-chief of the influentialDer Spiegel magazine, published German defense information that Strauss's department alleged was top secret. He was arrested on Strauss's request and was held for 103 days. On 19 November, the five FDP ministers of the cabinet resigned, demanding that Strauss be fired. This put Chancellor Adenauer himself at risk. He found himself publicly accused of backing the suppression of a critical press with the resources of the state. Strauss had no choice but to admit that he had lied to the parliament, and was forced to resign. Strauss himself was exonerated by the courts on the charge of acting against the constitution.[8]
Strauss was appointed minister of the treasury again in 1966, in the cabinet ofKurt Georg Kiesinger. In cooperation with theSPD minister for economy,Karl Schiller, he developed a groundbreaking economic stability policy; the two ministers, quite unlike in physical appearance and political background, were popularly dubbedPlisch und Plum [de], after two dogs in a 19th-centurycartoon byWilhelm Busch.[9]
After the SPD was able to form a government without the conservatives, in1969, Strauss became one of the most vocal critics ofWilly Brandt'sOstpolitik. AfterHelmut Kohl's first run for chancellor in1976 failed, Strauss cancelled the alliance between theCDU and CSU parties in the Bundestag, a decision which he reversed only months later when the CDU threatened to extend their party to Bavaria (where the CSU holds a political monopoly for the conservatives). In the1980 federal election, the CDU/CSU opted to nominate Strauss as their candidate for chancellor. Strauss had continued to be critical of Kohl's leadership, so providing Strauss a shot at the chancellery may have been seen as an endorsement of either Strauss' policies or style (or both) over Kohl's. But many, if not most, observers at the time believed that the CDU had concluded thatHelmut Schmidt's SPD was likely unbeatable in 1980, and felt that they had nothing to lose in running Strauss. Schmidt's victory was seen by Kohl's supporters as a vindication of their man, and though the rivalry between Kohl and Strauss persisted for years, once the CDU/CSU was able to take power in 1982, it was Kohl who became chancellor. He remained in power well beyond Strauss's death.
Strauss wrote a book calledThe Grand Design, in which he set forth his views of how the futureunification of Europe might be achieved.[10][11] He was part of the secret paneuropean conservative networkLe Cercle that promoted his political career.[12]
As an aerospace enthusiast, Strauss was a key player in the creation ofAirbus in the 1970s. He served as chairman of the company.[13] in the late 1980s, until his death in 1988; he saw the company win a lucrative but controversial (seeAirbus affair) contract to supply planes toAir Canada just before his death. Munich's new airport, theFranz Josef Strauß Airport, was named after him in 1992.
Strauss addressing the CDU in 1986, two years before his death
From 1978 until his death in 1988, Strauss wasMinister-President of Bavaria, serving his rotation aspresident of the German Bundesrat in 1983–84. After his defeat in the 1980 federal election, he retreated to commenting on federal politics from Bavaria. Strauss admired the history of the defunct Bavarian monarchy, but did not want it restored. He became the most visible critic of Kohl's politics in his own political camp, even after Kohl ascended to the chancellorship. In 1983, Strauss was primarily responsible for a loan of 3 billionDeutsche Marks given toEast Germany. This move, in violation of longtime CSU/CDU policy to allow theEast German economy to collapse naturally, was widely criticised even during Strauss's lifetime.The Republicans split from the CSU/CDU over this move.[14]
Strauß campaigned vehemently for the construction of theWackersdorf nuclear reprocessing plant (WAA) inWackersdorf (Bavaria), which was accompanied by strong protests from the population, which he described as "hardly more dangerous than a bicycle spoke factory".[15]
The ecclesiastical resistance in particular, which met primarily at theFranziskus-Marterl, was a nuisance for Strauss and he said that "anyone who confuses people, whoever causes them to feel insecure, excited and afraid for no reason, is doing the work of the devil".[16][17]
