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Fabia gens

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Ancient Roman family
This article is about the Roman gens. For other persons and places with this name, seeFabius (disambiguation).
Statue ofQuintus Fabius Maximus Verrucosus, made between 1773–1780 forSchönbrunn Palace,Vienna.

Thegens Fabia was one of the most ancientpatrician families atancient Rome. Thegens played a prominent part in history soon after the establishment of theRepublic, and three brothers were invested with seven successiveconsulships, from 485 to 479 BC, thereby cementing the high repute of the family.[1] Overall, the Fabii received 45 consulships during the Republic. The house derived its greatest lustre from the patriotic courage and tragic fate of the 306 Fabii in theBattle of the Cremera, 477 BC. But the Fabii were not distinguished as warriors alone; several members of the gens were also important in the history ofRoman literature and the arts.[2][3][4]

Background

[edit]

The family is generally thought to have been counted amongst thegentes maiores, the most prominent of the patrician houses at Rome, together with theAemilii,Claudii,Cornelii,Manlii, andValerii; but no list of thegentes maiores has survived, and even the number of families so designated is a complete mystery. Until 480 BC, the Fabii were staunch supporters of the aristocratic policies favoring the patricians and thesenate against theplebs. However, following a great battle that year against theVeientes, in which victory was achieved only by cooperation between the generals and their soldiers, the Fabii aligned themselves with the plebs.[5][6]

One of the thirty-five votingtribes into which the Roman people were divided was named after the Fabii; several tribes were named after important gentes, including the tribesAemilia, Claudia, Cornelia, Fabia, Papiria, Publilia, Sergia, andVeturia. Several of the others appear to have been named after lesser families.[2]

The most famous legend of the Fabii asserts that, following the last of the seven consecutive consulships in 479 BC, the gens undertook the war withVeii as a private obligation. A militia consisting of over three hundred men of the gens, together with their friends and clients, a total of some four thousand men, stationed itself in arms on a hill overlooking theCremera, a small river between Rome and Veii. The cause of this secession is said to have been the enmity between the Fabii and the patricians, who regarded them as traitors for advocating the causes of the plebeians. The Fabian militia remained in their camp on the Cremera for two years, successfully opposing the Veientes, until at last, on the fifteenth day before the kalends of Sextilis—July 18, 477 BC—they werelured into an ambush and destroyed.[7][8] Three hundred and six Fabii of fighting age were said to have perished in the disaster, leaving only a single survivor to return home. By some accounts he was the only survivor of the entire gens; but it seems unlikely that the camp of the Fabii included not only all of the men, but the women and children of the family as well. They and the elders of the gens probably remained at Rome.

This story was considerably embellished at a later date in order to present theBattle of the Cremera as a Roman counterpart to the GreekBattle of Thermopylae.[i] However, historianTim Cornell writes that there is no reason to doubt the historicity of the battle, because thetribus Fabia—presumably where the Fabii had their country estates—was located near the Cremera, on the border with Veii.[9] The day on which the Fabii perished was forever remembered, as it was the same day that theGauls defeated the Roman army at theBattle of the Allia in 390 BC.[10][11][12][13][14][15] The Gauls had marched on Rome only in retaliation afterQuintus Fabius Ambustus, sent as an ambassador, broke a truce to attack the Gauls atClusium.[16]

Throughout the history of the Republic, the Fabii made several alliances with other prominent families, especially plebeian and Italian ones, which partly explains their long prominence. The first of such alliances that can be traced dates from the middle of the fifth century and was with thePoetelii; it lasted for at least a century.[17] In the fourth century, the Fabii were allied to the patrician Manlii and the plebeianGenucii andLicinii, whom they supported during theConflict of the Orders.[18] They then occupied an unprecedented leading position in the third century, as three generations of Fabii wereprinceps senatus—a unique occurrence during the Republic.[ii][19][20] During this period, they allied with the plebeianAtilii fromCampania, where the Fabii had significant estates, theFulvii andMamilii fromTusculum, theOtacili fromBeneventum, theOgulnii fromEtruria, and theMarcii.[21] They also sponsored the emergence of theCaecilii Metelli andPorcii, who owed their first consulate to the Fabii,[22] as well as the re-emergence of the patricianQuinctii.[23] The main direction of thesecond war against Carthage was disputed between the Fabii and the Cornelii Scipiones.[24] The death of Fabius Verrucosus in 203 marks the end of the Fabian leadership on Roman politics, by now assumed by their rivals:Scipio Africanus and his family.[25] After the consulship ofFabius Maximus Eburnus in 116, the Fabii entered a century-long eclipse, until their temporary revival underAugustus.[26]

