Speaking in a Press Conference requesting theArmed Forces of the Philippines to "disperse the crowd without shooting them" as a response to mass protests against his presidency (Recorded on February 24, 1986)
Marcos gained political success by exaggerating his actions in World War II, claiming to have been the "most decorated war hero in the Philippines".[7][8][9][10] —United States Army documents described his claims as "fraudulent" and "absurd".[11][12] After the war, he became a lawyer. He served in thePhilippine House of Representatives from 1949 to 1959 and thePhilippine Senate from 1959 to 1965. He was elected presidentin 1965. He presided over an economy that grew during the beginning of his 20-year rule,[13] but ended in the loss of livelihood andextreme poverty for almost half the Philippine population,[14][15] combined with a debt crisis.[16][15] He pursued infrastructure development funded byforeign debt,[17][18] making him popular during his first term, although the aid triggered an inflation crisis that led to social unrest in his second term.[19][20] Marcosplaced the Philippines under martial law on September 23, 1972,[21][22] shortly before the end of his second term. Martial law was ratified in 1973 througha fraudulent referendum.[23] He ruled the country undermartial law from 1972 to 1981.[24] During this period, the constitution was revised and media outletswere silenced.[25][26] Marcos also oversaw a violent crackdown against the political opposition,[27][28] Muslims,[29] suspected communists,[30][31] and ordinary citizens.[28]
Ferdinand Marcos (right) with his family in the 1920s
Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin Marcos was born on September 11, 1917, in the town ofSarrat, Ilocos Norte, toMariano Marcos (1897–1945) andJosefa Edralin (1893–1988).[65] Mariano Marcos was alawyer and congressman fromIlocos Norte, Philippines.[66] He was executed by Filipino guerillas in 1945 as a Japanese propagandist andcollaborator during World War II.Drawn and quartered with the use ofcarabaos, his remains were left hanging on a tree.[67][68][69] Josefa Marcos was a schoolteacher who outlived her husband – dying in 1988, two years after the Marcos family left her in Malacañang Palace, they fled into exile after the 1986People Power Revolution, one year before her son Ferdinand's death.[70]
Marcos studied law at theUniversity of the Philippines (UP) inManila, attending theCollege of Law. He excelled in both curricular and extra-curricular activities, joining the university's swimming, boxing, and wrestling teams. He was an accomplishedorator, debater, and writer for the student newspaper. While attending the UP College of Law, he joinedUpsilon Sigma Phi, where he met his future colleagues in government and some of his staunchest critics.[76][page needed][77][page needed]
Marcos attended the Reserve Officers' Training Corps (ROTC) He served as an ROTC battalion commander and was commissioned as a third lieutenant (apprentice officer) in the Philippine Constabulary Reserve. He was a member of the rifle team and a national rifle champion.[78]
Ferdinand Marcos being conferred with a Doctor Laws,honoris causa degree during the investiture of the first Filipino president ofCentral Philippine University, Rex D. Drilon, on April 21, 1967
Julio Nalundasan was a Filipino lawyer/politician and a political rival of Mariano Marcos's. He was killed with a single rifle shot at his home inBatac on September 21, 1935, the day after he had defeated Marcos a second time for a seat in theNational Assembly.[84]
In December 1938, Ferdinand Marcos, his father Mariano, and his uncles, Pio Marcos and Quirino Lizardo were both accused of murder.[85] According to two witnesses, the four had conspired to assassinate Nalundasan.[86]
Ferdinand was a member of the University of the Philippines rifle team and a national rifle champion.[78] Marcos's rifle was in its gun rack in theROTC armory, that of team captainTeodoro M. Kalaw Jr. was missing.
TheNational Bureau of Investigation obtained evidence that Kalaw's rifle was the murder weapon. Ferdinand had access to the armory.[84] Ferdinand and Lizardo were then convicted of the murder. Ferdinand was sentenced to 10 to 17 years in prison.[87]
Marcos appealed to theSupreme Court of the Philippines.[88] JusticeJose P. Laurel, who wrote the majority decision, had almost killed a rival during a youthful brawl. He was convicted by a trial court of frustrated murder, but was acquitted after his own appeal to the Supreme Court. Laurel pleaded for his colleagues to acquit.[84] The Supreme Court overturned the lower court's decision on October 22, 1940, acquitting both men of all charges except contempt.[89][90]
After World War II, the American government became preoccupied with theMarshall Plan, attempting to revive Western European economies, losing focus on the Philippines, which gained independence on July 4, 1946.[91][92] Marcos was one of eleven lawyers to act as a special prosecutor tasked to try by "process of law and justice" all those accused of collaboration with the Japanese.[93] Eventually, Marcos ran for his father's old post as representative of the2nd district ofIlocos Norte and won three consecutive terms, serving in the House of Representatives from 1949 to 1959.[94]
Marcos then became chairman of the House Committee on Commerce and Industry and member of the House Committees on Defense, Ways and Means; Industry; Banks Currency; War Veterans; Civil Service; and on Corporations and Economic Planning. He was also a member of the Special Committee on Import and Price Controls and the Special Committee on Reparations, and of the House Electoral Tribunal.[94]
After serving in the House for three terms, Marcos won a Senate seat in 1959 and became Senate minority floor leader in 1960. He became executive vice president of the Liberal Party and served as party president from 1961 to 1964.
From 1963 to 1965, he wasSenate President. He introduced significant bills, many of which were enacted.[94]
Ferdinand Marcos with his running mateFernando Lopez during campaign in 1965Ferdinand Marcos is sworn into his first term on December 30, 1965.
Marcos ran a populist campaign emphasizing that he was a medalled war hero. In 1962, Marcos claimed to be the most decorated war hero of the Philippines by garnering almost every medal and decoration that the Filipino and American governments had established.[95] Included in his claim of 27 war medals and decorations are those of the Distinguished Service Cross and the Medal of Honor.[95][96] The opposition Liberal Party later confirmed that many of his war medals were awarded in 1962 to aid in his Senate election campaign.[59] As a result, Marcos won the election.[97]
He launched an aggressive program of infrastructure development funded by foreign loans. He remained popular for most of his first term;[98] although his popularity got flagged after debt-driven spending which triggered an inflationary crisis in November and December 1969.[19][20] Major projects included the construction of theCultural Center of the Philippines complex, which is considered one of the earliest examples of what became known as the Marcoses'edifice complex.[99][100]
Marcos developed close relations with Philippine military officers[98] and began expanding the armed forces by allowing loyal generals to stay in their positions past retirement age, or giving them government posts.[101] He gained the support of the USJohnson administration by allowing Philippine involvement in theVietnam War via the Philippine Civic Action Group.[102]
Marcos's first term saw the exposé of theJabidah massacre in March 1968, where Jibin Arula (a Muslim) testified that he had been the lone survivor of a group ofMoro army recruits that had been executed en-masse onCorregidor Island on March 18, 1968.[103][104] The allegations became a major flashpoint that ignited theMoro insurgency.[104]
One of President Marcos's earliest initiatives was to significantly expand the Philippine military. In an unprecedented move, Marcos chose to concurrently serve as his own defense secretary, giving him direct control over the military.[98] He significantly increased the defense budget, tapping them for civil projects such as school construction. Marcos' policies led SenatorBenigno Aquino Jr. to accuse Marcos in 1968 of trying to establish "a garrison state".[101]
Vietnam War
President Marcos (left) and his wifeImelda (center) meet with US PresidentLyndon B. Johnson (right) in Manila in October 1966.
Under intense pressure from the Johnson administration,[102] Marcos reversed his prior position of not sending Philippine forces to Vietnam,[102][105] consenting to limited involvement.[106] He then asked Congress to approve sending acombat engineer unit. Despite opposition, the proposal was approved and Philippine troops were involved from the middle of 1966 as the Philippines Civic Action Group (PHILCAG). PHILCAG grew to a strength of some 1,600 troops in 1968. Between 1966 and 1970 over 10,000 Filipino soldiers served in Vietnam, mainly involved in civilian infrastructure projects.[107]: 102–103[108]
Attempting to become the first president of the third republic to be reelected, Marcos began taking massive foreign loans to fund the "rice, roads, and school buildings" he promised in his reelection campaign. With tax revenues inadequate to fund his 70% increase in infrastructure spending from 1966 to 1970, Marcos covered the gap with loans, creating a budget deficit 72% higher than the Philippine government's annual deficit from 1961 to 1965.[98]
The Marcos administration continued this loan-funded spending throughout his reign, producing economic instability that continued for decades.[98] Marcos's grandest first term infrastructure projects, especially theCultural Center of the Philippines complex, marked the beginning of what critics would label his "edifice complex".[100][page needed]
In March 1968 Jibin Arula was fished out of Manila Bay, after he was shot. He was brought to then-Cavite Governor Delfin N. Montano, to whom he described the Jabidah massacre, saying that numerousMoro army recruits had been executed by members of theArmed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) on March 18, 1968.[103][better source needed] This became the subject of an exposé by Senator Aquino.[109][110]
Although the lack of other living witnesses hampered the probe, it ignited theMoro insurgency in the Philippines.[104] Despite numerous trials and hearings, none of the officers implicated in the massacre were convicted, leading many Filipino Muslims to believe that the "Christian" government in Manila had little regard for them.[111][112] This created a furor within the Philippine Muslim community, especially among educated youth,[113][page needed] and among Muslim intellectuals, who had had no significant involvement in politics.[104] The Jabidah massacre costed many Filipino Muslims their belief in opportunities for integration and accommodation.[114]
This eventually led to the formation of theMindanao Independence Movement in 1968, the Bangsamoro Liberation Organization (BMLO) was created in 1969, and the consolidation of these various forces into theMoro National Liberation Front (MNLF) in October 1972.[115]
During the campaign, Marcos launched US$50 million worth in infrastructure projects.[118] Marcos was reported to have spent PHP100 for every PHP1 that his opponent Osmeña spent, including PHP24 million inCebu alone.[119]
Time andNewsweek called the 1969 election the "dirtiest, most violent and most corrupt" in modern Philippine history. The term "Three Gs", meaning "guns, goons, and gold" was used to describe the administration's election tactics of vote-buying, terrorism and ballot snatching.[119][120][121][122]
Marcos' spending during the campaign triggered abalance of payments crisis.[123] Marcos asked theInternational Monetary Fund (IMF) for help, and the IMF offered a debt restructuring deal. Compliant policies were enacted, including a greater emphasis on exports and the relaxation of peso controls. The peso was allowed to decline, resulting in inflation and social unrest.[124]
Marcos engaged in unofficial diplomacy with theSoviet Bloc, shaped by theSino-Soviet split.[130][131] ThePartido Komunista ng Pilipinas-1930 (PKP-1930), was an officially illegal organization that had endorsed Marcos in 1965. The formation of the China-alignedCommunist Party of the Philippines led to government support of the Soviet-aligned PKP-1930. Some PKP-1930 members were appointed to positions within Marcos's government as salaried "researchers". Their connections were used as another channel of negotiation with the Soviet Union.[131]
Ferdinand Marcos takes the Oath of Office for a second term beforeChief JusticeRoberto Concepcion on December 30, 1969.Marcos and Imelda with the Mayors ofBaliwag in 1973
Marcos was reelected on November 11, 1969, in a landslide. He was the only Filipino president to win a second full term.[132][133][134][135] His running mate, incumbent Vice PresidentFernando Lopez was also elected to a third full term asVice President of the Philippines.