Strauss visitedcommunist Albania on 21 August 1984, whileEnver Hoxha, the ruler from the end of World War II until his death in 1985, was still in power. Strauss was one of the few Western leaders, if not the only one, to visit the isolationist Albania in decades. This fuelled speculation that Strauss might be preparing the way for diplomatic links between Albania and West Germany and, indeed, relations were established in 1987.[18]
On 1 October 1988, Strauss collapsed while out hunting withJohannes, 11th Prince of Thurn and Taxis, in the Thurn and Taxis forests, east ofRegensburg.[2] He died in a Regensburg hospital on 3 October without having regained consciousness. He was 73.[2]
Strauss shaped post-war Bavaria and polarized the public like few others. He was an articulate leader of conservatives and a skilled rhetorician. His outspoken right-leaning political standpoints made him an opponent of more moderate politicians and the entire political left. His association with several large-scale scandals made many politicians distance themselves from him. His policies contributed to changing Bavaria from an agrarian state to one of Germany's leading industry centres, and one of the wealthiest regions of Germany.[1][20]
According to British diplomat Richard Hiscocks:
Strauss is without doubt one of the most remarkable personalities that has yet emerged in Germany since the war and, from a democratic point of view, the most dangerous…. he has great ambition and combines with it the advantages of considerable intellectual gifts, an exceptional memory, immense resilience and capacity for work, and the ability to make quick decisions....On the other hand, these positive qualities are offset by equally pronounced defects. The unscrupulousness of his political methods exceeds even Adenauer’s and is not counterbalanced, as with Adenauer, by good judgment and serenity of manner. Above all he is lacking in self-control and knowledge of men, and has the habit of picking weak and sycophantic companions....His quick decisions therefore have often been the wrong ones.Martin Walser once wrote of him, “He can defend us against everything, only not against himself.”[21]
Ahonen, Pertti. "Franz‐Josef Strauss and the German nuclear question, 1956–1962."The Journal of Strategic Studies 18#2 (1995): 25–51.
Ford, Graham. "Constructing a Regional Identity: The Christian Social Union and Bavaria's Common Heritage, 1949–1962."Contemporary European History 16#3 (2007): 277–297.
Kieninger, Stephan. "Freer movement in return for cash: Franz Josef Strauß, Alexander Schalck-Golodkowski, and the Milliardenkredit for the GDR, 1983–1984." inNew Perspectives on the End of the Cold War (Routledge, 2018) pp. 117–137.
Pridham, Geoffrey. "The European Policy of Franz Josef Strauss and its Implications for the Community."Journal of Common Market Studies (1980) 18#4 pp 313–332.
Ridley, Hugh. "The Spiegel Affair." inLaw in West German Democracy (Brill, 2019) pp. 130–145.
Karl Rösch:Franz Josef Strauß. Bundestagsabgeordneter im Wahlkreis Weilheim 1949–1978, Utz, München 2014,ISBN978-3-8316-4392-9.
Wilfried Scharnagl:Mein Strauß. Staatsmann und Freund. Ars Una, Neuried 2008,ISBN978-3-89391-860-7.
Wilhelm Schlötterer:Macht und Missbrauch. Franz Josef Strauß und seine Nachfolger. Aufzeichnungen eines Ministerialbeamten. Fackelträger, Köln 2009,ISBN978-3-7716-4434-5; (updated edition:Macht und Missbrauch. Von Strauß bis Seehofer, ein Insider packt aus. Aktualisierte Taschenbucherstausgabe, Heyne, München 2010,ISBN978-3-453-60168-0).
Walter Schöll (ed):Franz Josef Strauss. Der Mensch und der Staatsmann. Ein Porträt. Schulz, Kempfenhausen am Starnberger See 1984,ISBN3-7962-0152-0.
Thomas Schuler:Strauß. Die Biografie einer Familie. Scherz, Frankfurt am Main 2006,ISBN3-502-15026-5.
Peter Siebenmorgen:Franz Josef Strauß, Ein Leben im Übermaß. Siedler, München 2015,ISBN978-3-8275-0080-9.
Franz Georg Strauß:Mein Vater. Erinnerungen. Herbig, München 2008,ISBN978-3-7766-2573-8.
Michael Stephan: "Franz Josef Strauß" in: Katharina Weigand (Hrsg.):Große Gestalten der bayerischen Geschichte. Utz, München 2011,ISBN978-3-8316-0949-9.