The name of the Fabii was associated with one of the two colleges of theLuperci, the priests who carried on the sacred rites of the ancient religious festival of theLupercalia. The other college bore the name of theQuinctilii, suggesting that in the earliest times these two gentes superintended these rites as asacrum gentilicum, much as thePinarii andPotitii maintained the worship ofHercules. Such sacred rites were gradually transferred to the state, or opened to the Romanpopulus; a well-known legend attributed the destruction of the Potitii to the abandonment of its religious office. In later times the privilege of the Lupercalia had ceased to be confined to the Fabii and the Quinctilii.[2][27][28][29]

Origin

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TheCapitoline Wolf withRomulus and Remus. One legend holds that their respective followers were called theQuinctilii and theFabii.

According to legend, the Fabii claimed descent from Hercules, who visited Italy a generation before theTrojan War, and fromEvander, his host, throughFabius. This brought the Fabii into the same tradition as the Pinarii and Potitii, who were said to have welcomed Hercules and learned from him the sacred rites which for centuries afterward they performed in his honor.[12][30][31][32][33]

Another early legend stated that at the founding of Rome, the followers of the brothersRomulus and Remus were called the Quinctilii and the Fabii, respectively. The brothers were said to have offered up sacrifices in the cave of theLupercal at the base of thePalatine Hill, which became the origin of the Lupercalia. This story is certainly connected with the tradition that the two colleges of the Luperci bore the names of these ancient gentes.[34][35][36][37][2]

Thenomen of the Fabii is said originally to have beenFovius, Favius, orFodius;Plinius stated that it was derived fromfaba, a bean, a vegetable which the Fabii were said to have first cultivated. A more fanciful explanation derives the name fromfovea, ditches, which the ancestors of the Fabii were said to have used in order to capture wolves.[38][2]

It is uncertain whether the Fabii were ofLatin orSabine origin.Niebuhr, followed by Göttling, considered them Sabines. However, other scholars are unsatisfied with their reasoning, and point out that the legend associating the Fabii with Romulus and Remus would place them at Rome before the incorporation of the Sabines into the nascent Roman state.[2]

It may nonetheless be noted that, even supposing this tradition to be based on actual historical events, the followers of the brothers were described as "shepherds," and presumably included many of the people then living in the countryside where the city of Rome was to be built. The hills of Rome were already inhabited at the time of the city's legendary founding, and they stood in the hinterland between the Latins, Sabines, andEtruscans. Even if many the followers of Romulus and Remus were Latins from the ancient city ofAlba Longa, many may also have been Sabines already living in the surrounding countryside.[39][40]

Praenomina

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The earliest generations of the Fabii favored thepraenominaCaeso,Quintus, andMarcus. They were the only patrician gens to make regular use ofNumerius, which appears in the family after the destruction of the Fabii at the Cremera. According to the tradition related byFestus, this praenomen entered the gens whenQuintus Fabius Vibulanus, the consul of 467, married a daughter of Numerius Otacilius of Maleventum, and bestowed his father-in-law's name on his son.[iii][2][44]

Although the Fabii Ambusti and some later branches of the family used the praenomenGaius,Quintus is the name most frequently associated with the Fabii of the later Republic. The Fabii Maximi used it almost to the exclusion of all other names until the end of the Republic, when they revived the ancient praenomenPaullus.[iv] This was done in honor of theAemilii Paulli, from whom the later Fabii Maximi were descended, having been adopted into the Fabia gens at the end of the 3rd century BC. A variety of surnames associated with the Aemilii were also used by this family, and one of the Fabii was calledAfricanus Fabius Maximus, although his proper name wasQuintus Fabius Maximus Africanus.[2][51] In a manuscript of Cicero,Servius appears among the Fabii Pictores, but this seems to have been a corruption in the manuscript, which originally readNumerius.[52]

Branches and cognomina

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Denarius of Gaius Fabius Hadrianus, 102 BC. On the obverse is the head ofCybele, a possible allusion to the visit to Rome of Battaces, a priest of Magna Mater.[53] The reverse depicts Victoria driving a biga, with a flamingo below.