Marcos's second term was characterized by social unrest, beginning with the balance of payments crisis.[98] Opposition groups began to form, with "moderate" groups calling for political reform and "radical" groups espousing radical-left ideology.[136][137][138]
Marcos responded with military force. The most notable was the response to protests during the first three months of 1970 – a period known as theFirst Quarter Storm.[139][140][138]
Another major event was thePhilippine Constitutional Convention of 1971. In May 1972, a delegate exposed a bribery scheme in which delegates were paid to vote with the Marcoses that implicated Imelda Marcos.[98]: 133 [141]
On August 21, 1971, afatal bombing occurred at a political campaign rally of the opposition Liberal Party at Plaza Miranda in Quiapo, Manila. Marcos blamed the Communist Party of the Philippines. He issued Proclamation No. 889, through which he assumed emergency powers and suspended the writ ofhabeas corpus.[142] Oppositionists were accused as "radicals" and were arrested. This response ignored any distinction between moderates and radicals, already blurred since the First Quarter storm. This brought about a massive expansion of the underground socialist resistance, leading many moderate oppositionists to join the radicals.[143][144][138] In 1972 a series of bombings in Metro Manila occurred. Marcos again blamed the communists, although the only suspects caught were linked to the Philippine Constabulary.[145][146]
Marcos's second term effectively ended less than two years and nine months later, when Marcos establishedmartial law.[21]
Social unrest after the balance of payments crisis
Marcos's spending during the campaign triggered growing public unrest,[147] and led opposition figures such as SenatorLorenzo Tañada, SenatorJovito Salonga, and SenatorJose W. Diokno to accuse Marcos of wanting to stay in power beyond the two term constitutional limit.[147]
Opposition groups quickly grew on campuses.[136][137]
"Moderate" and "radical" opposition
Media reports classified the various civil society groups opposing Marcos into either "moderates" or "radicals".[137] The moderates included church groups, civil libertarians, and nationalist politicians who wanted political reforms.[136] Radicals included labor and student groups who wanted more systemic political reforms.[136][138]
Statesmen and politicians opposed to the increasingly authoritarian administration mostly focused their efforts on political efforts.[98] Their concerns usually included election reform, calls for a non-partisan constitutional convention, and a call for Marcos to comply with the Constitutional term limit.[98][138]
MCCCL rallies were remembered for their diversity, attracting moderate and radical camps; and for their scale, attended by as many as 50,000 people.[137]
The other broad category of opposition groups were those who wanted more systemic political reforms, usually as part of theNational Democracy movement.[136][138] The Marcos administration included moderate groups under the radical umbrtella.[148]
Groups considered radical by the media include:[138]
When Marcos became president, the policy and politics functioned under a postwar geopolitical framework.[149] The Philippines was caught up in theanti-communist scare perpetuated by the US during theCold War.[150] Marcos and the AFP claimed that the Communist Party of the Philippines was a threat, even though it was still a small organization.[140]: 43 [147] Richard J. Kessler claimed that Marcos "mythologized the group, investing it with a revolutionary aura that only attracted more supporters".
The unrest of 1969 to 1970, and the violent reaction to the "First Quarter Storm" protests were watershed events in which Filipino students of the 1970s were radicalized against Marcos. Many students who had previously held "moderate" positions (i.e., calling for legislative reforms) became convinced that more radical social change was required.[143][144]
By 1970, campus study sessions onMarxism–Leninism had become common, and many students joined organizations associated with the National Democracy Movement (ND), such as the Student Cultural Association of the University of the Philippines (SCAUP) and theKabataang Makabayan (KM, lit.Patriotic Youth) founded byJose Maria Sison;[151][152] theSamahang Demokratiko ng Kabataan (SDK) was founded by a group of young writers.[153]
The line between leftist activists and communists became blurred, as a significant number of radicalized activists joined theCommunist Party of the Philippines. Radicalized activists from the cities began to be more extensively deployed in rural areas where some became guerillas.[154][155]
By the time Marcos gave his State of the Nation Address on January 26, 1970,demonstrations,protests, and marches had broken out. Moderate and radical student groups became the protests' driving force, which lasted until the end of the university semester in March 1970, and came to be known as the "First Quarter Storm".[156][147]
During Marcos's address, the moderate National Union of Students of the Philippines organized a protest in front of Congress and invited student groups to join them. Some protesting students harangued Marcos as he and Imelda left the Congress building, throwing a coffin, a stuffed alligator, and stones at them.[157]
The next major protest took place on January 30 in front of the presidential palace.[158] Activists rammed through the gate with a fire truck and charged the Palace grounds tossing rocks, pillboxes, andMolotov cocktails. At least two activists were confirmed dead and several were injured by police.
Five more major protests took place around Manila before March 17, 1970 – what some media accounts later branded the "7 deadly protests of the First Quarter Storm".[159] This included rallies on February 12; a February 18 rally that proceeded to the US Embassy where they set fire to the lobby;[144] a "Second People's Congress" demonstration on February 26; a "People's March" on March 3; and the Second "People's March" on March 17.[159]
The protests ranged from 50,000 to 100,000 people.[160][better source needed] Students had declared a week-long boycott of classes and instead met to organize rallies.[144]
Violent dispersals of protests have radicalized Filipino students against the Marcos administration.[143][better source needed]
Civil society groups and opposition leaders began campaigning in 1967 to initiate aconstitutional convention.[161] On March 16 that year, the Philippine Congress made itself into a Constituent Assembly and passed Resolution No. 2, which called for a Constitutional Convention.[162]
Marcos was surprised by his critics by endorsing the move. Historians later noted that he was hoping the convention would allow presidents to serve for more than two terms.[98]
By 1972, the convention had become bogged down by politicking and delays. Its credibility fell further in May 1972 when a delegate exposed a bribery scheme in which delegates were paid to vote in favor of the Marcoses – First Lady Imelda Marcos became implicated in the alleged scheme.[98]: 133 [141]
The investigation was shelved when Marcosdeclared martial law in September 1972, and had 11 opposition delegates arrested. The remaining opposition delegates were forced to go either into exile or hiding. Within two months, an entirely new draft of the constitution was created by a special committee.[165] The1973 constitutional plebiscite was called to ratify the new constitution, but the validity of the ratification was brought to question because Marcos replaced secret ballot voting with a system ofviva voce voting by "citizen's assemblies".[166]: 213 The ratification of the constitution was challenged in theRatification Cases.[167][168]
CPP New People's Army
On December 29, 1970,Philippine Military Academy instructor Lt. Victor Corpuz ledNew People's Army rebels in a raid on the PMA armory, capturing rifles, machine guns, grenade launchers, a bazooka and thousands of rounds of ammunition.[169] In 1972, China, which was then actively supporting and arming communist insurgencies in Asia as part ofMao Zedong'sPeople's War Doctrine, transported 1,200 M-14 and AK-47 rifles aboard theMVKaragatan for the NPA to aid its campaign to defeat the government.[170][171][172]
Rumored coup d'état and assassination plot
A report by theUS Senate Foreign Relations Committee said that shortly after the presidential election, a group composed mostly of retired colonels and generals organized a revolutionary junta with the aim of discrediting and killing Marcos. The group was headed by Eleuterio Adevoso, a Liberal Party official. A document given to the committee by a Philippine government official alleged that Vice President Fernando Lopez and Sergio, Osmena Jr. were key figures in the plot.[173]
As early as December 1969 in a message from the US Ambassador to the US Assistant Secretary of State, the ambassador said that most of the talk about revolution and even assassination had been coming from the defeated opposition, of which Adevoso was a leading activist. He also said that his information on the assassination plans was 'hard' (well-sourced) and he wanted it to reach President Marcos.[174][non-primary source needed][175][non-primary source needed]
Unnamed former Communist Party officials alleged that "the Communist party leadership planned – and three operatives carried out – thePlaza Miranda attack in an attempt to provoke government repression and push the country towards revolution". Communist leaderJose Maria Sison had calculated that Marcos could be provoked into cracking down on his opponents, thereby driving political activists into the underground, the anonymous former officials said. Recruits were urgently needed, they said, to make use of a large influx of weapons and financial aid that China had agreed to provide."[178] Sison denied these claims.[179] The CPP never offered official confirmation of its culpability. Marcos and his allies claimed that Benigno Aquino Jr. was part of the plot, denied by Sison.[180]
Some historians claim Marcos was responsible for the Plaza Miranda bombing as he is known to have usedfalse flag operations as a pretext for martial law.[181][182] US intelligence documents declassified in the 1990s contained evidence implicating Marcos, provided by a CIA mole within the Philippine Army.[183]
Another false flag attack took place with the attempted assassination of Defense MinisterJuan Ponce Enrile in 1972.President Nixon approved Marcos's subsequent martial law initiative.[183]
1971 suspension ofhabeas corpus
On August 21, Marcos issuedProclamation No. 889, through which he assumedemergency powers and suspended the writ ofhabeas corpus.[184][142]
Marcos's act forced many members of the moderate opposition, such asEdgar Jopson, to join the radicals. In the aftermath of the bombing, Marcos lumped all of the opposition together and referred to them as communists. Many former moderates fled to the radicals' mountain encampments to avoid arrest by Marcos's forces. Those disenchanted with the Marcos administration often joined the ranks of the radicals as the only group vocally opposing Marcos.[185][page needed]
The Marcos administration officially attributed the explosions to communist "urban guerillas",[186] and Marcos included them in the list of "inciting events" that served as rationalizations for martial law.[187] Marcos' political opposition questioned the attribution of the explosions to the communists, noting that the only suspects caught in connection to the explosions were linked to thePhilippine Constabulary.[187]
Bombing sites included the Palace Theater and Joe's Department Store on Carriedo Street, both in Manila; the offices of thePhilippine Long Distance Telephone Company (PLDT), Filipinas Orient Airways, andPhilippine American Life and General Insurance Company (PhilamLife); the Cubao branch of thePhilippine Trust Company (now known as PhilTrust Bank); the Senate Publication Division and the Philippine Sugar Institute in Quezon City, and the South Vietnamese embassy.[188] The incident in the Carriedo shopping mall killed one woman and injured about 40, the only incident involving casualties.[189]
On the evening of September 23, 1972, President declared martial law for the Philippines.[21] This marked the beginning of a 14-year period of one-man rule lasting until Marcos went into exile on February 25, 1986. Even though martial law was formally lifted on January 17, 1981, Marcos retained virtually all of his powers until he was ousted by the EDSA Revolution.[190] The first of these bombings took place on March 15, 1972, and the last took place on September 11, 1972,[191] twelve days before martial law was announced on September 23 of that year.
