Fidesz – Hungarian Civic Alliance Fidesz – Magyar Polgári Szövetség | |
|---|---|
 | |
| President | Viktor Orbán |
| Vice presidents | |
| Parliamentary leader | Máté Kocsis |
| Founders | Viktor Orbán Gábor Fodor László Kövér István Bajkai Zsolt Bayer Tamás Deutsch Zsolt Németh József Szájer |
| Founded | 30 March 1988 (37 years, 238 days) |
| Headquarters | Visi Imre utca 6, 1089,Budapest |
| Think tank | Foundation for a Civic Hungary |
| Youth wing | Fidelitas |
| Ideology | |
| Political position | Right-wing[1] tofar-right |
| National affiliation | Fidesz–KDNP (since 2005) |
| European affiliation | EPP (2004–2021) Patriots.eu (since 2024) |
| European Parliament group | Patriots for Europe (since 2024)[nb 1] |
| International affiliation | Centrist Democrat International International Democracy Union (formerly) |
| Colours | Orange |
| National Assembly | 116 / 199 |
| European Parliament | 10 / 21 |
| County Assemblies | 227 / 381 |
| General Assembly of Budapest | 10 / 33 |
| Party flag | |
.svg) | |
| Website | |
| fidesz.hu | |
Fidesz – Hungarian Civic Alliance ([ˈfidɛs];Hungarian:Fidesz – Magyar Polgári Szövetség[ˈfidɛsˈmɒɟɒrˈpolɡaːriˈsøvɛt͡ʃːeːɡ]) is anational-conservativepolitical party inHungary led byViktor Orbán. It has increasingly identified asilliberal.
Originally formed in 1988 under the name of Alliance of Young Democrats (FiatalDemokratákSzövetsége) as acentre-left andliberal activist movement that opposed the rulingMarxist–Leninist government, it was registered as a political party in 1990, with Orbán as its leader. It entered theNational Assembly following the1990 parliamentary election. Following the1998 election, it successfully formed acentre-right government. It adoptednationalism in the early 2000s, but its popularity declined due to corruption scandals. It was in opposition between 2002 and 2010, and in 2006 it formeda coalition with theChristian Democratic People's Party (KDNP).
Fidesz won a supermajority in the2010 election, adoptednational-conservative policies, shifted further to theright and becameEurosceptic. The 2011 adoption of anew Hungarian constitution was highly controversial as it consolidated power with Fidesz. Having set Hungary on a path ofdemocratic backsliding, its majority of seats remained after the2014 election, and following the escalation of themigrant crisis, Fidesz began usingright-wing populist andanti-immigrant rhetoric.
Following the2022 Hungarian parliamentary election, it currently holds a majority in the National Assembly with 135 seats. It has also held thepresidency since 2010, has endorsed the election of every president since 2000, and it enjoys majorities in all 19county assemblies, while being in opposition in theGeneral Assembly of Budapest. Fidesz was initially a member of theLiberal International until 2000, after which it joined theEuropean People's Party. It remained its member until 2021, and since then it has served with theNon-Inscrits group within theEuropean Parliament. On 30 June 2024,ANO 2011, theFreedom Party of Austria, and Fidesz, created a new alliance namedPatriots for Europe.[2]
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The party was founded in the spring of 1988[3] and namedFiatal Demokraták Szövetsége(Alliance of Young Democrats) with the acronymFIDESZ. It grew out of an undergroundliberal student activist movement opposed to the rulingHungarian Socialist Workers' Party.[4][5] Founding such a movement was semi-illegal at the time, so the founders risked their careers by being involved in the opposition.[6] The membership had an upper age limit of 35 years (this requirement was abolished at the 1993 party congress).[7]
In 1989, Fidesz won theThorolf Rafto Memorial Prize. The movement was represented at the award ceremony by one of its leaders,Péter Molnár, who later became a Member of Parliament in Hungary.[8]
In the 1990 elections, the party entered theNational Assembly after winning about 6% of the vote. They became a small, though quite popularoppositional party. In 1992, Fidesz joined theLiberal International.[9] At the time, it was a moderate liberal centrist party, sometimes also described associal-liberal.[10]
At the 1993 party congress, it changed its political position from liberal tocivic-centrist ("polgári centrumpárt"). The turn in ideology caused a severe split in the membership.Péter Molnár left the party along withGábor Fodor and Klára Ungár, who joined the liberalAlliance of Free Democrats.[citation needed]Viktor Orbán was elected party chairman.
After its disappointing result in the1994 elections, Fidesz remained an opposition party but grew increasinglyconservative.[11][9] In 1995, it changed its name toHungarian Civic Party (Magyar Polgári Párt) and sought connections to the national-conservativeHungarian Democratic Forum, a former governing party.