Dorls(from 13 December 1950 WAV-Gast, from 17 January 1951 WAV, from 26 September 1951 Non-attached, am 23 October 1952 Mandatsaberkennung)
Frommhold(from 7 September 1949 Nationale Rechte, from 5 October 1950 Non-attached (DRP), from 26 March 1952 DP-Gast, from 11 February 1953 Non-attached)
Miessner(from 5 October 1950 FDP-Gast, from 20 December 1950 FDP)
Rößler(from 15 September 1949 Nationale Rechte, from 6 September 1950 Non-attached, from 13 December 1950 WAV-Gast, from 17 January 1951 WAV, from 26 September 1951 Non-attached, until 21 February 1952)
Thadden(from 15 September 1949 Nationale Rechte; 1950 DRP, from 20 April 1950 Non-attached)
Ott(Non-attached, from 4 May 1950 WAV-Gast, from 13 October 1950 BHE/DG, from 21 March 1952 Non-attached, from 26 March 1952 DP/DPB-Gast, from 26 June 1952 Non-attached)
Berg(from 27 June 1955, from 23 February 1956 Non-attached, from 15 March 1956 Demokratische Arbeitsgemeinschaft (DA), from 26 June 1956 FVP, from 14 March 1957 DP/FVP)
Blank(from 23 February 1956 Non-attached, from 15 March 1956 Demokratische Arbeitsgemeinschaft (DA), from 26 June 1956 FVP, from 14 March 1957 DP/FVP)
Blücher(from 23 February 1956 Non-attached, from 15 March 1956 Demokratische Arbeitsgemeinschaft (DA), from 26 June 1956 FVP, from 14 March 1957 DP/FVP)
Hübner(from 23 February 1956 Non-attached, from 15 March 1956 Demokratische Arbeitsgemeinschaft (DA), from 26 June 1956 FVP, from 14 March 1957 DP/FVP)
Manteuffel(from 23 February 1956 Non-attached, from 15 March 1956 Demokratische Arbeitsgemeinschaft (DA), from 26 June 1956 FVP, from 14 March 1957 DP/FVP)
Neumayer(from 23 February 1956 Non-attached, from 15 March 1956 Demokratische Arbeitsgemeinschaft (DA), from 26 June 1956 FVP, from 14 March 1957 DP/FVP)
Preiß(from 23 February 1956 Non-attached, from 15 March 1956 Demokratische Arbeitsgemeinschaft (DA), from 26 June 1956 FVP, from 14 March 1957 DP/FVP)
Preusker(from 23 February 1956 Non-attached, from 15 March 1956 Demokratische Arbeitsgemeinschaft (DA), from 26 June 1956 FVP, from 14 March 1957 DP/FVP)
Schäfer(from 23 February 1956 Non-attached, from 15 March 1956 Demokratische Arbeitsgemeinschaft (DA), from 26 June 1956 FVP, from 14 March 1957 DP/FVP)
Schneider(from 23 February 1956 Non-attached, from 15 March 1956 Demokratische Arbeitsgemeinschaft (DA), from 26 June 1956 FVP, from 14 March 1957 DP/FVP)
Bender(from 12 July 1955 Non-attached, from 14 July 1955 Group Kraft/Oberländer, from 15 July 1955 Guest of CDU/CSU-Fraktion, from 20 March 1956 CDU/CSU)
Eckhardt(from 12 July 1955 Non-attached, from 14 July 1955 Group Kraft/Oberländer, from 15 July 1955 Guest of CDU/CSU-Fraktion, from 20 March 1956 CDU/CSU)
Finck(from 12 July 1955 Non-attached, from 14 July 1955 Group Kraft/Oberländer, from 15 July 1955 Guest of CDU/CSU-Fraktion, from 20 March 1956 CDU/CSU)
Haasler(from 12 July 1955 Non-attached, from 14 July 1955 Group Kraft/Oberländer, from 15 July 1955 Guest of CDU/CSU-Fraktion, from 20 March 1956 CDU/CSU)
Körner(from 12 July 1955 Non-attached, from 14 July 1955 FDP, from 23 February 1956 Non-attached, from 15 March 1956 Demokratische Arbeitsgemeinschaft (DA), from 26 June 1956 FVP, from 14 March 1957 DP/FVP)
Kraft(from 12 July 1955 Non-attached, from 14 July 1955 Group Kraft/Oberländer, from 15 July 1955 Guest of CDU/CSU-Fraktion, from 20 March 1956 CDU/CSU)
Oberländer(from 12 July 1955 Non-attached, from 14 July 1955 Group Kraft/Oberländer, from 15 July 1955 Guest of CDU/CSU-Fraktion, from 20 March 1956 CDU/CSU)
Samwer(from 15 October 1953, from 12 July 1955 Non-attached, from 14 July 1955 Group Kraft/Oberländer, from 15 July 1955 Guest of CDU/CSU-Fraktion, from 20 March 1956 CDU/CSU)
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