September 24, 1972, issue of the Sunday edition of thePhilippine Daily Express
Marcos's declaration became known on September 23, 1972, when press secretaryFrancisco Tatad announced[192][21][22] thatProclamation № 1081 would extend Marcos's rule beyond the two-term constitutional limit.[193]Ruling by decree, he almost dissolvedpress freedom and othercivil liberties, closed down Congress and the media, and ordered the arrest of opposition leaders and militant activists, including Benigno Aquino Jr., Jovito Salonga and Jose W. Diokno.[194][195] Marcos claimed that martial law was the prelude to creating hisBagong Lipunan, a "New Society" based on new social and political values.[citation needed]
The early years of martial law met public approval,[196][197]: 217 as it was believed to have caused crime rates to drop.[198]
Arrests
However, unlike Ninoy Aquino's Senate colleagues who were detained without charges, Ninoy, together with communist NPA leaders Lt. Corpuz andBernabe Buscayno, was charged with murder, illegal possession of firearms and subversion.[199]
Bagong Lipunan (New Society)
"Bagong Lipunan" redirects here. For the song, seeBagong Pagsilang.
One of Marcos' rationalizations for martial law stated that there was a need to "reform society"[145]: 66 by placing it under the control of a "benevolent dictator" who could guide the undisciplined populace through a period of chaos.[145]: 29 [200] He referred to this social engineering exercise as thebagong lipunan or "new society".[201]: 13 His administration produced propaganda materials, including speeches, books, lectures, slogans, and numerous propaganda songs – to promote it.[201]: 13 [202][203]
According to Marcos's bookNotes on the New Society, his movement urged the poor and the privileged to work as one for the common goals of society and to achieve the liberation of the Filipino people through self-realization.[citation needed]
The Marcos regime instituted a youth organization, known asKabataang Barangay, which was led by Marcos's eldest daughter Imee. Presidential Decree 684, enacted in April 1975, encouraged youths aged 15 to 18 to go to camps and do volunteer work.[204][205]: 130
In October 1974, Marcos and PKP-1930 entered into a "national unity agreement" by which PKP-1930 would support New Society programs such as land reform, trade union reform, and including revitalized Soviet Bloc relations.[205]: 230 [206]
Filipinization of Chinese schools
To instill patriotism among Filipino citizens and prevent the growing number of Chinese schools from propagating foreign ideologies, Marcos issued Presidential Decree No. 176,[207] preventing educational institutions from being established exclusively for foreigners or from offering curriculum exclusively for foreigners.[208] It restrictedChinese language instruction to not more than 100 minutes/day.[209]
Between 1972 and 1976, Marcos increased the size of the Philippine military from 65,000 to 270,000 personnel, in response to South Vietnam falling into the hands of North Vietnam and other communist successes in South East Asia. Military officers were placed on theboards of media corporations, public utilities, development projects, and other private corporations, most of whom were highly educated graduates of the Philippine Military Academy. Marcos also supported the growth of a domestic weapons-manufacturing industry and increased military spending.[210]
Many human rights abuses were attributed to the Philippine Constabulary then headed by future presidentFidel V. Ramos. Marcos organized theCivilian Home Defense Force, a precursor to Civilian Armed Forces Geographical Unit (CAFGU) to battle communist and Islamic insurgencies. It was accused of inflicting human rights violations on leftists, the NPA, Muslim insurgents, and rebels.[211]
US foreign policy
By 1977, the armed forces had quadrupled and over 60,000 Filipinos had been arrested for political reasons. In 1981, Vice PresidentGeorge H. W. Bush praised Marcos for his "adherence to democratic principles and to the democratic processes".[d] No American military or politician in the 1970s ever publicly questioned Marcos' authority to fight communism in South East Asia.[citation needed]
From the declaration of martial law in 1972 until 1983, the US government provided $2.5 billion in bilateral military and economic aid to Marcos, and about $5.5 billion through multilateral institutions such as theWorld Bank.[216]
During theCarter administration (1977–1981) the relationship with the US had soured somewhat when Carter targeted the Philippines in hishuman rights campaign. Despite this, the Carter administration providedmilitary aid to the Marcos regime.[217]
A 1979US Senate report stated that US officials were aware, as early as 1973, that Philippine government agents were in the United States to harass Filipino dissidents. In June 1981, two anti-Marcos labor activists were assassinated outside a union hall in Seattle. On at least one occasion, CIA agents blockedFBI investigations of Philippine agents.[218] By 1984, US PresidentRonald Reagan started distancing himself from the Marcos regime that he and previous American presidents had strongly supported even during martial law. The United States, which had provided hundreds of millions of dollars in aid, was crucial in buttressing Marcos's rule over the years,[219]
Switch from Taiwan to the People's Republic of China
Pre-Marcos, the Philippines had maintained a close relationship withTaiwan'sKuomintang-ruledRepublic of China (ROC) government. Prior administrations had seen thePeople's Republic of China (PRC) as a security threat, due to its financial and military support of communist rebels.[220]
By 1969, however, Ferdinand Marcos started publicly asserting the need for the Philippines to establish a diplomatic relationship with the People's Republic of China. In his 1969 State of the Nation Address, he said:[221]
We, in Asia must strive toward a modus vivendi with Red China. I reiterate this need, which is becoming more urgent each day. Before long, Communist China will have increased its striking power a thousand fold with a sophisticated delivery system for its nuclear weapons. We must prepare for that day. We must prepare to coexist peaceably with Communist China.
— Ferdinand Marcos, January 1969
In June 1975, President Marcos visited the PRC and signed a Joint Communiqué normalizing relations between the Philippines and China. Among other things, the Communiqué stated that "there is but one China and that Taiwan is an integral part of Chinese territory..." In turn, Chinese Prime MinisterZhou Enlai pledged that China would not intervene in the internal affairs of the Philippines nor seek to impose its policies in Asia, a move that isolated the local communist movement that China had financially and militarily supported.[222][223]
The Washington Post, in an interview with former Philippine Communist Party officials, stated that, "they (local communist party officials) wound up languishing in China for 10 years as unwilling "guests" of the (Chinese) government, feuding bitterly among themselves and with the party leadership in the Philippines".[178]
The government subsequently captured NPA leaders Bernabe Buscayno in 1976 and Jose Maria Sison in 1977.[223]
1978 parliamentary election
By 1977, reports of "gross human rights violations" had led to pressure from the international community. US PresidentJimmy Carter pressured the Marcos Administration to release Ninoy Aquino and to hold parliamentary elections to demonstrate that some "normalization" had begun after the declaration of martial law.[224]: 168 Marcos did not release Aquino, but announced that the1978 Philippine parliamentary election would be held.[224]: 168
The April 7 elections were for 166 (of the 208) regional representatives to theInterim Batasang Pambansa (parliament). The elections were contested by parties including Ninoy Aquino's new party, theLakas ng Bayan (LABAN) and the regime's party known as theKilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL).
Irregularities noted during the election included "prestuffed ballot boxes, phony registration, 'flying voters', manipulated election returns, and vote buying",[197]: 306 and LABAN's campaigning faced restrictions,[197] including Marcos's refusal to let Aquino out of prison to campaign. All of the party's candidates, including Aquino, lost.
Marcos greetingRobert Muldoon on the latter's official visit to the Philippines, 1980.New Zealand was a valuable strategic partner for the country in the last years of Marcos's rule.
Marcos's KBL party won 137 seats, while Pusyon Bisaya led by future Minority Floor LeaderHilario Davide Jr., won 13 seats.
Prime minister
In 1978, Ferdinand Marcos becamePrime Minister of the Philippines, marking the return of the position for the first time since the terms ofPedro Paterno andJorge Vargas during the American occupation. Based onArticle 9 of the 1973 constitution, it had broad executive powers typical of prime ministers in other countries. The position was the official head of government, and the commander-in-chief of the armed forces. All of the previous powers of the President from the 1935 Constitution were transferred to the prime minister. The prime minister also acted as head of the National Economic Development Authority. Upon his re-election to the presidency in 1981, Marcos was succeeded as prime minister by an American-educated leader andWharton graduate,Cesar Virata, who was elected as an Assemblyman (Member of the Parliament) from Cavite in 1978.
