Fortuynism (Dutch:Fortuynisme) is the political ideology of Dutch politicianPim Fortuyn. Observers variously saw him as a political protest targeting the allegedelitism and bureaucratic style of the Dutchpurple coalitions, whereas he was offering "openness, directness and clearness",populism simply ascharisma. Another school holds Fortuynism as a distinct ideology, with an alternative vision of society. Some argue that Fortuynism is not just one ideology, but that it containedliberalism, populism andnationalism.
Fortuyn was highly critical of Islam and Muslim immigration to the Netherlands and was opposed to multicultural policies of the Dutch government at the time.[1] However, some political commentators noted thatethnic nationalism and racist sentiments did not play a part of Fortuyn's ideology and in comparison to other European national-populist politicians of the era, he held socially liberal stances on matters such asLGBT rights.[2] Followinghis assassination in the run up to the2002 Dutch general election, his party, thePim Fortuyn List formed the second largest party in parliament and government after the election. Although the party would fade from relevance and eventually dissolve in 2008, Fortuyn is noted for influencing anti-immigrant parties and politicians in the Netherlands and elsewhere in Europe.[3]
Fortuyn was assassinated in the run-up to the2002 Dutch general election after which the Pim Fortuyn List saw a sudden rise in support before going into decline and disbanding itself in 2008. However, the ideology of Fortuynism has continued to have an impact upon Dutch politics. Following Fortuyn's death, conservative and right-wing politicians such asVVD Minister for IntegrationRita Verdonk gained influence and tightened some of the Netherlands' immigration policies. There were also attempts to create newFortuynist parties ahead of the 2006 general election, which includedOne NL founded byMarco Pastors andParty for the Netherlands formed by former LPF politician and ministerHilbrand Nawijn. These parties did not meet any success. However, other politicians such asGeert Wilders and hisParty for Freedom gained traction and inherited many of Fortuyn's former supporters by focusing on some of the issues Fortuyn championed, such as stricter stances on integration and immigration.[4] Newer political parties described as inheriting Fortuyn's influence have includedThierry Baudet'sForum for Democracy[5] andJA21 founded by former LPF representativeJoost Eerdmans.[6]
Outside of the Netherlands, Fortuyn also had an influence on Belgian politicians such as lawyer andOpen VLD memberHugo Coveliers who incorporated Fortuynism into hisVLOTT party andJean-Marie Dedecker who foundedLibertair, Direct, Democratisch.[3]
Fortuynism has generally been characterized as based on "populism" by political commentators. Dutch political authorCas Mudde defined Fortuynism as containing elements of liberalism, populism and nationalism. Others have defined it as opposition and a reaction to the perceived bureaucratic and elitist governing style of thepurple coalitions, particularly underDutch Labour Party Prime MinisterWim Kok.[7][8] Gerrit Boerman, the head of the Document Center for Dutch Political Parties at theUniversity of Groningen described Fortuyn's ideology as a "cocktail of elements stemming from different directions" which included conservative and communitarian values to restore "norms and values" from the 1950s, less government interference in the economy, while also holding a liberal and libertarian attitude on sexual freedom and soft drugs and a nationalistic stance towards immigration and protecting core Dutch principles against multiculturalism.[9]
Fortuyn had been aMarxist during his studies and early academic career before joining the Labour Party in the 1970s. However, his views shifted to the right in response to what he saw as failed policies on crime, immigration and integration. In his 1995 bookDe verweesde samenleving ("The orphaned society"), Fortuyn claimed that the progressive movement of the 1960s had eroded traditional norms and values. He wrote the roles of the "symbolic father" and the "caring mother" had been lost, leaving an orphaned population without guidance, to live out a meaningless decadent existence.[10]
Fortuyn also documented much of his own beliefs and proposals in his bookDe puinhopen van acht jaar Paars which criticized many of the policies of the purple coalitions and instead argued for a reduction in state bureaucracy, improvements to the health system, restrictions on immigration and stricterlaw and order policies. Fortuyn also favoured greater direct democracy, including elected mayors, police chiefs and an elected head of state.[11][12] In foreign policy, Fortuyn and his party supported Dutch participation inNATO and were not opposed to the principle ofEuropean integration in theory, but opposed what they saw as the excessive bureaucracy and threat to national sovereignty posed by theEuropean Union. Fortuyn also proposed ending Dutch participation in theEurozone and theSchengen Agreement.[13]
Other commentators have notedopposition to Islam, multiculturalism and immigration as forming a significant part of Fortuynism. In August 2001, Fortuyn was quoted in theRotterdams Dagblad newspaper saying, "I am also in favour of aCold War with Islam. I see Islam as an extraordinary threat, as a hostile religion."[14] He also argued that if legally possible, he would not allow any more Muslim immigrants into the Netherlands. However, Fortuyn also maintained that he did not oppose immigrants on the basis of their ethnic background and supported a pluralistic society in theory, but opposed what he saw as an unwillingness to integrate and a rejection of Dutch secular liberal values within existing Muslim communities.[15][16]Jens Rydgren noted that while Fortuyn used anti-immigration rhetoric, he did not position himself as a far-right nationalist or a supporter of racialethno-nationalism, and as such Fortuyn differed from other European national-populist leaders at the time. Instead, Fortuyn sought to defend Dutch values such as tolerating gay rights (Fortuyn was openly homosexual and an outspoken supporter of gay rights himself) which he saw as threatened by immigration. Fortuyn's ideas also differed from the more socially conservative and traditional values stances espoused by other nationalist politicians through holding liberal opinions regarding same-sex marriage, abortion and euthanasia. Fortuyn's party also won support from some ethnic minority voters and included candidates from immigrant backgrounds on its list for the 2002 election.[2]
Political scientistRudy Andeweg noted that Fortuynism can also be defined by the following positions:[17]
Prior to Fortuyn's assassination, other Dutch politicians and journalists, particularly on the left, criticized Fortuyn and his ideas as extremist or racist, with some comparing Fortuyn's stances to that of European far-right politicians such asJörg Haider andJean-Marie Le Pen. An explicit comparison with Le Pen was made byAd Melkert, the former leader of the Labour Party who stated 2002: "If you flirt with Fortuyn, then in the Netherlands the same thing will happen as happened in France. There they woke up with Le Pen, soon we will wake up with Fortuyn."[18]GroenLinks leaderPaul Rosenmöller claimed Fortuyn's policies were "not justright butextreme right". Some commentators such as columnistJan Blokker attempted to draw parallels between Fortuyn and Dutch hard-right politicians such asHans Janmaat. Following Fortuyn's death, some opponents of Fortuyn including Rosenmöller,Thom de Graaf, and Melkert have objected to what they think is a harsher political and social climate, especially towards immigrants and Muslims, as a result of Fortuyn's legacy.[19]
Fortuyn himself strongly disputed comparisons drawn between him and Dutch or foreign far-right leaders, contending that he was mislabeled and accused the Dutch political establishment of endangering his life by demonizing him and his beliefs.[8] Following Fortuyn's death, Dutch political leaders such as former Prime MinisterJan Peter Balkenende retrospectively expressed agreement with some of Fortuyn's criticisms of the purple coalitions and multiculturalism.[20] Other commentators, such as former Muslim feminist authorAyaan Hirsi Ali and journalistDouglas Murray have defended some of Fortuyn's beliefs.[21][22]
Fortuyn's bookPuinhopen also inspired Flemish politicianGeert Bourgeois to writeDe puinhoop van paars-groen (The wreckage of purple-green) in 2002 which featured similar critiques of Belgian politics, particularly accusations of misgovernment against theVerhofstadt I Government.[23]