Thecognomina of the Fabii under the Republic wereAmbustus, Buteo, Dorso orDorsuo, Labeo, Licinus, Maximus (with theagnominaAemilianus, Allobrogicus, Eburnus, Gurges, Rullianus, Servilianus, andVerrucosus),Pictor, andVibulanus. Other cognomina belonged to persons who were not, strictly speaking, members of the gens, but who werefreedmen or the descendants of freedmen, or who had been enrolled asRoman citizens under the Fabii. The only cognomina appearing on coins areHispaniensis, Labeo, Maximus, andPictor.[2][54]

Inimperial times it becomes difficult to distinguish between members of the gens and unrelated persons sharing the same nomen. Members of the gens are known as late as the second century, but persons bearing the name ofFabius continue to appear into the latest period of the Empire.[2]

The eldest branch of the Fabii bore the cognomenVibulanus, which may allude to an ancestral home of the gens. The surnameAmbustus, meaning "burnt", replacedVibulanus at the end of the fifth century BC; the first of the Fabii to be calledAmbustus was a descendant of the Vibulani. The most celebratedstirps of the Fabia gens, which bore the surnameMaximus, was in turn descended from the Fabii Ambusti. This family was famous for its statesmen and its military exploits, which lasted from theSamnite Wars, in the fourth century BC until the wars with the Germanic invaders of the second century BC. Most, if not all of the later Fabii Maximi were descendants ofQuintus Fabius Maximus Aemilianus, one of theAemilii Paulli, who as a child was adopted into that illustrious family.[2][v]

Buteo, which described a type of hawk,[55] was originally given to a member of the Fabia gens because such a bird on one occasion settled upon his ship with a favorable omen. This tradition, related by Plinius, does not indicate which of the Fabii first obtained this surname, but it was probably one of the Fabii Ambusti.[2][56] Crawford suggests that thebuteo of the legend was not a hawk, but aflamingo, based on the appearance of a bird resembling a flamingo on the coins of Gaius Fabius Hadrianus, who may have sought to associate himself with that family by the use of such a symbol. Hadrianus and his descendants form the last distinguishable family of the Fabii. Their surname was probably derived from the Latin colony ofHatria, and it is likely that they were not lineal descendants of the Fabii Buteones, but newly-enfranchised citizens.[57] The flamingo might also allude to the family's coastal origins.[58]

The surnamePictor, borne by another family of the Fabii, signifies a painter,[59] and the earliest known member of this family was indeed a painter, famed for his work in the temple ofSalus, built byGaius Junius Bubulcus Brutus between 307 and 302 BC. The later members of this family, several of whom were distinguished in the arts, appear to have been his descendants, and must have taken their cognomen from this ancestor.[2] The cognomenLabeo—originally denoting someone with prominent lips[60]—appears at the beginning of the second century BC; Quintus Fabius Labeo, the first of that name, was also a poet, but his line vanished before the end of the century.

Members

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This list includes abbreviatedpraenomina. For an explanation of this practice, seefiliation.
Coin of one of the Fabii Maximi, minted during the reign ofAugustus

Fabii Vibulani et Ambusti

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Fabii Dorsuones et Licini

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Fabii Maximi

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Fabii Pictores

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Denarius of Numerius Fabius Pictor, 126 BC. On the obverse is the head of Roma; on the reverse is Quintus Fabius Pictor, the praetor of 189, holding anapex and shield inscribed QVIRIN, alluding to his status of Flamen Quirinalis.

Fabii Buteones

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Fabii Labeones

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Denarius of Quintus Fabius Labeo, 124 BC. The obverse depicts the head of Roma, while the obverse showsJupiter driving a quadriga. Theprow below alludes to his grandfather's naval triumph.
  • Quintus Fabius Q. f. Q. n. Labeo, quaestor urbanus in 196 BC. Praetor thenpropraetor in 189 and 188, he defeated the naval forces ofAntiochus III, for which he received a naval triumph the following year. He was triumvir for establishing the colonies ofPotentia andPisaurum in 184, andSaturnia in 183. He was consul in 183, and proconsul inLiguria the following year. He also became pontiff in 180, and was part of a commission of ten men sent to adviseAemilius Paullus on the settlement ofMacedonia in 167. He was also a poet, according toSuetonius.[168][169][170][171]
  • Quintus Fabius Q. f. Q. n. Labeo, a learned orator known whose eloquence is mentioned by Cicero. He must have lived about the middle of the second century BC, and either he or more probably his son was proconsul in Spain, where the name occurs on some milestones.[172][173][174]
  • Quintus Fabius Q. f. Q. n. Labeo,triumvir monetalis in 124 BC. He was probably proconsul in Spain between 120 and 100 BC.[175][173][176][174]

Fabii Hadriani

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Others

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Tetradrachm of Gaius Fabius Hadrianus, as proconsul atPergamon (with the local magistrate Demeas),circa 57 BC. On the obverse is aCista mystica within ivy wreath; on the reverse is a bow case between two serpents, with athyrsus on the right.