Proclamation 2045
After amending the constitution and enacting legislative,[107]: 73 Marcos issued Proclamation 2045, which lifted martial law, on January 17, 1981,[227] without restoringhabeas corpus for rebellion and subversion-related crimes. The lifting of martial law was synchronized with the election of US PresidentRonald Reagan and the visit ofPope John Paul II, to get support from Reagan and minimize Papal criticism.[107]: 73[228]
Under martial law the Communist Party of the Philippines and the New People's army was a period of significant growth.[140]: 43 [147] This continued into the 1980s. The NPA established itself in urban areas while the NDF formed relationships with legal opposition organizations – all despite Marcos' claims in January 1981 that the conflict had been "substantially contained".[107]: 73[227] The killing of key leaders in Davao City in the opening years of the 1980s led the administration to claim that the CPP "backbone" in the south had broken,"[232] But the remaining leaders soon began to experiment with new tactics including urban insurrection, leading the international press to label Davao City as the "Killing Fields", and as "the Philippines' 'Murder Capital'".[233] The violence reached its peak in 1985 with 1,282 military and police deaths and 1,362 civilian deaths.[223]
Recession
The Marcos administration's spending had relied heavily on debt since Marcos's first term in the 60s. This left the Philippines vulnerable when high inflation caused the US to raise interest rates from 1980 to 1982, which caused US recessions in 1980 and 1981.[234][235] The Philippine economy went into decline in 1981. Economic and political instability combined to produce the worst recession in Philippine history in 1984 and 1985, with the economy contracting by 7.3% for two successive years[235] and poverty incidence at 49%.[236]
On August 21, 1983, opposition leader Benigno Aquino Jr. was assassinated on the tarmac atManila International Airport. He had returned to the Philippines after three years in exile in the United States, where he had a heart bypass operation after Marcos allowed him to leave the Philippines to seek medical care. Prior to his heart surgery, Ninoy, along with his two co-accused, NPA leaders Bernabe Buscayno (Commander Dante) and Lt. Victor Corpuz, were sentenced to death by a military commission on charges of murder, illegal possession of firearms and subversion.[199]
A few months before his assassination, Ninoy had decided to return to the Philippines after his research fellowship fromHarvard University had ended. The opposition blamed Marcos directly for the assassination while others blamed the military and Imelda Marcos. Popular speculation pointed to three suspects; the first was Marcos himself through his military chief Fabian Ver; the second theory pointed to Imelda, who had her own designs now that her ailing husband seemed to be getting weaker, and the third was that Danding Cojuangco planned the assassination to serve his own political ambitions.[237] The 1985 acquittals of Ver as well as other high-ranking military officers charged with the crime were widely seen as awhitewash and a miscarriage of justice.[citation needed]
On November 22, 2007, Pablo Martinez, one of the soldiers convicted in the Aquino assassination, alleged thatMarcos crony Danding Cojuangco had ordered the assassination while Marcos was recuperating from his kidney transplant. Cojuangco was the cousin of Aquino's wife Corazon Cojuangco Aquino. Martinez alleged that only he and Galman knew of the assassination, and that Galman was the actual shooter, which is not corroborated by other evidence.[238]
After the February 1986 People Power revolution swept Aquino's widow to the presidency, the Supreme Court ordered a reinvestigation of the assassination.[239][240] The Sandiganbayan convicted 16 military personnel for the murder, ruling that Constable 1st Class Rogelio Moreno, one of the military escorts assigned to Aquino, "fired the fatal shot" that killed Aquino, not Galman.[241][239]
Impeachment attempt
In August 1985, 56 Assemblymen signed a resolution calling for theimpeachment of President Marcos for alleged diversion of US aid for personal use,[183]: 167–168 citing a July 1985San Jose Mercury News exposé of the Marcos's multimillion-dollar US investments and property holdings.
The properties included the Crown Building, Lindenmere Estate, residential apartments, a shopping center, mansions (in London, Rome, and Honolulu), the Helen Knudsen Estate, and three condominiums.
The Assembly included in the complaint the misuse and misapplication of funds "for the construction of theManila Film Center, where X-rated and pornographic films[citation needed] are exhibited, contrary to public morals and Filipino customs and traditions." The impeachment attempt gained little traction, however, even in the light of this incendiary charge; the committee to which the impeachment resolution was referred did not recommend it, and any momentum for removing Marcos under constitutional processes soon died.[citation needed]
During his third term, Marcos's health deteriorated rapidly due to kidney ailments, as a complication of a chronic autoimmune diseaselupus erythematosus. He had a kidney transplant in August 1983, and when his body rejected the first kidney transplant, he underwent a second transplant in November 1984.[242] A palace physician who alleged that during one of these periods Marcos had undergone akidney transplant was shortly afterwards found murdered. Police said he was kidnapped and slain by communist rebels.[242] Many people questioned whether Marcos had capacity to govern, due to his illness and the burgeoning political unrest.[205]: 289 With Marcos ailing, Imelda emerged as the government's main public figure.
The first years of Ferdinand Marcos' administration continued the growth of previous administrations of the Third Philippine Republic, peaking at nearly 9 percent in 1973 and 1976. However, in the later years, the worst recession inPhilippine history occurred, with the economy contracting by 7.3% in both 1984 and 1985.[243][247][248]
The dramatic rise and fall of thePhilippine economy during this period is attributed to the Marcos administration's use of foreign loans (debt-driven as opposed to productivity-driven growth).[249][250][251]
Philippine Gross Domestic Product (GDP) grew from $5.27 billion in 1964 to $37.14 billion in 1982,[252][253] before declining to $30.7 billion in 1985.[252] This included growth from $8 billion in 1972 to $32.45 billion in 1980 – 6%/year, its best results since 1945.[254] The economy grew despite global oil shocks following the1973 and1979 energy crises.[253]
However, its policy of establishing monopolies resulted in significant income inequality,[255] corruption, and capital flight.[245][256][257][258] Average monthly wage income fell by 20% from 1972 to 1980. By 1981, the wealthiest 10% of the population was receiving twice as much income as the bottom 60%.[259] Poverty grew from 41% in the 1960s to 59% in 1986.[253][260][261] The unemployment rate increased from 3.9% in 1975 to 12.6% in 1985.[262]
Theexternal debt of the Philippines rose more than 70-fold from $360 million in 1962 to US$2.3 billion in 1970 to US$17.2 billion in 1980 to $26.2 billion in 1985,[263] leaving the Philippines one of Asia's most indebted nations.[250] At the end of 1979, the ratio of debt to GDP was about the same as South Korea.[253]
In late 1985, in the face of escalating public discontent and under pressure from foreign allies, Marcos called asnap election with more than a year left in his term. He selectedArturo Tolentino as his running mate. The opposition to Marcos united behind two American-educated leaders, Aquino's widow, Corazon, and her running mate,Salvador Laurel.[265][266]
Marcos's World War II medals were first questioned by the foreign press during this campaign. During a campaign in Manila'sTondo district, Marcos retorted:[267]
You who are here in Tondo and fought under me and who were part of my guerrilla organization—you answer them, these crazy individuals, especially the foreign press. Our opponents say Marcos was not a real guerrilla. Look at them. These people who were collaborating with the enemy when we were fighting the enemy. Now they have the nerve to question my war record. I will not pay any attention to their accusation.
— Ferdinand Marcos, January 1986
Marcos was referring to both presidential candidate Corazon Aquino's father-in-lawBenigno Aquino Sr. and vice presidential candidate Salvador Laurel's father, former presidentJosé P. Laurel.
The elections were held on February 7, 1986.[268] The official election canvasser, theCommission on Elections (COMELEC), declared Marcos the winner. The final tally of the COMELEC had Marcos winning with 10,807,197 votes against Aquino's 9,291,761 votes. On the other hand, the partial 69% tally of theNational Movement for Free Elections (NAMFREL), an accredited poll watcher, had Aquino winning with 7,502,601 votes against Marcos's 6,787,556 votes. Cheating was reported on both sides.[269] This electoral exercise was marred by widespread reports of violence and election tampering.
The fraud culminated in the walkout of 35 COMELEC computer technicians to advance their claim that the official election results were manipulated to favor Ferdinand Marcos, according to their testimonies, which were never validated. The walkout was led by Linda Kapunan[270] and the technicians were protected byReform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM) officers led by her husband, Lt. Col. Eduardo "Red" Kapunan.
In the last months of Marcos's administration, theSoviet Union stepped up relations and was the only major country to officially congratulate Marcos on his disputed election victory.[271][272] Marcos had provided favors to the Soviets such as allowing the bannedPhilippine Communist Party to visit the Soviet Union for consultations.[271][273][130] AUPI article from March 1986 reported, "Diplomats in Moscow believe the Soviet government totally misjudged Marcos' power to control events. They speculate that Moscow considered his control of legal bodies and his readiness to be 'ruthless' would thwart any popular opposition."[271]
The election gave a decisive boost to the "People Power movement". Enrile and Ramos later abandoned Marcos, switched sides and sought protection behind the 1986 People Power Revolution, backed by fellow-American educatedEugenio Lopez Jr.,Jaime Augusto Zobel de Ayala, and the old political and economic elites. RAM, led by Lt. Col.Gregorio "Gringo" Honasan and backed by Enrile had plotted acoup d'état to seize Malacañang and kill Marcos and his family.[274]
At the height of the revolution, Enrile claimed that a purported ambush attempt against him years earlier was in fact faked, in order for Marcos to have a pretext for imposing martial law. Enrile later retracted this statement, and in 2012, he claimed that the ambush was real.[275] Marcos continually maintained that he was the duly elected president for a fourth term, but was unfairly and illegally deprived of his right to serve it. On February 25, 1986, rival presidential inaugurations were held,[276] but as Aquino supporters overran parts of Manila and seized state broadcasterPTV-4, Marcos was forced to flee.[277]
Exile in Hawaii (1986–1989)
Fleeing to Hawaii
Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos at the White House with US PresidentRonald Reagan in 1982
At 15:00PST (GMT+8) on February 25, 1986, Marcos talked to United States SenatorPaul Laxalt, a close associate of President Reagan, asking for advice. Laxalt advised him to "cut and cut cleanly", to which Marcos expressed his disappointment.[278] In the afternoon, Marcos talked to Enrile, asking for safe passage for him and his family, including close allies such as General Ver. Finally, at 9:00 p.m., the Marcos family was transported by fourSikorsky HH-3Ehelicopters[279] toClark Air Base inAngeles City, about 83 kilometers north of Manila, before boardingUS Air ForceC-130 planes bound forAndersen Air Force Base inGuam, and finally toHickam Air Force Base inHawaii where Marcos arrived on February 26.[280] He also brought with him 22 crates of cash valued at $717 million, 300 crates of assortedjewelry, $4 million worth of unset precious gems, 65 Seiko and Cartier watches, a 12 by 4 ft box full ofpearls, a 3 ft solidgold statue covered indiamonds and other precious stones, $200,000 in gold bullion, nearly $1 million in Philippine pesos, and deposit slips to banks in the United States, Switzerland, and the Cayman Islands worth $124 million.[281]
Initially, there was confusion in Washington as to what to do with Marcos and the 90 members of his entourage.[282] Given the special relations Marcos nurtured with Reagan, the former had expectations of favorable treatment. However, Reagan kept his distance. TheState Department in turn assigned former Deputy Chief of Mission to Manila,Robert G. Rich Jr. to be the point of contact. The entourage was first billeted inside the housing facilities ofHickam Air Force Base. The State Department announced the Marcoses were not immune from legal charges, and within weeks hundreds of cases had been filed against them.[283]
Throughout his stay in Hawaii, he and his family enjoyed a high life, living in a luxurious house inMakiki Heights, as Imelda entertained guests at parties,[284] while Filipinos back in the Philippines suffered under the debt Marcos incurred.[285]
When protestors stormed Malacañang Palace shortly after their departure, it was notoriously discovered that Imelda had left behind over 2,700 pairs of shoes.[286] The protesters looted and vandalized the palace, many stole documents, jewelry, food, typewriters, etc.[287]
The Catholic hierarchy and Manila'smiddle class were crucial to the success of the revolution. Contrary to the widely-held notion that the protests were limited to Manila, protests against Marcos also occurred in the provinces and on the islands of Visayas and Mindanao.[288][289]
Plans to return and "The Marcos Tapes"
More than a year after the revolution, it was revealed to theUnited States House Foreign Affairs subcommittee in 1987 that Marcos held an intention to return to the Philippines and overthrow the Aquino government. American attorney Richard Hirschfeld and business consultant Robert Chastain, both of whom posed as arms dealers, gained knowledge of a plot by gaining Marcos's trust and secretly recorded their conversations with the ousted leader.