Fidesz gained power for the first time at the1998 elections, with Viktor Orbán becoming prime minister. Theircoalition partners were the smaller Hungarian Democratic Forum and theIndependent Smallholders' Party. In 2000, Fidesz terminated its membership in the Liberal International and joined theEuropean People's Party.[9] The government constituted a "relatively conventional European conservative" rule.[5]
Fidesz narrowly lost the2002 elections to theHungarian Socialist Party, garnering 41.07% to the Socialists' 42.05%. Fidesz had 169 members of theNational Assembly, out of a total of 386. Immediately after the election, they accused the opponents ofelectoral fraud.[5] The 2002 Hungarian municipal elections saw again huge Fidesz losses.[citation needed]
In the spring of 2003, Fidesz took its current name,Fidesz – Hungarian Civic Union.[9]
It was the most successful party in the2004 European Parliamentary Elections: it won 47.4% of the vote and 12 of its candidates were elected asMembers of the European Parliament (MEPs),[citation needed] includingLívia Járóka, the secondRomani MEP.[12]
Fidesz's nominee, Dr.László Sólyom, was electedPresident of Hungary inthe 2005 election. He was endorsed byVédegylet, an NGO including people from the whole political spectrum. A self-described "conservative liberal," he championed elements of both political wings with a selective, but conscious choice of values.[13]
In 2005, Fidesz and theChristian Democratic People's Party (KDNP) formed an alliance for the2006 elections, which were won by the social-democratic and liberal coalition ofHungarian Socialist Party (MSZP) and theAlliance of Free Democrats (SZDSZ). Fidesz received 42% of the list votes and 164 of 386 representatives in theNational Assembly.[14]
On 1 October 2006, Fidesz won the municipal elections, which counterbalanced the MSZP-led government's power to some extent. Fidesz won 15 of 23 mayoralties in Hungary's largest cities—although its candidate narrowly lost the city of Budapest to a member of the SZDSZ—and majorities in 18 out of 20 regional assemblies.[15][16]
In the2009 European Parliament election, Fidesz won a landslide victory, gaining 56.36% of the vote and 14 of Hungary's 22 seats.[17]
In a closed-door party meeting in 2009, Orbán called for a "central political forcefield" to govern Hungary for up to 20 years to achieve political stability.[5]
In January 2010,László Kövér, head of the party's national board, told reporters the party was aiming at winning a two-thirds majority at the parliamentary elections in April. He noted that Fidesz had a realistic chance to win a landslide. However, this feat was threatened by the rise of the radical nationalistJobbik party. Kövér said it was a "lamentably negative" tendency, adding that it was rooted in the"disaster government" of the Socialist Party and its former liberal ally Free Democrats.[18]
The strong and preeminent Fidesz has benefited from the fragmented and disjointed opposition that has proved inept at mounting a unified challenge to the ruling party in a country where a majority of parliamentary seats are allocated to the party that garners the plurality of votes in a constituency.[19]
Government debt has fallen by 6% in the 8 years after Fidesz took power in 2010 while the country's credit ratings have improved. Economic growth had almost quadrupled with wages rising by over 10% and destitution decreasing by almost 50% (though still considerable). According to official figures, unemployment had fallen by nearly two-thirds. However, as many as almost half of newly employed Hungarians had found work elsewhere in the EU. A public works program has also been criticized by some economists for artificially and deceptively reducing unemployment numbers while engaging in and compensating people for possibly unneeded or unnecessarily inefficient work.[20] Hungary has been highly dependent on EU funds during Fidesz's rule; these representing nearly 4% of the country's GDP, more than for any other EU member.[21]
In a landslide victory in the2010 parliamentary elections, the party won an outright majority in the first round on 11 April, with the Fidesz-KDNP alliance winning 206 seats, including 119 individual seats. In the final result, Fidesz 263 seats, of which 173 are individual seats.[22] Fidesz held 227 of these seats, giving it an outright majority in the National Assembly by itself.[citation needed]
Fidesz was widely seen as propelled to a sweeping victory in large part due to the dissatisfaction with the ruling political establishment which was plagued by corruption scandals and by the2008 financial crisis.[5] Thesocialist government had also imposed harsh austerity measures in an attempt to rein in its ballooning budget deficits even before the late 2000s’ crisis. In September 2006, a recording of the prime minister admitting to lying about the country's dire economic prospects was revealed by the media and broadcast on radio. Steel barriers were erected around the parliament to protect it from tens of thousands of protesters.[23]
After winning 53% of thepopular vote in the first round of the 2010 parliamentary election, which translated into asupermajority of 68% of parliamentary seats, giving Fidesz sufficient power to revise or replace the constitution, the party embarked on an extraordinary project of passing over 200 laws and drafting and adopting a new constitution—since followed by nearly 2000 amendments.[citation needed]
Thenew constitution has been widely criticized[24][25][26][27][28][29] by theEuropean Commission for Democracy through Law,[30] theCouncil of Europe, theEuropean Parliament[31] and the United States[32] for concentrating too much power in the hands of the ruling party, for limiting oversight of the new constitution by theConstitutional Court of Hungary, and for removing democraticchecks and balances in various areas, including the ordinaryjudiciary,[33] supervision of elections, and themedia.[34]
In October 2013,Thorbjørn Jagland,Secretary General of the Council of Europe said that the council was satisfied with the amendments which had been made to the criticized laws.[35]
Fidesz won thenationwide parliamentary election in April 2014 and secured a second supermajority with 133 seats (of 199) in the legislature.[36][37] Observers from TheOrganization for Security and Co-operation in Europe stated that Fidesz "enjoyed an undue advantage, including in biased media coverage.”[38]
This supermajority was lost, however, whenTibor Navracsics was appointed to theEuropean Commission. HisVeszprém County seat was taken by an independent candidate in aby-election.[36] Another by-election on 12 April 2015 saw the supermajority lose a second seat, also in Veszprém, to aJobbik candidate.[37]
Fidesz won thenationwide parliamentary election in April 2018 and secured a 3rd supermajority with 133 seats (of 199) in the legislature.[39] Orbán and Fidesz campaigned primarily on the issues of immigration and foreign meddling, and the election was seen as a victory forright-wing populism in Europe.[40][41][42]
With the start of 2019, the prime minister's residence was relocated from theHungarian Parliament Building to theBuda Castle, a formerCarmelite monastery and former royal residence. The move was first planned in 2002 during the first Fidesz government, but was never carried out. Government representatives stated the move was necessary to uphold the separation of the executive and legislative branch by physically separating the two (in contrast to the Communist era when the two branches operated in the same building) while the opposition criticized the move as profligate (the renovation cost Ft21bn, or €65.5M) and as a symbolic revival of the Horthy era (Miklós Horthy also took up residence in the building).[43][44]
In2019 local elections, the party lost its majority inGeneral Assembly of Budapest and numerous city councils.
