Fascism as a political philosophy inPeru held great influence among different sectors of society during the early to mid-20th century. The movement was particularly strong following theArequipa revolution of 1930 and the end of theLeguía’s regime, although its popularity declined following the end ofWorld War II, after the defeat and discredit of fascism worldwide. Peruvian fascism was mainly influenced byItalian fascism and, in a lesser way,Spanish falangism, while also drawing significant inspiration fromCatholic tradition and the concept ofMestizaje, emphasizing the unity of thePeruvian people.
According to historian José Ignacio López Soria,[1] the fascist movement in Peru could be divided into three currents:
According to historianEduardo González Calleja, popular fascism would lack a Catholic background, being instead motivated by a strong opposition towardscapitalism and the support of acorporate state that would control thecapital, manage theeconomy and guarantee social discipline.[2]
The early 1930s saw an era ofpolitical polarization and a critical decade within Peruvian society, with a rise of strongmass movement in the political scene, includingsocialist andcommunist parties, including theAPRA, lead byVíctor Raúl Haya de la Torre.[3] TheGreat Depression madeAugusto B. Leguía’s 11-year length regime enter into crisis after losing much of its financial support, which was dependant on international loans.[4] Major public works were halted, the cost of living increased, andunemployment ensued. Military institutions suffered from a lack of financial liquidity, reaching its peak with the failure to pay its troops. The regime lost its popularity and had an strong opposition of from distinct and heterogeneous groups, and the adoption of an indiscriminatereppresive policy against oppositors worsened the situation. TheLeguía dictatorship, during its rule, displaced and prosecuted thecivilistas from the government.[5] By 1931, after the situation had become untenable, the military, suffering both materially and institutionally, exerted pressure over Leguía’s regime, with some internal factions within the army wanted to displace him from the government.[6]
CommanderLuis M. Sánchez Cerro, an army officer andmilitarist who had witnessed the birth of the fascist movement in post-war Europe,[7] led acoup d'état on 22 August 1930, known as theArequipa Revolution.[8] The rebellion, organized by Sanchez Cerro alongside military officers loyal to him, was highly successful, leading to a consequent uprising of theLima garrison, who also demanded the resignation of Leguía as president. A group of commanders in Lima, with control of the local troops, expressed their support for their rebellious colleague inArequipa and took power away from loyalist generals, forcing them to support Sanchez Cerro.[8] The sublevation, with massive social support, ended the aristocratic government of Leguía and put Sánchez Cerro as the new president of Peru, establishing aright-wingjunta characterized for itsauthoritarian andanti-communist posture.[9]
During his regime, Sánchez Cerro promotedpopulist policies, such as distribution of provisions and food among theunemployed, and the confiscation of the assets of the most well-knownleguiístas.[10] The newly established regime saw support from distinct sectors of society, including formercivilistas andconservatives. In less than three months after the revolution, the new regime established an alliance with said, and adopted strong measures against violent,communist-led strikes in order to restore peace.[10]
Founded in 1931, theUnión Revolucionaria (UR) was established by Sánchez Cerro as the officialparty of the regime, and sought to channel the masses' desperation over the effects of the 1929 global crisis for the1931 general elections.[7] Although not a fascist himself, Sánchez Cerro had certain admiration forBenito Mussolini and theFascist regime inItaly, whom he regarded as “so well organized”.[11] His party, however, got certain inspiration with Mussolini’s followers and adopted somesymbols such as the classical blackshirt attire and some similar gestual postures.[12] The organization was initially tolerable withliberal democracy, and had an heterogenic political composition among its members, includingsanchezcerristas, anti-leguiistas,liberals,civilistas andindigenistas, but was still committed to anationalist ideology.[13]
The intellectual development of fascism in Peru emerged in the early 1930s, during the years of the Sánchez Cerro presidency.[14] Earlyfascist thought in Peru was influenced byEuropean fascism, but adapted to the Peruvian socio-political context. Influenced by global developments such as theFascist experience in Italy or theSpanish Civil War, Peruvian intellectuals explored various fascist currents, includingclassical fascism andfalangism.[15] This era saw a reapparition of former adherents of the civilista movement, alongside aright-leaning,nationalist youth in the university context, with figures likeLuis A. Flores, Ernesto Byrne, Carlos Sayan Alvarez, Guillermo Hoyos Osores and Alfredo Herrera.[16] These nationalistactivists got interested in politics since thestudent mobilization against Leguía in the 1920s, and had fought the political left during theiruniversity years.[17] This newer generation of nationalists had an ideological view closer to fascism than formerliberal ideology of thecivilista movement,[18] and were one of the main political forces that supported thepresidential candidacy of Sánchez Cerro as the leader of Revolutionary Union (UR).[17] However, intellectual support for fascism wasn’t exclusive of the political right; certainleft-leaning intellectuals such as the progressiveDora Mayer or thesocialist Abelardo Solís were also supportive of a fascist project in Peru.[19]
ThePontifical Catholic University of Peru,Catholic Action and other Catholic groups supported Ferrero Rebagliati's concept of mesocratic fascism.[20][2] The movement was inspired byItalian fascism andSpanish falangism.[20][2]