According to Hirschfeld, he was first invited by Marcos to a party held at the latter's family residence in Honolulu. After hearing that one of Hirschfeld's clients was Saudi Sheikh Mohammad Fassi, Marcos's interest was piqued because he had done business with Saudis in the past. A few weeks later, Marcos asked for help with securing a passport from another country, in order to travel to the Philippines while bypassing travel restrictions imposed by the Philippines and United States governments. This failed, however, and subsequently Marcos asked Hirschfeld to arrange a $10-million loan from Fassi.
On January 12, 1987, Marcos stated to Hirschfeld that he required another $5-million loan "in order to pay 10,000 soldiers $500 each as a form of "combat life insurance". When asked by Hirschfeld if he was talking about an invasion of the Philippines, Marcos responded, "Yes". Hirschfeld stated that Marcos said that he was negotiating with several arms dealers to purchase up to $18 million worth of weapons, including tanks and heat-seeking missiles, and enough ammunition to "last an army three months".
Marcos had thought of flying to his hometown in Ilocos Norte and initiating a plot to kidnap Corazon Aquino. "What I would like to see happen is we take her hostage", Marcos told Chastain. "Not to hurt her ... no reason to hurt her ... to take her."
Learning of this plan, Hirschfeld contacted theUS Department of Justice, and was asked for further evidence. This information eventually reached President Ronald Reagan, who placed Marcos under "island arrest", further limiting his movement.[290][291]
Legal cases
Within two weeks of his arrival to the United States, hundreds of criminal and civil cases against the Marcos clique were filed in Hawaii, San Francisco, and New York.[283] Marcos made personal appeals to Reagan to put a stop to these cases. In June 1988National Security AdvisorColin Powell recommended proceeding with indictments of the Marcoses, as he reviewed the cases as forwarded byUnited States Attorney for the Southern District of New YorkRudy Giuliani. Reagan tacitly approved.[292] On August 4, Marcos stated that he hadhead of state immunity to resist subpoenas by afederal grand jury to produce his finger and palm prints, and failed to consent to investigators to review his bank accounts. By August 18, a bench warrant of arrest was issued against the Marcoses. By October of that year, Reagan personally wrote to Marcos informing him that he believed in his innocence of the charges against him, but reminding him that the case was out of his hands. He assured him that they would have every opportunity to prove their innocence.[293]
Giuliani pressed for indicting the Marcoses for violating theRacketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO). The RICO Act focuses specifically onracketeering and allows the leaders of a syndicate to be tried for the crimes theyordered others to door assisted them in doing. For example, before RICO, a person who instructed someone else tomurder could be exempt from prosecution because they did not personally commit the crime. In his next letter to President Reagan on October 20, Marcos complained that Giuliani was giving them nothing but an ultimatum to plead guilty, and even to testify against others, including his own family.[293]
Marcos lived with acommon-law wife, Carmen Ortega, anIlocanamestiza who was 1949 Miss Press Photography. They had three children and resided for about two years at 204 Ortega Street inSan Juan. In August 1953, their engagement was announced in Manila dailies.[4]
Not much is known about what happened to Ortega and their children. He subsequently converted toCatholicism in later life to marryImelda Trinidad Romualdez.[294] They married on April 17, 1954, 11 days after they first met. They had three biological children:Imee,Bongbong andIrene Marcos.[295] Marcos's fourth child with Ortega was born after his marriage to Imelda.[59] Marcos and Imelda later adopted a daughter,Aimee.[296]
Marcos had an affair with American actressDovie Beams from 1968 to 1970. According to reports by theSydney Morning Herald, Marcos also had an affair with formerPlayboy model Evelin Hegyesi around 1970 and sired a child with her, Analisa Josefa.[297][298]
Marcos was admitted to the hospital on January 15, 1989, with pneumonia and underwent a series of operations.[299] In his dying days, Marcos was visited by Vice President Salvador Laurel.[300] During the visit, Marcos offered to return 90% of his ill-gotten wealth to the Filipino people in exchange for a burial in the Philippines beside his mother, an offer also disclosed toEnrique Zobel. However, Marcos's offer was rebuffed by theAquino government and by Imelda.[301][302][303]
Marcos died at St. Francis Medical Center inHonolulu at 12:40 a.m (HST) on September 28, 1989, of kidney, heart, and lung ailments, 17 days after his 72nd birthday.[304] Moments after,the younger Ferdinand eulogised his late father by stating, "Hopefully friends and detractors alike will look beyond the man to see what he stood for: his vision, his compassion and his total love of country".[305]
Marcos was interred in a private mausoleum atByodo-In Temple on the island of Oahu.
The Aquino government refused to allow Marcos's body to be brought back to the Philippines, which ultimately happened four years later.[306]
From 1993 to 2016, Marcos's remains were interred inside a refrigerated, frozen crypt in Batac, Ilocos Norte, where his son,Ferdinand Jr., and eldest daughter,Imee, became the local governor and congressional representative, respectively.
A large bust of Ferdinand Marcos (inspired byMount Rushmore) was commissioned by the tourism minister,Jose Aspiras, and carved into a hillside in Benguet. It was subsequently destroyed, allegedly by left-wing activists, members of a local tribe who had been displaced by construction of the monument, and looters hunting for the legendaryYamashita treasure.[307]
On November 18, 2016, his remains were reburied at theLibingan ng mga Bayani ordered by PresidentRodrigo Duterte despite opposition from various groups. On the morning of November 18, using Philippine Armed Forces helicopters, his family and their supporters flew his remains from Ilocos to Manila for a private burial. This account was challenged and the physical location of his remains is disputed.[1] Various groups protested the burial.[308][309]
Trials and reparations
Roxas v. Marcos
Rogelio Roxas, a Filipino treasure hunter, discovered a 3-foot-tall golden Buddha statue in tunnels under the Baguio General Hospital in 1971. Roxas was later arrested and tortured by members of the military, and the statue was taken away. Upon exile of the Marcoses, Roxas assigned his rights to a friend in the United States and formed the Golden Buddha Corporation (GBC) who pursued the case against the former president. In 1996, the lower court awarded US$22 billion in favor of GBC, making this the largest award in a civil case in US history. In November 1998, theHawaii Supreme Court overturned the ruling, but maintained an award of US$6 million for the illegal arrest and torture experienced by Roxas.[310][311]
Sandiganbayan, Supreme Court, and international trials
Ferdinand Marcos with Emmanuel Pelaez
On November 9, 2018, Imelda Marcos was found "guilty beyond reasonable doubt" by the Sandiganbayan of seven counts of graft for private organizations set up in Switzerland during her time as a government official from 1968 to 1986. In less than 20 days however, the Sandiganbayan listed Imelda's "advanced age" and health condition as considerations for allowing the accused to post bail. The Fifth Division's (of the Sandiganbayan) ruling read that "the fact that she is of advanced age and for health reasons, consistent with the doctrine in Enrile vs Sandiganbayan, bail is allowed for these seven cases".[312] The Supreme Court of the Philippines affirmed that the family's assets, beyond their government salaries, are considered as ill-gotten wealth. In 1998 the Court acquitted Imelda Marcos of corruption charges from a previous graft conviction in 1993.
The US Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals confirmed a contempt judgement in relation to the assets of Imelda and her sonBongbong. Although on a different matter, this judgement awarded $353.6 million to human rights victims, which was arguably the largest contempt award ever affirmed by an appellate court.