Fidesz won the2022 Hungarian parliamentary election and secured a supermajority for the fourth time with 135 seats (of 199) in the legislature.Reuters described it as a "crushing victory".[45] With 54.13% of the popular vote, Fidesz received the highest vote share by any party since Hungary returned to democracy in 1989.[46]
In June 2024 it was revealed that Fidesz had becomeGoogle's biggest advertiser in the whole of theEuropean Union.[47]
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Fidesz's position on thepolitical spectrum has changed over time.
At its inception as a student movement in the late 1980s, the party was positioned on thecentre-left on the political spectrum,[48] and it advocated forliberalism[49][50] andlibertarianism.[51][52] It was strongly committed towardsanti-clerical[53][54] andsecular policies.[55][51] As the Hungarian political landscape crystallized following thefall of Communism and thefirst free elections in 1990, Fidesz moved to the right four years later. Although Fidesz was in opposition to theHungarian Democratic Forum's national-conservative coalition government from 1990 to 1994, Fidesz became the most prominentliberal-conservative political force in Hungary by 1998.[56][57] It adoptednationalism,[58][59][60]national-liberalism,[49][53][61] andChristian democracy in the early 2000s.[62] It was positioned on thecentre-right,[63] although it moved more to the right as the decade progressed.[64][65][66]
Since the late 2010s, Fidesz has increasingly been described asfar-right.[67][68][69][70][71][72][73][74] The party isnational conservative[75][68][11] while favoring interventionist policies on economic issues like handling of banks,[76][77][78] and has a strongconservative stance on social issues,[79][80][81] asoft Eurosceptic vision towardsEuropean integration,[82][83][84][85][86][87] and has been described asright-wing populist.[68][11][88] Its ruling style has also been variously described as "softfascism",[5][89] "soft dictatorship",[90] and "softautocracy".[91] The Fidesz party has denied such accusations and distanced itself from the extreme right,[92] criticizing such accusations as politically motivated opposition to itsanti-immigrant policies[93] and pursuit ofilliberal democracy.[94][95][96][97][98]
Orbán and other Fidesz politicians have prominently described their model of government as a Christianilliberal democracy.[100][5][101]
Orbán has describedliberal democracy as having undemocratic characteristics because of "being intolerant of alternative views"[100] and being incompatible with and antithetical to Christian democracy (saying: "Christian democracy is, by definition, not liberal: it is, if you like, illiberal.").[5] Orbán has praisedTurkey,Russia,China, andSingapore as successful examples of illiberal states.[102][103]
Clientelism plays a central role in Fidesz's governance strategy. Fidesz uses European Union and Hungarian state monies to support an extensive network of infrastructure projects, commercial enterprises, nonprofits, academic or para-academic institutions (e.g.,Mathias Corvinus Collegium), and religious and cultural institutions—including the established churches like theCatholic andReformed Churches—both within Hungary and inthe diaspora. Fidesz uses this network to attempt to create and preserve an ethnic Hungariannational bourgeoisie or "Establishment" with strong financial, ideological, and familial ties to the party leadership. In return, the party expects these groups' overt or tacit political support. In Hungary, this governance strategy is (originally descriptively, but now primarily pejoratively) called the System of National Cooperation (Nemzeti Együttműködés Rendszere, NER).[104]
Like the Hungarian right in general, Fidesz has been more skeptical of theneoliberal economic policies than the Hungarian left. According to researchers, the elites of the Hungarian left (theHungarian Socialist Party and the formerAlliance of Free Democrats) have been differentiated from the right by being more supportive of theclassical liberal economic policies, while the right (especially extreme right) has advocated moreeconomic interventionist policies. In contrast, on issues likechurch and state and family policies, the liberals show alignment along the traditional left–right spectrum.[105] In the past, Fidesz has implemented severaleconomic liberal policies, including an incomeflat tax, reductions in thecorporate tax rate, restrictions onunemployment benefits, andprivatization of state-owned land.[106][107][108]
The Fidesz government has embraced some government schemes, including "public works job program, pension hikes, utility bill cuts, a minimum wage increase and cash gifts for retirees."[109] It has also implemented a national public works program[20] aimed in particular at assisting neglected rural communities.[110] It has sought national control of key economic sectors while assuming a cautious stance oneconomic globalization.[109]
During theNATO-ledbombing of Yugoslavia, Orbán refused the requests of theUnited States andGreat Britain to invade thenorthernmost territory of Serbia in order to hinder the intervention of Serbian forces inKosovo. However, he expressed concern about the situation of theHungarian minority in Serbia and allowed NATO forces to use Hungarian airspace.[111][112]
Fidesz opposed the2003 invasion of Iraq and Hungarian participation in it, questioning the international legitimacy of the invasion.[113]
Despite the conflict with theEuropean People's Party andEuropean Union (EU) institutions, Fidesz and the Orbán government have claimed to be not in conflict with, but purportedly in line with pan-European values. As he struggled to maintain rapport with the EPP, Orbán began forming a right-wing populist alliance to electorally challenge the conservative EU establishment despite voicing a desire for Fidesz to remain a member.[114][115] Orbán and his government have clashed with the EU over the handling of the2014–2016 European migrant crisis and thedeath penalty, which is prohibited by EU rules.[114][116]