Another main outlet for fascism became the Peruvian Fascist Brotherhood, formed by ex-Prime MinisterJosé de la Riva-Agüero y Osma. Riva-Agüero became more supportive of fascism after he returned toCatholicism in 1932, believing, according to López Soria, that Peru should "return to the medieval, Catholic, Hispanic tradition as embodied now by fascism"[20][21] and he used the teachings ofBartolomé Herrera andAlejandro Deustua to support his ideology.[22] The Fascist Brotherhood initially enjoyed some prestige but it receded into the background after Peru entered the Second World War on the side of theAllies.[23] Moreover, the group's credibility was damaged by its leader becoming increasingly eccentric in his personal behaviour.[23]
The most popular fascist faction in Peru was Revolutionary Union (UR),[21] which was initially founded by PresidentLuis Miguel Sánchez Cerro in 1931 as the state party of his dictatorship. President Sánchez Cerro, who had humble origins, was highly charismatic, familiar with the populace's customs and was recognized as courageous after overthrowing PresidentAugusto B. Leguía.[21] UR quickly found support from formerCivilista Party members and the traditionaloligarchy families who wanted to protect themselves from other populist movements.[21] After President Sánchez Cerro's assassination in 1933, the group came under the leadership ofLuis A. Flores, who sought to mobilise mass support and even set up a Blackshirt movement in imitation of theItalian model.[24][25]Óscar R. Benavides, who took office after the assassination, also led anauthoritarian conservative regime from 1933 to 1939.[20][21][26] During his government, Benavides built a strong relationship with Peru's business leaders.[27]
TheAlianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana (APRA) was inspired byVíctor Raúl Haya de la Torre's observations of fascist andcommunist parties during his time in Europe.[28] During the 1930s APRA developed certain similarities with fascism, such as calling for a new national community and founding a small paramilitary wing, but then it very quickly changed course and emerged as a mainstreamsocial democratic party.[29][30]
In 1944, APRA formed theNational Democratic Front political coalition beside the far-rightReformist Democratic Party and the fascist Revolutionary Union party, excluding thePeruvian Communist Party.[31] The alliance led to the triumph of ultraconservativeJosé Luis Bustamante y Rivero becoming president the same year.[31] The overall defeat of Revolutionary Union in the 1944 elections shook confidence in the movement and it faded.[24]
The end ofWorld War II saw a discredition of fascism worldwide, both academically and politically, leading to its marginalization in Peru. Peruvian fascism lost most of its political presence, becoming more of an underground current rather than a mainstream ideology.[32] Many intellectuals who had previously supported or sympathized with fascism during the 1930s and 1940s adapted to the new political landscape by accepting electoral mechanisms, and some of them went on to joinright-wing orcenter-right parties while others participated as collaborators ofdictatorships.[33] SinceLatin America did not suffer the horrors ofwar and there was not an open process of defascistization ordenazification as it was inGermany, Revolutionary Union could continue their operations during the post-war years.[34] However, the organization decayed politically and failed to regain the influence it had during the 1930s.[35]
Luis A. Flores, former leader of theurrista movement, returned from his nine-year long exile in 1945 and resumed his fascist advocacy despite the end of the war.[36] In 1946, Flores held briefly a senatorial seat representing thedepartment of Piura until 1948,[37] and in 1949, he was designated as the official ambassador toItaly, where he remained in charge until 1950.[38] During this period, Flores initially supportedManuel A. Odría’s regime; however, over time, a rivalry developed between them that culminated in the political decline of the former.[39] Theurrista movement would last until the 1980s, disappearing entirely before the end of theCold War,[40] with remnants persisting up to the early days ofShining Path terrorism.[41]
In 2013, the short-lived Legionary Action (Spanish:Acción Legionaria) was established inLima, marking the emergence of the first contemporary fascist organization in years.[42] The group upheld the legacy of Sánchez Cerro and considered itself as the heirs of the former Revolutionary Union, proclaiming aThird Positionist ideology radically opposed towards bothliberalism andcommunism.[43] Such as its claimed predecessor,Acción Legionaria also adopted the classicalblackshirt attire and the usage offascist symbology.[44] It also had close ties with the Brazilianneo-fascist organizationFrente Nacionalista (National Front).[44] During its period of activities, Legionary Action attempted to become a fascistpolitical party, but would be eventually dissolved in 2016.[42]
Other organizations that have expressed certain sympathies with fascism areLos Insurgentes andLos Combatientes del Pueblo, two splinter groups of the civil associationLa Resistencia.[45] During theCOVID-19 crisis, both groups engaged in spreading information and coordinatingprotests andgrassroots mobilization in opposition to thelockdowns, mask usage and themandatory vaccination policies, which they viewed as steps towards the establishment of aNew World Order (NWO).[46] Some members of said organizations have been closely associated withNational Socialist sympathizers.[46]
In the elections of 1939 APRA stood ready to ally with ... the fascist Union Revolucionaria (UR) whose leader, Luis A. Flores, described himself as a "fascist by temperament and conviction" ... APRA allied itself to Manuel Prado, ... Apristas who had already voted for Prado, and his triumph was due to this support and to the electoral fraud effected by Benavides. In 1944 APRA formed part of the reformist Frente Democratico Nacional (FDN) ... including the fascist UR, ... The triumph of the FDN made Dr. Bustamante y Rivero the new President; he belonged to the ultra-conservative sector ... In the elections called in 1950 ... the Aprista Party supported the candidacy of the ultra-conservative General Ernesto Montagne, an ex-minister in the Sanchez Cerro and Benavides dictatorships.