Reparations
In 1995, some 10,000 Filipinos won a USclass-action lawsuit filed against the Marcos estate. The claims were filed by victims or their surviving relatives consequent on torture, execution, and disappearances.[313][314]
TheSwiss government, initially reluctant to respond to allegations that stolen funds were held in Swiss accounts,[315] returned $684 million of Marcos' holdings.[316][317][318]
Corazon Aquino repealed many of the repressive laws enacted during Marcos's dictatorship. She restored the right ofhabeas corpus, repealed anti-labor laws and freed hundreds ofpolitical prisoners.[23]: 361
From 1989 to 1996, a series of suits were brought before US courts against Marcos and his daughter Imee, alleging that they bore responsibility for executions, torture, and disappearances. A jury in theNinth Circuit Court awarded US$2 billion to the plaintiffs and to aclass composed of human rights victims and their families.[319] On June 12, 2008, inRepublic of Philippines v. Pimentel theUS Supreme Court ruled 7–2 that, "The judgment of the Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit is reversed, and the case is remanded with instructions to order the District Court to dismiss theinterpleader action." The court dismissed the interpleader lawsuit filed to determine the rights of 9,500 Filipino human rights victims (1972–1986) to recover US$35 million, part of a US$2 billion judgment in US courts against the Marcos estate, because the Philippines government is an indispensable party, protected bysovereign immunity. The Philippines government claimed ownership of the funds transferred by Marcos in 1972 toArelma S.A., which invested the money withMerrill Lynch, Pierce, Fenner & Smith Inc., in New York.[320][321][322] In July 2017, the Philippine Court of Appeals rejected the petition seeking to enforce the United States court decision.[323]
In 2013, Philippine Congress passed Republic Act 10368 or the Human Rights Victims Reparation and Recognition Act of 2013.[324] The law created the Human Rights Violations Claims Board and provided reparations to victims of summary execution, torture, enforced disappearances, and other human rights violations.[325] Compensation came from P10 billion of stolen wealth seized by the government from the Marcoses.[326] A total of 11,103 victims received compensation in 2018.[324] A bill filed in Congress in 2020 proposed to compensate tens of thousands of people still not officially recognized as victims of state-sponsored violence.[325]
Legacy
Marcos left a legacy of debt, hardship, and repression.[327]
The Marcos regime committed human rights abuses against a long list of opponents. These included student activists such as Edgar Jopson and Rigoberto Tiglao,[328] farmers such as Bernabe Buscayno,[329] journalists such asSatur Ocampo,[330][331] legal political opponents such asNinoy Aquino,[332] fellow candidates such as Alex Boncayao,[333][225] and priests and nuns. Victims were commonly accused of supportingcommunist rebels[334] or other leftists,[211] or of joining or sympathizing with the CPP, NPA, or MNLF.[335] Victims were rounded up without an arrest warrant and indefinitely detained without charge.[147] In a keynote speech at theUniversity of the East, journalist Raissa Robles described how anyone could be arrested (or abducted) with ease through Arrest Search and Seizure Orders (ASSO),[336] which allowed the military or police to detain anyon,e according toRappler research.[337][338][339]
A 1976Amnesty International report listed 88 government torturers, including members of the Philippine Constabulary and the Philippine Army, which was under the direct control of Major General Ramos and Defense Minister Enrile.[58][340] According to Rigoberto Tiglao, nearly all of the human rights abuses were committed by Philippine Constabulary units, especially through its national network of "Constabulary Security Units", whose heads reported directly to Ramos. The most dreaded of these was the Manila-based 5th Constabulary Security Unit (CSU), which featured dreaded torturer Lt. Rodolfo Aguinaldo,[25][147] which was credited with capturing most of the Communist Party leaders including Sison and the Manila-Rizal Regional Committee he headed;[341] theMetrocom Intelligence and Security Group (MISG)[337] under the command of Col.Rolando Abadilla;[25] and the Intelligence Service (ISAFP).[147]
The various estimates of the scale of abuses include:
Victims were often taken to military "safehouses"[348] where abductees were tortured,[349] often blindfolded.[147][350] In a document titled "Open Letter to the Filipino People", martial law martyr Edgar "Edjop" Jopson described them: "Safehouses usually have their windows always shut tight. They are usually covered with high walls. One would usually detect [safehouses] through the traffic of motorcycles and cars, going in and out of the house at irregular hours. Burly men, armed with pistols tucked in their waists or in clutch bags, usually drive these vehicles."[351]
Various forms of torture were used by the military, typically in combination.[333]
Summary executions were common. Bodies were often recovered bearing signs of torture and mutilation.[351][353] Such cases were referred to as "salvaging" a term widely believed to be derived from the Spanish wordsalvaje, meaningsavage.[354] Mutilated remains were often dumped on roadsides in order to instill fear and to intimidate opponents.[25]
Anyone could be "salvaged": communists, suspects, innocent civilians and priests included. TFDP documented 1,473 "salvage" cases from 1980 to 1984 alone.[147][352]
Enforced disappearances, also known as"desaparecidos" or "the disappeared" – people who suddenly went missing, sometimes without a trace and whose bodies were never recovered.[358]
While the numbers of political detainees went down, the number of people killed rose and spiked in 1981, the year martial law was officially lifted by Marcos according to Task Force Detainees of the Philippines. According to Senator Jose W. Diokno, "As torture (cases) declined, a more terrible tactic emerged; unofficial executions" – suspected dissidents were simply arrested and vanished.[147]
Protesters hold up images of Escalante Massacre victims
It is hard to judge the full extent of massacres and atrocities that happened during the Marcos regime due to heavy press censorship at the time.[362] Civilian massacres include the following:
18 heavily armed security men of the San Jose Timber Corp. (owned by Enrile) who were also members of the Special Forces of theCivilian Home Defense Force (CHDF) and allied with the Lost Command (a paramilitary group pursuing insurgents)
45 men, women and children killed. 13 inhabitants survived.[147][365]
Thousands of Moros were killed during the Marcos regime. They formed insurgent groups and separatist movements such as the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and theMoro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), which became more radical with time.[368] The Marcos regime killed hundreds of Moros before imposing martial law.[369] The number of Moro victims killed by the Army, Philippine Constabulary, and the Ilaga (a government-sanctioned[370] terrorist cult notorious forcannibalism andland grabbing that served as members of the CHDF)[365] reached as high as 10,000 lives.[347][371]
fires and destruction in Jolo .[373] "the worst single atrocity to be recorded in 16 years of the Mindanao conflict" by the April 1986 issue of the Philippines Dispatch.[374]
Marcos family members deny any human rights violations.[375]
Bongbong Marcos describes stories of human rights abuses as "self-serving statements by politicians, self-aggrandizement narratives, pompous declarations, and political posturing and propaganda."[376][377]
Imee called the allegations political accusations. According to her, "If what is demanded is an admission of guilt, I don't think that's possible. Why would we admit to something we did not do?"[378]
In 2012, thePhilippine Supreme Court ruled all Marcos assets beyond legally declared earnings/salary to be ill-gotten wealth[379] and such wealth to have been forfeited to the government or human rights victims.[380]
According to thePresidential Commission on Good Government (PCOG), the Marcos family and their cronies looted so much wealth from the Philippines that investigators have not determined precisely how many billions were stolen.[381] PCOG estimated that Marcos stole around $5 billion to $10 billion,[382][383][384][385] while earning an annual salary equivalent to US$13,500.[386]
Among the sources of the Marcos wealth are alleged to be diverted foreign aid, military aid (including to Marcos for sending Filipino troops to Vietnam) and kickbacks from public works contracts.[387]
In 1990, Imelda Marcos was acquitted of charges that she raided the Philippine treasury by a US jury. She was acquitted because the jury deemed that US did not have jurisdiction.[388][389] In 1993, she was convicted of graft in Manila for entering into three unfavourable lease contracts between a government-run transportation agency and another government-run hospital.[390] In 1998, the Philippine Supreme Court overturned her conviction.[391] In 2008, Philippine trial court judge Silvino Pampilo acquitted Imelda of 32 counts of illegal money transfer[392] from the 1993 graft conviction.[393] In 2010, she was ordered to repay the Philippine government almost $280,000 for funds taken in 1983.[394] In 2012, a US Court of Appeals of the Ninth Circuit upheld a contempt judgement against Imelda and Bongbong for violating an injunction barring them from dissipating their assets, and awarded $353.6 million to human rights victims.[395] As of October 2015, she faced 10 graft charges, and 25 civil cases,[396][397] down from 900 in the 1990s, as most cases were dismissed for lack of evidence.[398][needs update]
In the 2004Global Corruption Report, Marcos appeared in the list of the world's most corrupt leaders, behindSuharto.[399] One of Marcos's former Ministers of industry,Vicente Paterno,[400] noted that while the amount stolen by Marcos's regime probably fell short of Suharto, Marcos invested outside the Philippines, whereas Suharto mostly invested at home.[400]
In 2014, Imelda's former secretary Vilma Bautista was sentenced to prison for conspiring to sell aMonet,Sisley, and other masterpieces.[403][404]
On May 9, 2016, ICIJ released thePanama Papers.[405] Imee and Irene[406] were named, along grandsons Fernando Manotoc, Matthew Joseph Manotoc, and Ferdinand Richard Manotoc, his son-in-law Gregorio Maria Araneta III,[407] including his son-in-law Tommy Manotoc's relatives Ricardo Gabriel Manotoc and Teodoro Kalaw Manotoc.[408]
On September 3, 2017, then PresidentRodrigo Duterte said the Marcos family was ready to transfer their wealth to the government.[409] In January 2018, a draft House Bill proposing a settlement and immunity for the Marcoses was received by the Duterte government in July 2017.[410][411]
The best known[415][417] of these properties are the Marcoses' multimillion dollar real estate investments in the United States,[418]: 16 particularly Imelda's purchases of buildings and real estate in New York,[419] the estates purchased in New Jersey for the use of the Marcos children,[420]Jose Yao Campos's investments in Seattle,[421] various properties in Hawaii including theMakiki Heights estate where they lived during their exile,[422] and their ownership of the California Overseas Bank in Los Angeles.[415][423] According to Ricardo Manapat's bookSome Are Smarter Than Others, which was one of the earliest to document details of the Marcos wealth,[424] lesser-known properties include gold and diamond investments in South Africa, banks and hotels in Israel, and various landholdings in Austria, London, and Rome.[415]
Many of these properties are said to have been acquired under the name of severalMarcos cronies.[418] One of them, Jose Yao Campos, cooperated with the Philippine government and made an immunity deal, revealing how he fronted Marcos's investments both locally and abroad via numerous interlocking shell corporations.[418][425]