Hungary was the only EU member state to vote against financial aid for Ukraine during its conflict with Russia-sponsored separatists, and has been a vocal critic of EU sanctions against Russia for its actions in Ukraine.[117] The main cause is that since 2017,relations with Ukraine rapidly deteriorated over the issue of theHungarian minority in Ukraine. Hungary has been obstructing Ukraine's integration efforts in the EU and NATO, even though Hungary has also been continuously helping and supporting Ukraine, with an exceptional attention toTranscarpathia.[118][119][120] Orbán has strongly criticized EU sanctions against Russia but abstained from vetoing them. The Fidesz government joined the UK-led diplomatic offensive after thepoisoning of Sergei and Yulia Skripal, expellingRussian embassy officials. Orbán has hailed Russia as an exemplary case of illiberal democracy.[121]
During his prime ministership, Orbán has been described as drawing closer to Russian presidentVladimir Putin.[114] The closer relationship between the two leaders and nations has however largely been motivated by a tighter economic relationship,[117][121] part of the government's "Eastern Opening" strategy, announced in 2011.[121]
TheFourth Orbán Government initially strongly condemned theRussian invasion of Ukraine, aligning the country withNATO and theEuropean Union on the matter: Orbán announced that Hungary would be sending humanitarian aid to Ukraine, but declined to send military equipment.[122] PresidentJános Áder (also a Fidesz member) strongly condemned the Russian invasion, comparing it to the1956 Soviet invasion of Hungary.[123] However, Fidesz soon realigned with its formerly pro-Russian position: the party repeatedly opposed sanctions against the Russian Federation, prompting international press to describe Orbán as "a key Putin's ally".[124][125] Orbán has called for Russia and the United States to negotiate a diplomatic resolution to the conflict, stating that the Ukrainians could not win the war militarily.[126]
Fidesz adoptedanti-immigration stances and rhetoric in the mid-2010s in the context of theEuropean migrant crisis.[127][128][129][130] However, starting in the early 2020s, the Orbán government began admitting increasing numbers of foreign guest workers into Hungary due to a labor shortage resulting from strong economic growth, nativepopulation decline, and rising wages.[131][132][133]
Fidesz is opposed tomulticulturalism. In a 2018 address, Orbán said: "We must state that we do not want to be diverse and do not want to be mixed: we do not want our own color, traditions and national culture to be mixed with those of others. We do not want this. We do not want that at all. We do not want to be a diverse country."[134] Orbán has "often expressed a preference for a racially homogeneous society."[135] The government has modified the country's Constitution to make it illegal to "settle foreign populations in Hungary."[136]
Despite a very low fertility rate that has led to a demographic deficit, the Fidesz government has remained steadfastly opposed to economic immigration that has been harnessed by other European countries to relieve its worker deficits. Instead, the government announced pecuniary incentives (including eliminating taxes for mothers with more than 3 children, and reducing credit payments and easier access to government-subsidized mortgages), and expanding day care and kindergarten access.[137] The Fidesz government's child incentive program also offers a 10-million-forint government-subsidized zero-interest loan to married couples who are willing to have a baby after 1 July 2019.[138]
Changes passed by the Fidesz government have given citizens the right to use arms for self-defense on one's own property.[139] Fidesz has passed legislationcriminalising homelessness.[140] Fidesz has opposed proposals supported byJobbik andLMP to require nightclubs in Budapest to close after midnight.[141]
Orbán has on multiple occasions emphasized upholding Christian values as central to his government,[142][143][144][145] and has described his government as creating a Christian democracy.[143][100] Hungarian Catholic bishopAndrás Veres described some of Fidesz' policies, such as providing free IVF treatment for couples at state-run clinics, as being at odds with some Christian denominations, particularly theRoman Catholic Church, which opposes IVF.[146] Orbán is a member of theReformed Church in Hungary.[147] However, the party has been described as taking a more secular position on abortion, the role of the church and education than its ally, theChristian Democratic People's Party.[148]
Fidesz is opposed to anabortion ban, instead preferring to promotenatalism.[149] However, the Fidesz government has introduced a requirement for women seeking abortions to listen to a pulse generated by the ultrasound monitor before making their decision.[150]
The Fidesz government has introduced loan subsidies for married couples that have three or more children[151] and a personal income tax exemption for women that have four or more children.[152]
The party isanti-communist.[153] In May 2018, the President of theEuropean CommissionJean-Claude Juncker attended and spoke at a celebration of the deceasedKarl Marx's 200th birthday, where he defended Marx's legacy. In response, MEPs from Fidesz wrote: "Marxist ideology led to the death of tens of millions and ruined the lives of hundreds of millions. The celebration of its founder is a mockery of their memory."[153]
The Fidesz government spokesman Zoltán Kovács justified the government's controversial policies as an effort to "get rid of the remnants of communism that are still with us, not only in terms of institutions but in terms of mentality."[140]
During the party's rule, statues of communists regarded as traitors have been removed with Fidesz politicians in attendance. In December 2018, Hungarian authorities removed a statue ofImre Nagy for renovation. Nagy was a Hungarian reformist communist politician who led the failed anti-Soviet1956 Hungarian Revolution and was later executed for his role in the uprising; the statue was replaced with a memorial dedicated to the victims of the short-lived1919 Hungarian Soviet Republic.[154]
In addition to regular political advertising, Fidesz directs government organs to use taxpayer money to regularly produce and disseminate two major forms ofpolitical propaganda in Hungary: poster campaigns and so-called "National Consultations." These two techniques are meant to influence public opinion about controversial issues outside of the legally demarcated campaign season.
Past poster campaign subjects have included a grinningGeorge Soros while calling on the citizens to oppose his purported support of illegal immigration (many of the posters portraying Soros, who is Jewish, were defaced with antisemitic graffiti);[155][156] Soros andPresident of the European CommissionJean-Claude Juncker laughing together, with text suggesting Soros controls major European institutions (while also disseminating the accusation by letters sent to all Hungarian citizens);[157][158][159] and the "distracted boyfriend" internet meme, retooled to promote family values.[160][161] These "information campaigns" or "national messaging initiatives," as successive Fidesz governments have called them, have been allocated annual budgets in the tens of millions of euros.[162]
National Consultations, meanwhile, are questionnaires sent to all citizens that survey their opinions on government policy and legislation. By posingloaded questions, Fidesz uses these questionnaires to disseminate Fidesz's ideological positions and agenda. A 2015 Consultation, for example, explicitly referred to a "Soros plan" to "convince Brussels to resettle at least one million immigrants from Africa and the Middle East annually on the territory of the European Union, including Hungary," wrote that this "is part of the Soros plan to launch political attacks on countries objecting to immigration and impose strict penalties on them," and then asked citizens whether they agree. Another questionnaire about family policy used the term "Brussels bureaucrats."[156][163][164][165][110] On other occasions, such as just prior to elections, the government sent letters notifying citizens that it will reduce their gas payments by €38 and sent pensioners gift vouchers.[109]
| Image | Name | Entered office | Left office | Length of Leadership | Note | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 |  | Viktor Orbán | 18 April 1993 | 29 January 2000 | 6 years, 286 days | Prime Minister, 1998–2002 |
| 2 |  | László Kövér | 29 January 2000 | 6 May 2001 | 1 year, 97 days | |
| 3 | .JPG) | Zoltán Pokorni | 6 May 2001 | 3 July 2002 | 1 year, 58 days | |
| 4 |  | János Áder | 3 July 2002 | 17 May 2003 | 318 days | |
| 5 |  | Viktor Orbán | 17 May 2003 | Incumbent | 22 years, 190 days | Prime Minister, 2010–present |
The Fidesz youth affiliateFidelitas was founded in 1996.[166][167] In December 2022, Dániel Farkas was elected president, succeeding Boglárka Illés.[168] Fidelitas is a member ofEuropean Democrat Students (EDS)[169] and theInternational Young Democracy Union.[170]
Fidesz was a member of theLiberal International from 1992 to 2000. From 2000 to 2024, it was a member of theInternational Democracy Union.[171] It is currently a member ofCentrist Democrat International.
European Union
Following its ideological turn to conservatism, it joined the centre-rightEuropean People's Party (EPP) but was suspended on 20 March 2019. Fidesz MEPs left theEuropean People's Party group in theEuropean Parliament on 3 March 2021,[172][173][174] after the EPP changed its rules to allow it to expel a party's entire delegation.[175][176][177][178] It has served with theNon-Inscrits since then.[179]
In July 2021, Fidesz signed a joint declaration withNational Rally,Law and Justice,Vox, theLeague, theBrothers of Italy, theEstonian Conservative People's Party, theFreedom Party of Austria, Belgium'sVlaams Belang, theDanish People's Party, theFinns Party,VMRO – Bulgarian National Movement,Greek Solution, the RomanianChristian Democratic National Peasants' Party andElectoral Action of Poles in Lithuania – Christian Families Alliance on the future of the EU.[180][181]
In December 2021, the party participated in the Warsaw summit with Law and Justice, the Estonian Conservative People's Party, the Finns Party, the Christian Democratic National Peasants' Party, Electoral Action of Poles in Lithuania – Christian Families Alliance, the Freedom Party of Austria, Vox, National Rally, Vlaams Belang and the DutchJA21, signing a document outlining new collaboration at the EU level between the parties.[182][183]
In January 2022, the party participated in the Madrid summit, hosted by Vox, alongside National Rally, Law and Justice, Vlaams Belang, JA21, the Estonian Conservative People's Party, the Freedom Party of Austria, VMRO - Bulgarian National Movement, the Christian Democratic National Peasants' Party and Electoral Action of Poles in Lithuania – Christian Families Alliance, signing a joint declaration on policies towards the EU and Russia.[184][185]
In November 2022, Fidesz MEPs signed a cooperation agreement with MEPs fromSovereign Poland, Vox, Lega, the Freedom Party of Austria and the National Rally to collaborate within the European Parliament.[186]
In June 2024, Fidesz announced its intention to form thePatriots for Europe parliamentary group in theEuropean Parliament, which subsequently included the CzechANO 2011,Motorists for Themselves andPřísaha, theFreedom Party of Austria, the PortugueseChega, the DutchParty for Freedom, the FrenchNational Rally, the ItalianLega, theDanish People's Party, the BelgianVlaams Belang, the SpanishVox,Latvia First and the GreekVoice of Reason.[187][188][189][190]
In September 2024, Fidesz joined the pan-European political partyPatriots.eu, which includes the members of the Patriots for Europe group and theEstonian Conservative People's Party.[191]
European countries
Orbán has more recently cultivated close ties between Fidesz and theFreedom Party of Austria (FPÖ), noting "strategic cooperation" between the parties and "friendly ties based on mutual confidence and Christian-conservative values".[192]
Prior to the2019 Austrian legislative election, he held a joint press conference with FPÖ leaderNorbert Hofer, where he wished the party success in the upcoming election and stressed the "similar views" of the two parties.[193]