During the administration of formerPhilippine president Ferdinand Marcos (1965–1986) select businesses were favored and patronized by Marcos, receiving financial support, sole patronage, tax exemptions, and control over entire industries rendering these businesses asmonopolies.[426][427][428] Friends and relatives of Marcos acquired staggering wealth and economic power due to special favors and privileges extended by the administration.[429] While Marcos associates enjoyed government bailout even during the decline of their firms, other businesses suffered high taxes, sanctions, and other unjust treatments that forced them to close up, or to sell their shares. The majority of monopolies linked to Ferdinand Marcos are managed byhis close associates, also regarded ascronies by critics.[430] Former First LadyImelda Marcos insinuated that the Marcoses controlled the majority of the industries in the Philippines. In a 1988 interview, she stated, "We practically own everything in the Philippines—from electricity, telecommunications, airline, banking, beer and tobacco, newspaper publishing, television stations, shipping, oil and mining, hotels and beach resorts, down to coconut milling, small farms, real estate and insurance."[430]
Marcos projected himself to the public as building vast construction projects, and his record upholds that reputation.[98]: 128 A 2011 study Marcos was the president who spent the most on infrastructure in terms of annual spending.[431] Most of these projects were paid for with foreign currency loans[432][433] at great cost to taxpayers.[434][435]: 89
This focus on infrastructure eventually earned the label "edifice complex".[433][434][100]
Marcos' spending on construction has been claimed to be intended to position Imelda Marcos as a patron of the arts.[438]: 169 This effort was so large that by 1977–1980, projects in the "conspicuous capital outlays" category had ballooned from a negligible amount to 20% of the Philippines' capital outlays.[435]: "88–89"
These projects were typically constructed on a rush basis,[438]: 169 often compromising structural safety.[439]
The San Juanico Bridge is part of the Pan-Philippine Highway and links the provinces ofLeyte andSamar. At 2.16 kilometres (1.34 mi) in length, it is the Philippines longest bridge over water.[442] Construction began in 1969. It was inaugurated on July 2, 1973, in time for Imelda Marcos's birthday. The $22 million construction cost was acquired through Japanese Official Development Assistance loans.[443]
The Manila Film Center began construction in January 1981 and cost $25 million.[439][444] To meet the January 1982 deadline for the Manila International Film Festival, 4,000 workers were employed to work three 24-hour nonstop shifts. The lobby was constructed in 72 hours by 1,000 workers.[439] A scaffolding collapsed on November 17, 1981, killing multiple workers. Rescuers and ambulances were kept away for 9 hours after the incident.[439]
Marcos's signature agricultural program,Masagana 99, launched on May 21, 1973,[445][446] to address a rice shortage.[447] Its goal was to raise yield from 40 to 99 cavans (4.4 tons) per hectare.[448] The program pushed farmers to use high-yield seeds, fertilizer, and herbicides.[447] Initial success came from encouraging farmers to plant "Miracle Rice" (IR8),[449] which funded by theRockefeller andFord foundations, and theUP College of Agriculture through IRRI,[450]: 7 which had been under development since 1962.[451] This increased rice production from 3.7 to 7.7 million tons in two decades and made the Philippines a rice exporter for the first time in the 20th century.[452][453][448] The required switch to IR8 required more fertilizers and pesticides, helping multinationals, but not small, peasant farmers who often remained in poverty.[454]
Although Masagana 99 showed promising results, the years from 1965 to 1986 showed a complete paradox of events. The income per capita rose, the economy was growing, yet people were impoverished. The American economistJames K. Boyce refers to his as an example of "immiserizing growth", when economic growth, and political and social conditions, are such that the rich get absolutely richer and the poor become absolutely poorer.[455][better source needed] The World Bank reported that crops (rice, corn, coconut, sugar), livestock and poultry and fisheries grew at an average rate of 6.8%, 3% and 4.5%, respectively from 1970 to 1980, and while the forestry sector declined by an annual average rate of 4.4% through the 1970s.[456]
The Marcos administration marked a period of intense logging,[457] with commercial logging accounting for 5% of GDP product in the first half of the 1970s. This was the result of Japanese construction demand.[458][459] Timber products became a top export, but little attention was paid to deforestation's environmental impacts.[460][461]
In the early 1980s, forestry collapsed because most accessible forests had been depleted – of 12 million hectares of forestland, about 7 million had been harvested.[460][461] The rate of forest destruction was about 300,000 hectares (740,000 acres) per year during the 1960s and 1970s, such that by 1981, theFood and Agriculture Organization classified 2 million hectares of Philippine forests "severely degraded and incapable of regeneration".[462]
Heavy industrialization
In 1979, Marcos added 11 heavy industrialization projects[463] to the economic agenda. The priority projects were:[463]
Other industrialization projects during the Marcos administration included 17 hydroelectric[466][467] andgeothermal power plants.[468][469][470] The commissioning of the Tongonan 1 and Palinpinon 1 geothermal plants in 1983 made the Philippines the world's second largest geothermal producers.[468][471]
In 1974, National Power was negotiating with General Electric. However, Westinghouse energy company, hired Herminio Disini, a friend of Ferdinand Marcos to lobby for them. Westinghouse made a direct offer to supply a plant with two 620 MW reactors at a price of $500 million. The price estimate was raised to around $650 million because of such as fuel and transmission lines.[472] Westinghouse won the deal. By March 1975, the price had increased to $1.1 billion.[472]
Numerous issues regarding safety and usability have emerged. After theThree Mile Island incident, construction stopped. A safety inquiry revealed over 4,000 defects.[472] The site was near the open sea and the then-dormantMount Pinatubo, and was within 25 miles of three geological faults.[472] The project was discontinued in 1986 following theChernobyl disaster.[439]
Costs passed $2.3 million; loans were paid off only in April 2017, although maintaining the plant costs P40 million a year.[439]
Educational system
Marcos emphasized educational infrastructure during his first presidential term. He was more willing than previous presidents to use foreign loans to fund construction projects allowing him to construct more roads and school buildings than any previous administration.[98]: 128
47 colleges and universities were established during Marcos's 21-year administration.[474]
The Philippine education system underwent two major periods of restructuring under Marcos: first in 1972 withBagong Lipunan (New Society) and again in 1981 when theFourth Philippine Republic was established.[475]
Bagong Lipunan marked the first major restructuring of Philippine education since Americans arrived around 1900.[475] It reoriented the teaching of civics and history[475][476] so that it would reflectBagong Lipunan's ideology of constitutional authoritarianism.[203][477]: 414 In addition, it attempted to synchronize the curriculum with the administration's economic strategy of labor export.[475]
The second restructuring in 1981 failed as the administration was distracted by economic crises.[475]
Metro Manila
In 1975, Marcos issued Presidential Decree No. 824, placing the four cities and thirteen municipalities near theProvince of Manila under the administration of the Metro Manila Commission (MMC).[478]
The appointed head of the MMC was called a "governor".[479] Marcos appointed Imelda as governor in 1976.[480]
The governorship was the republic's second most powerful office. Metro Manila then accounted for around 20% of the country's population and at least 70% of GDP. Its budget is second to the national government.[148][better source needed] This increase in Imelda's political power ledCarlos P. Romulo to describe her as the Philippines' "de facto vice president".[480]
The US–Marcos relationship
Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos with the Johnsons in 1966Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos with the Nixons in 1969
All five American presidents from 1965 to 1985 maintained the US–Marcos relationship, mainly to protect and retain access to US military bases. However, the Philippines was just one of many US allies, while the US was the Philippines' only patron. Marcos worked to maintain close relations with the US. He relied on this connection to sustain his regime.[481]
Marcos strengthened his ties to the US government by actions such as sending two engineer battalions to the US in the Vietnam War. After South Vietnam fell, President Ford sought better security assistance from allies, such as the Philippines, while President Carter wanted to retain US military bases in the Philippines to guard the West's oil supply line from the Middle East.[481]
To obtain additional aid, Marcos often leveraged threats that caught US attention. To secure aid for his campaign, Marcos threatened to search every visiting American naval vessel. The US responded by assisting his campaign indirectly, injecting millions into the government's banking system.[482]
In another instance, when US military bases became an issue in the Philippines in1969, Marcos secretly assured the US he had no desire for an American withdrawal. He had received warnings from the Philippine embassy that US aid was at risk in Congress. Marcos returned to the implied threats. In one speech, he stated that the bases were a threat to regional peace and security, while reminding the US of its "solemn obligation" to continue aid.[483] In the last weeks of the Ford administration, Marcos rejected the US offer of $1 billion in mixed grants and loans as too small.[citation needed]
Books
Marcos published various books during his term from 1970 to 1983, and a final offering was published posthumously, in 1990.[484] Apparently these books were written byghostwriters,[485] notablyAdrian Cristobal.[486][487]
National Discipline: the Key to Our Future (1970)
Today's Revolution: Democracy (1971)
Notes on the New Society of the Philippines (1973)
Tadhana: the history of the Filipino People (1977, 1982)
The democratic revolution in the Philippines (1977)
Five years of the new society (1978)
President Ferdinand E. Marcos on law, development and human rights (1978)
President Ferdinand E. Marcos on agrarian reform (1979)
An Ideology for Filipinos (1980)
An introduction to the politics of transition (1980)
Marcos and Imelda, were jointly credited in 1989 byGuinness World Records with the largest-ever theft from a government (an estimated 5 billion to 10 billion US dollars),[497] a record that remained unbroken as of 2022.[63]
^abBalbosa, Joven Zamoras (1992). "IMF Stabilization Program and Economic Growth: The Case of the Philippines".Journal of Philippine Development.XIX (35).
^abCororaton, Cesar B. "Exchange Rate Movements in the Philippines".DPIDS Discussion Paper Series 97-05: 3, 19.
^ab"FM Declares Martial Law".Official Gazette of the Republic of the Philippines. Philippines Sunday Express. September 24, 1972. Archived fromthe original on September 25, 2022. RetrievedNovember 7, 2023.
^Hoffman, David; Cannon, Lou; Coleman, Milton; Dewar, Helen; Goshko, John M.; Oberdorfer, Don; W, George C. (February 26, 1986)."In Crucial Call, Laxalt Told Marcos: 'Cut Cleanly'".The Washington Post.Archived from the original on August 22, 2016. RetrievedNovember 7, 2023.
^McCoy, Alfred."Dark Legacy: Human rights under the Marcos regime".www.hartford-hwp.com. Kim Scipes / extracts from "Closer Than Brothers: Manhood at the Philippine Military Academy" (New Haven: Yale University Press). RetrievedJune 29, 2017.
^David, Chaikin; Sharman, J.C. (2009)."The Marcos Kleptocracy".Corruption and Money Laundering: A Symbiotic Relationship. Palgrave Series on Asian Governance. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 153–186.doi:10.1057/9780230622456_7.ISBN978-0-230-61360-7.Archived from the original on November 7, 2023. RetrievedSeptember 18, 2021.
^Hodess, Robin; Inowlocki, Tania; Rodriguez, Diana; Wolfe, Toby, eds. (2004).Global Corruption Report 2004(PDF). Sterling, VA, USA: Pluto Press in association with Transparency International. pp. 13, 101.ISBN0-7453-2231-X.Archived(PDF) from the original on May 13, 2022. RetrievedSeptember 18, 2021.
^See page 32,"Archived copy"(PDF). Archived fromthe original(PDF) on December 27, 2010. RetrievedFebruary 6, 2011.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
^Nelson, Larry A.; Herradura, Elma (1981).Scientia et Fides: The Story of Central Philippine University. Iloilo City: National Press. p. 265.
^abcMijares, Primitivo (2017).The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos. Ateneo de Manila University Press.ISBN9789715508117.OCLC1020636692.
^Wood, Robert Everett (1986).From Marshall Plan to debt crisis : foreign aid and development choices in the world economy. Berkeley: University of California Press.ISBN978-0520055261.OCLC13358314.
^Roman Dubsky (1993).Technocracy and development in the Philippines. Diliman, Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press.ISBN978-9715420167.OCLC30679756.
^Hofileña, Saul Jr. (2011).Under the Stacks. Philippines. p. 312.ISBN978-971-95130-2-5.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
^abcdefghijklmnopMagno, Alexander R., ed. (1998). "Democracy at the Crossroads".Kasaysayan, The Story of the Filipino People Volume 9:A Nation Reborn. Hong Kong: Asia Publishing Company Limited.
^Yegar, Moshe (2002).Between Integration and Secession: The Muslim Communities of the Southern Philippines, Southern Thailand and Western Burma/Myanmar. Lexington Books. pp. 267–268.
^Magno, Alexander R., ed. (1998). "Democracy at the Crossroads".Kasaysayan, The Story of the Filipino People Volume 9:A Nation Reborn. Hong Kong: Asia Publishing Company Limited.
^Nick, Joaquin (2013).Reportage on the Marcoses, 1964-1970. Mandaluyong, Philippines: Anvil Publishing.ISBN9789712728174.OCLC853430289.
^abDe Quiros, Conrado (1997).Dead Aim: How Marcos Ambushed Philippine Democracy. Foundation for Worldwide People Power (Manila, Philippines). Pasig: Foundation for Worldwide People's Power.ISBN978-9719167037.OCLC39051509.
^Dohner, Robert; Intal, Ponciano (1989). "Debt Crisis and Adjustment in the Philippines". InSachs, Jeffrey D. (ed.).Developing country debt and the world economy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.ISBN0226733386.OCLC18351577.
^abcdeTalitha Espiritu Passionate Revolutions: The Media and the Rise and Fall of the Marcos Regime Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2017.
^abcdeDaroy, Petronilo Bn. (1988). "On the Eve of Dictatorship and Revolution". In Javate -de Dios, Aurora; Daroy, Petronilo Bn.; Kalaw-Tirol, Lorna (eds.).Dictatorship and revolution : roots of people's power (1st ed.). Metro Manila: Conspectus.ISBN978-9919108014.OCLC19609244.
^abcdLacaba, Jose F. (1982).Days of Disquiet, Nights of Rage: The First Quarter Storm & Related Events. Manila: Salinlahi Pub. House. pp. 11–45,157–178.
^Santos, Soliman M. Jr.; Santos, Paz Verdades M.; Dinampo, Octavio A.; Kraft, Herman Joseph S.; Paredes, Artha Kira R.; Quilop, Raymund Jose G. (2010). Rodriguez, Diana (ed.).Primed and Purposeful: Armed Groups and Human Security Efforts in the Philippines. Geneva: Small Arms Survey, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies. pp. 3,17–35.ISBN978-2-940415-29-8.
^Joaquin, Nick (1990).Manila, My Manila. Vera-Reyes, Inc.
^"Proclamation No. 889, s. 1971".Official Gazette of the Republic of the Philippines. August 21, 1971.Archived from the original on March 9, 2021. RetrievedJune 2, 2020.
^Pimentel, Benjamin (2006).U.G. an underground tale : the journey of Edgar Jopson and the first quarter storm generation. Pasig: Anvil Publishing, Inc.ISBN978-9712715907.OCLC81146038.
^Mendoza Jr, Amado (2009)."'People Power' in the Philippines, 1983–1986". In Roberts, Adam; Ash, Timothy Garton (eds.).Civil resistance and power politics: the experience of non-violent action from Gandhi to the present. Oxford University Press. p. 181.ISBN978-0-19-955201-6.
^Beltran, J. C. A.; Chingkaw, Sean S. (October 20, 2016)."On the shadows of tyranny".The Guidon. Archived fromthe original on July 31, 2020. RetrievedJune 20, 2020.
^Quimpo, Susan F.; Quimpo, Nathan Gilbert (July 29, 2016).Subversive Lives: A Family Memoir of the Marcos Years. Ohio University Press.ISBN978-0-89680-495-1.Archived from the original on November 7, 2023. RetrievedNovember 7, 2023.The PKP viewed Marcos as a "nationalist capitalist" exercising a degree of independence from Washington. It made a negotiated settlement with Marcos in 1974. Thereafter, Marcos publicly announced the agreement as the surrender of the PKP. On the other hand, the PKP said that it achieved legality that it had long sought.
^Smith, Tony (2012).America's Mission: The United States and the Worldwide Struggle for Democracy. Princeton University Press. p. 281.ISBN978-1-4008-4202-5.
^ab"Proclamation No. 2045, s. 1981".Official Gazette of the Republic of the Philippines. January 17, 1981.Archived from the original on February 2, 2020. RetrievedJune 2, 2020.
^Magno, Alexander R., ed. (1998). "Democracy at the Crossroads".Kasaysayan, The Story of the Filipino People Volume 9:A Nation Reborn. Hong Kong: Asia Publishing Company Limited.
^Dohner, Robert; Intal, Ponciano (1989). "Debt Crisis and Adjustment in the Philippines". InSachs, Jeffrey D. (ed.).Developing country debt and the world economy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.ISBN0226733386.OCLC18351577.
^De Dios, Emmanuel, ed. (1984).An Analysis of the Philippine Economic Crisis : A Workshop Report, June 1984. Quezon City, Philippines: University of the Philippines Press.ISBN9711050153.OCLC12285401.
^Ricardo, Manapat (1991).Some are smarter than others : the history of Marcos' crony capitalism. New York: Aletheia Publications.ISBN9719128704.OCLC28428684.
^Paul Sagmayao Mercado; Francisco S. Tatad (1986),People Power: The Philippine Revolution of 1986: An Eyewitness History,Manila,Philippines: The James B. Reuter, S.J., Foundation,OCLC16874890
^de Lama, George; Collin, Dorothy (February 26, 1986)."Marcos Flees, Aquino Rules".Chicago Tribune.Archived from the original on October 10, 2017. RetrievedFebruary 3, 2014.
^"Solons hit dictator's burial, suspect Duterte knew of Marcos plans".Philippine Daily Inquirer. November 18, 2016.Hanggang huling hantungan, galawang magnanakaw pa rin itong si Marcos. Sa salita nga ng mga millennial, galawang Hokage (Up to his final resting place, Marcos moves like a thief. Or in the words of the millennial, moves like a Hokage)
^"So Why Samar?". Philippine Commission on Human Rights with the help of Swiss Embassy Manila. October 4, 2015.Archived from the original on December 11, 2021.
^Teodoro, Luis (September 20, 1999).Forgetting, Or Not Knowing: Media and Martial Law (Speech). Memory, Truth-telling and the Pursuit of Justice: A Conference on the Legacies of the Marcos Dictatorship. Ateneo de Manila University. RetrievedJuly 22, 2017.
^"Souvenir issue: Annual celebration in honor of martyrs and heroes".Bantayog Ng Mga Bayani (Souvenir Issue). Bantayog ng mga Bayani Foundation:16–29. December 7, 1999.
^Through the Years, PCGG at 30: Recovering Integrity –A Milestone Report. Manila: Republic of the Philippines Presidential Commission on Good Government. 2016.
^abcdManapat, Ricardo (1991).Some are smarter than others : the history of Marcos' crony capitalism. Aletheia Publications.ISBN978-9719128700.OCLC28428684.
^abcAquino, Belinda A. (1999).The transnational dynamics of the Marcos Plunder. University of the Philippines, National College of Public Administration and Governance.ISBN978-9718567197.OCLC760665486.
^Ricardo., Manapat (1991).Some are smarter than others: the history of Marcos' crony capitalism. New York: Aletheia Publications.ISBN9719128704.OCLC28428684.
^Sicat, Gerardo P. (November 2011)."The Economic Legacy of Marcos".Discussion Paper. University of the Philippines School of Economics. Archived fromthe original on April 8, 2016.
^Eduardo C. Tadem (November 24, 2016)."The Marcos debt".Philippine Daily Inquirer.
^abMagno, Alexander R., ed. (1998). "Life Under Marcos".Kasaysayan, The Story of the Filipino People Volume 9:A Nation Reborn. Hong Kong: Asia Publishing Company Limited.
^abSmith, Kenneth (1989). "Palay, Policy, and Public Administration: The 'Masagana 99' Program Revisited".Philippine Journal of Public Administration.XXXIII (1):69–71.
^Abueva, Jose (1979). "Ideology and Practice in the 'New Society'". In Rosenberg, David (ed.).Marcos and Martial Law in the Philippines. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. pp. 35–36.
^Leifer, Michael; Thompson, W. Scott (1977). "Unequal Partners. Philippine and Thai Relations With the United States, 1965–75".Pacific Affairs.50 (1): 168.doi:10.2307/2756162.ISSN0030-851X.JSTOR2756162.
^"Speech by Ferdinand E. Marcos before the UP Law Alumni Association".Presidential Speeches. Manila. 1979. pp. 275–277.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
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Aquino, Belinda, ed. (1982).Cronies and Enemies: The Current Philippine Scene. Philippine Studies Program, Center for Asian and Pacific Studies, University of Hawaii.
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