Hungarian Justice MinisterJudit Varga addressed a rally inAntwerp hosted byVlaams Belang in June 2022, alongside representatives of otherIdentity and Democracy Party member parties.[194]
Orbán released a video message endorsingMilorad Dodik, the leader of theAlliance of Independent Social Democrats (SNSD) and the President ofRepublika Srpska, ahead of the2022 Bosnian general election.[195] Orbán's government has reportedly provided political and financial support to the SNSD.[196]
Orbán sent a letter of support toVáclav Klaus Jr.'s newly formedTricolour Citizens' Movement in the Czech Republic in 2019.[197] Orbán has a relationship with Klaus's father, PresidentVáclav Klaus, who has expressed support for Orbán's rule.[198]
During the2021 Czech parliamentary election, Orbán endorsed Czech Prime Minister andANO 2011 leaderAndrej Babiš, appearing alongside him at campaign events in the Czech Republic.[199]
Orbán expressed strong support forTomislav Karamarko's leadership of theCroatian Democratic Union (HDZ), having written a letter endorsing Karamarko for his stance on immigration that was read out at an HDZ rally during the2015 Croatian parliamentary election campaign.[200]
Fidesz later established contacts with the International Secretary of theHomeland Movement,Stephen Nikola Bartulica.[201]
Orbán initially rejected association withMarine Le Pen'sNational Rally,[202] and instead endorsedFrançois Fillon, the candidate ofThe Republicans, in the2017 French presidential election.[203]
However, in 2021, Fidesz opened relations with National Rally, congratulating Le Pen on her re-election as the party's leader.[204] Orbán subsequently hosted Le Pen during her October 2021 visit to Budapest and had discussions with her regarding a formal alliance between the parties.[205] Orbán released a video of support for Le Pen during the2022 French presidential election, which was aired at one of her campaign rallies.[206]
Orbán also has relations withReconquête leaderÉric Zemmour, hosting him in Budapest in September 2021.[207]
Fidesz initially rejected cooperation withAlternative for Germany (AfD), describing theChristian Democratic Union of Germany and theChristian Social Union in Bavaria as its natural allies there.[208]
However, in February 2025, Orbán invited AfD co-leaderAlice Weidel to meet with him in Budapest.[209][210] After the meeting, Orbán stated that with the rise in AfD's support, the German government could no longer penalise cooperation with it, and expressed his belief that "the AfD is the future".[211][212]
![[icon]](/mt/?noimg=&dark=on&url=http%3a%2f%2fen.wikipedia.org%2fwiki%2fFile%3aWiki_letter_w_cropped.svg) | This sectionneeds expansion with: Berlusconi and Forza Italia. You can help bymaking an edit requestadding to it.(January 2024) |
Orbán has praised the tenure of former Italian Interior MinisterMatteo Salvini, the leader of theLeague, declaring him an "ally and our fellow combatant in the fight for the preservation of European Christian heritage and the tackling of migration" after Salvini's departure from the Italian government in August 2019.[213]
Orbán previously urged closer political ties between the EPP and the League,[214] and cooperated extensively on immigration with Salvini, describing Salvini as "my hero".[215]
Orbán has also fostered ties withBrothers of Italy leaderGiorgia Meloni,[216] but Meloni later blocked Fidesz joining theEuropean Conservatives and Reformists.[217]
Orbán has also fostered close political ties with right-wingInternal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization – Democratic Party for Macedonian National Unity (VMRO-DPMNE) politician and formerPMNikola Gruevski. While awaiting a ruling on an appeal to a corruption conviction in early 2019, Gruevski fled to Hungary to evade a looming jail sentence. The whereabouts of Gruevski were revealed only 4 days after he failed to report to serve his prison sentence. Macedonian officials have suggested that Gruevski (for whom an international arrest warrant had been issued) was in contact with Hungarian officials in the days preceding his flight, and Macedonian authorities have launched an investigation into whether Gruevski was transported across the border in a Hungarian diplomatic vehicle. The Hungarian government denied accusations of impropriety.[218]
Hungarian businesspeople close to Orbán that had previously invested into Slovenian right-wing media also entered into ownership of Macedonian right-wing media companies, propping up outlets friendly to Gruevski and his party.[218] In May 2023, Orbán pledged that Fidesz would assist VMRO-DPMNE in "various policy areas" ahead of the2024 Macedonian parliamentary election.[219]
Prior to the2019 European Parliament election, Fidesz announced it would discuss an alliance with Poland'sLaw and Justice (PiS) party if it leaves the EPP.[220] The two nations' conservative governments have shared a close friendship and alliance for multiple years and the Polish government has pledged political support for Hungary within the EU.[221][222][223][224]
Orbán and PiS leaderJarosław Kaczyński have vowed to wage a "cultural counter-revolution" within the EU together,[225] with the Polish government seeing Hungary under Fidesz as a model for Poland.[226]
The relationship between Fidesz and PiS deteriorated following theRussian invasion of Ukraine, after the two parties took different stances on the conflict.[227] The relationship was later repaired after PiS lost power in Poland, withMateusz Morawiecki inviting Fidesz to join theEuropean Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group in the European Parliament in February 2024.[228]
Although PiS initially negotiated with Fidesz's Patriots for Europe group in June 2024, it later chose to remain in the ECR after disagreements over the ECR leadership were resolved.[229] The Fidesz government also granted asylum to former PiS Deputy Minister of JusticeMarcin Romanowski in December 2024.[230]
Fidesz also developed ties with PiS's former junior coalition partner,Zbigniew Ziobro'sSovereign Poland party, particularly during the time period when relations with PiS were tense.[231]
Orbán has a warm relationship with Serbian PresidentAleksandar Vučić and hisSerbian Progressive Party (SNS), with the Hungarian Foreign MinisterPéter Szijjártó campaigning for Vučić before the2017 Serbian presidential election.[232] Companies close to the Orbán government have won public contracts with the Serbian government.[233] The Serbian government has also been accused of taking a similar approach to the Hungarian government towards the media.[234]
In May 2023, Szijjártó once again addressed an SNS rally in support of President Vučić, ahead of the2023 Serbian parliamentary election.[235][236] Fidesz has also participated in conferences hosted by one of the SNS's junior coalition partners, theSerbian People's Party (SNP),[237] and included the SNP in a working lunch of Fidesz-allied right-wing parties hosted by Orbán.[238]
In April 2025, Orbán sent a video message to a pro-government rally in Belgrade in support of Vučić, claiming that "foreign powers want to tell Serbs how to live".[239]
Orbán has allied closely with Slovenian PMJanez Janša and the right-wingSlovenian Democratic Party (SDS) he heads, going so far as to campaign for SDS during the2018 Slovenian parliamentary election. Businesspeople close to Orbán also provided funds to SDS-affiliated media companies that then also used some of the funds to purchase campaign ads on behalf of SDS to circumvent Slovenian campaign finance laws.[240][241][242][243]
After the election, and while SDS was struggling to secure political support to form a coalition government, Janša again met with Orbán on a private visit to Budapest; during the meeting, Orbán also conducted a conference call with former US presidentDonald Trump with Janša joining in.[244] SDS's unconditional backing of Fidesz within the EPP was reportedly pivotal in preventing Fidesz's expulsion from EPP, resulting in a more lenient suspension.[245] In a letter to EPP leader, Janša warned of an "inevitable" split in the EPP if the vote to expel Fidesz were to take place.[246]
Despite its close links, in 2024 when Orbán formed thePatriots for Europe, a new EU political group. The SDS, which has four MEPs, ultimately remained part of theEPP Group, while noting that not all SDS MEPs agreed with this decision.[247][248]
| This sectionneeds expansion with: Relations before 2020s. You can help bymaking an edit requestadding to it.(January 2024) |
Fidesz provided campaign advisers toRobert Fico'sSmer party ahead of the2023 Slovak parliamentary election.[249] Prior to the election, Hungarian Foreign MinisterPéter Szijjártó held a joint press conference with Fico.[250] However, Smer declined to join Fidesz's Patriots for Europe group in 2024, citing an ideological divide with the right-wing parties involved.[251] In November 2024, Orbán gave a video address to a Smer party conference.[252]
In 2020, Hungarian officials from the Fidesz government suggested it was in their interest that theSlovak National Party win seats during the2020 Slovak parliamentary election.[253] Szijjárto also praised the Slovak National Party following a 2022 meeting with its leader,Andrej Danko, stating that "parties standing on national foundations always understand each other well" and emphasising their shared "Christian-conservative values".[254][255]
Danko has close relations with Fidesz politicians,[256] and has advocated for an alliance between the Slovak National Party, Smer,Hlas,Slovak PATRIOT and even Hungarian minority parties in order to form what he described as a "Slovak Fidesz".[257]
Orbán has also developed ties with DutchParty for Freedom (PVV) leaderGeert Wilders,[258]Vox leaderSantiago Abascal,[259]Conservative People's Party of Estonia leaderMart Helme[260] theChega leaderAndré Ventura,[261] and LithuanianNational Alliance leaderVytautas Radžvilas.[262]
As of 2024, theFinns Party rejects cooperation with Fidesz, strongly supporting the exclusion of Fidesz from theEuropean Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group in the European Parliament.[263] TheSweden Democrats initially ruled out cooperation with Fidesz altogether,[264] but later insisted that Fidesz sign a declaration in support of Ukrainian territorial integrity prior to allowing formal cooperation.[265]
Fidesz refuses cooperation with theAlliance for the Union of Romanians (AUR), describing it as "anti-Hungarian" and ceasing its attempts to join the ECR after AUR was admitted.[266] Nevertheless, after a victory by AUR leaderGeorge Simion in the first round of the2025 Romanian presidential election, Orbán favourably quoted Simion and expressed support for Romania in its "fights for Christianity and sovereignty", noting that while he would not personally support a candidate in the election, he would oppose attempts for "isolation or political revenge" against the next Romanian President.[267]
Some political parties of Hungarian minorities are said to be allies of the Fidesz like the SlovakHungarian Alliance (MKP),[268] the SerbianAlliance of Vojvodina Hungarians (VMSZ),[269] the UkrainianKMKSZ – Hungarian Party in Ukraine,[270][271] andHungarian Democratic Party in Ukraine (UMDP),[272]Democratic Union of Hungarians of Croatia (HMDK),[273] the SlovenianHungarian National Self-Government Association of Prekmurje (MMNÖK),[274] the RomanianDemocratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania (RMDSZ),[275][276][268] theHungarian Civic Party (MPP)[277] and theHungarian People's Party of Transylvania (EMNP).[278] The Fidesz, the RMDSZ,[279] MKP,[280] VMSZ[269] the HMDK[281] and theDemocratic Party of Vojvodina Hungarians (VMDP)[282] support each other in the2019 European Parliament election. The MKP, VMSZ and RMDSZ are members or associates of the EPP.[283]
Non-European countries
Israel
Orbán and his government have also fostered close ties with the IsraeliLikud government underBenjamin Netanyahu, with the two heads of government forging a cordial relationship, having known one another for decades. Netanyahu advised Orbán on economic reforms conducted by the Hungarian government in the early 2000s.[284] Netanyahu later extended public political support to Orbán at a time when Orbán was confronting criticism for praisingMiklós Horthy, Hungary's former leader, whose government passed anti-Jewish legislation and collaborated with Nazi Germany, and for allegedly employing anti-Semitic tropes in his criticism ofGeorge Soros.[285][286][287] The Israeli foreign ministry issued a statement condemning Soros in a show of solidarity with the Orbán government.[288][289] A Likud lawmaker also introduced legislation modeled on Fidesz's "Stop Soros law" in the IsraeliKnesset.[290]
United States of America
Orbán and his government have gained favor with US presidentDonald Trump and hisRepublican administration (in stark contrast to the policy of isolation practiced by the precedingObama Administration).[291][292] Orbán was the first European head of government to endorse Trump's presidential bid during the2016 United States presidential election.[293][294]
Trump has praised Hungary's immigration policies in a discussion with Orbán.[291] The more amiable attitude of the Trump Administration toward the Hungarian government prompted criticism and a protest by 22Democratic Party lawmakers that called for a more disciplinary policy towards the country's government over what they perceived as a problematic track record.[295]
Steve Bannon, former head ofBreitbart News and a former close associate of President Trump who had an integral role in Trump's electoral campaign and administration, has also praised Orbán and announced plans to work with Fidesz in orchestrating the party's electoral campaign for the 2019 European parliament election.[296][297][298][299][5]
Other
The Fidesz government had a strong relationship with former Brazilian PresidentJair Bolsonaro of theLiberal Party, including sheltering him at the Hungarian Embassy in Brazil after he faced criminal charges.[300] Fidesz also has ties with the founder of the ChileanRepublican Party,José Antonio Kast,María Fernanda Cabal of the ColombianDemocratic Center party, and the ArgentinianLa Libertad Avanza.[301][302][303]
Orbán's Political Director,Balázs Orbán, suggested Fidesz has "many things in common" with the IndianBharatiya Janata Party (BJP) following meetings with BJP politicians, including sovereignty, opposing progressivism, and support for peace in theRusso-Ukrainian War.[304]
Fidesz has been accused of exhibiting anti-democratic and authoritarian tendencies while in government. The Fidesz-led government has been accused of severely restricting media freedom, undermining the independence of the courts, subjugating and politicising independent and non-governmental institutions, spying on political opponents, engaging in electoral engineering, and assailing criticalNGOs. The Fidesz-led government has been accused of engaging incronyism andcorruption. Fidesz has been accused ofantisemitism, and the Fidesz-led government has been accused of passing legislation that violates the rights ofqueer persons. Due to its controversial actions, Fidesz and its government have come in conflict with the EU on multiple occasions.
| Election | Leader | SMCs | MMCs | Seats | +/– | Status | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Votes | % | Votes | % | |||||
| 1990 | Collective leadership | 235,611 | 4.75 (#6) | 439,448 | 8.95 (#5) | 22 / 386 | New | Opposition |
| 1994 | Viktor Orbán | 416,143 | 7.70 (#5) | 379,295 | 7.02 (#6) | 20 / 386 |  2 | Opposition |
| 1998 | 1,161,520 | 25.99 (#2) | 1,263,563 | 28.18 (#2) | 148 / 386 |  128 | Coalition (Fidesz-FKgP-MDF) | |
| 2002[a] | 2,217,755 | 39.43 (#2) | 2,306,763 | 41.07 (#2) | 164 / 386 | 16 | Opposition | |
| 2006[b] | 2,269,241 | 41.99 (#1) | 2,272,979 | 43.21 (#2) | 141 / 386 | 23 | Opposition | |
| 2010[b] | 2,732,965 | 53.43 (#1) | 2,706,292 | 52.73 (#1) | 227 / 386 | 86 | Supermajority (Fidesz-KDNP) | |
| Election | Leader | Constituency | Party list | Seats | +/– | Status | ||
| Votes | % | Votes | % | |||||
| 2014[b] | Viktor Orbán | 2,165,342 | 44.11 (#1) | 2,264,780 | 44.87 (#1) | 117 / 199 | 110 | Supermajority (Fidesz-KDNP) |
| 2018[b] | 2,636,201 | 47.89 (#1) | 2,824,551 | 49.27 (#1) | 117 / 199 |  0 | Supermajority (Fidesz-KDNP) | |
| 2022[b] | 2,823,419 | 52.52 (#1) | 3,060,706 | 54.13 (#1) | 117 / 199 | 0 | Supermajority (Fidesz-KDNP) | |
| Election | List leader | Votes | % | Seats | +/− | EP Group |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2004 | Pál Schmitt | 1,457,750 | 47.40 (#1) | 12 / 24 | New | EPP-ED |
| 2009[a] | 1,632,309 | 56.36 (#1) | 13 / 22 | 1 | EPP (until 2021) | |
| 2014[a] | Ildikó Pelczné Gáll | 1,193,991 | 51.48 (#1) | 11 / 21 | 2 | |
| 2019[a] | László Trócsányi | 1,824,220 | 52.56 (#1) | 12 / 21 | 1 | |
| NI (from 2021) | ||||||
| 2024[a] | Tamás Deutsch | 2,048,211 | 44.82 (#1) | 10 / 21 | 2 | PfE |
Hungarian politics is dominated by Viktor Orban's far-right Fidesz party, which is supported by a largely partisan pro-government media that marginalises opposition voices.
Hungarian politics is dominated by Viktor Orban's far-right Fidesz party, which is supported by a largely partisan pro-government media that marginalises opposition voices.
In Hungary, Orbán and his social conservative Fidesz ...
Parliamentary group:Patriots for Europe | |||||||
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European political foundation: Patriots for Europe Foundation | |||||||
| National Assembly (199) |
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* Threshold for parties to join the National Assembly in Hungary is 5% of the popular vote, 10% for coalitions of two parties, and 15% for coalitions of three or more parties. |
| European Parliament (21) | |