See also

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Footnotes

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  1. ^In 479 BC, not long before the disaster of the Cremera, three hundred Spartans fell holding off the advance of Persian forces at Thermopylae; the near-contemporary dates and the number of the Fabii who fell—three hundred and six six—may have made the parallel inevitable.
  2. ^Ryan dismisses Pliny's account of the three consecutiveprincipes: Ambustus, Rullianus, and Gurges. He suggests instead Rullianus, Gurges, and Verrucosus, but does not believe that they served consecutively.
  3. ^This story is doubted byMünzer andOgilvie, who consider it to be anachronistic, as Otacilius is described as a Samnite, and there was no significant contact between Rome and the Samnites for another century.[41] Münzer argues thatNumerius appears only among the collateralstirpes of theButeones andPictores, but never among the main line of the family, the Vibulani, Ambusti, and Maximi. Manuscripts of Livy giveGnaeus instead ofNumerius among the older Fabii, which has generally been amended toNumerius, following theCapitoline Fasti.Carolus Sigonius followed this scheme in hiseditio princeps of Livy in 1555, as have most later historians. However, Münzer prefersGnaeus, otherwise unused by the Fabii, as Livy had access to sources predating the chronology ofVarro, which was used to compile the Fasti. According to Münzer, the first of the Fabii to bear the name was Numerius Fabius Buteo, the consul of 247; his father, Marcus, did not follow the usual convention of giving his praenomen to his eldest son, and must therefore have been the Fabius to whom Festus referred.[42][43][41]
  4. ^Besides Paullus and Africanus Fabius Maximus—the latter originally named "Quintus"—all of the Fabii Maximi mentioned in history bore the praenomenQuintus, including some who were brothers. Epigraphy supplies examples of Fabii Maximi with other praenomina, dating from imperial times, although it is unknown whether any of them were descended from the Fabii Maximi of the Republic, or had assumed the surname as an allusion to the illustrious Fabii of previous centuries: Decimus Fabius Maximus,[45] Lucius Fabius Maximus,[46] Marcus Fabius Maximus,[47] Publius Fabius Maximus.[48][49][50]
  5. ^Although some sources state that they were adopted byQuintus Fabius Maximus Verrucosus, who died in 203 BC, it has been argued that their father,Lucius Aemilius Paullus Macedonicus, as the only surviving member of the Aemilii Paulli following theBattle of Cannae, would not have allowed his two elder children to be adopted out of the gens until after the birth of his two younger sons,circa 180–177 BC.
  6. ^Broughton thought he could have been the son of Quintus Fabius Maximus Gurges, the consul of 292 and 276, and thus assigned him the consulship of 265. However, Ryan disagrees and gives the three consulships to Gurges.

References

[edit]
  1. ^Livy, ii. 42
  2. ^abcdefghijklmnoDictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology, vol. II, p. 131 ("Fabia Gens").
  3. ^Homo, pp. 7ff.
  4. ^Smith,The Roman Clan, pp. 290ff.
  5. ^Dionysius, ix. 11, 13.
  6. ^Livy, ii. 46, 47.
  7. ^Livy, ii. 48–50.
  8. ^Dionysius, ix. 15–23.
  9. ^Cornell,The Beginnings of Rome, p. 311.
  10. ^Livy, ii. 50; vi. 1.
  11. ^Dionysius, ix. 22.
  12. ^abOvid,Fasti, ii. 237.
  13. ^Plutarch, "The Life of Camillus", 19.
  14. ^Tacitus,Historiae, ii. 91.
  15. ^Niebuhr, vol. ii. p. 194.
  16. ^Plutarch, "The Life of Camillus", 17.
  17. ^Münzer,Roman Aristocratic Parties, pp. 31, 32.
  18. ^Münzer,Roman Aristocratic Parties, pp. 28-30.
  19. ^Münzer,Roman Aristocratic Parties, pp. 54–56.
  20. ^Ryan,Rank and participation in the Senate, pp. 173–179.
  21. ^Münzer,Roman Aristocratic Parties, pp. 57, 58, 63–66, 69–71.
  22. ^Münzer,Roman Aristocratic Parties, p. 50.
  23. ^Münzer,Roman Aristocratic Parties, pp. 112, 114.
  24. ^Briscoe,Cambridge Ancient History, vol. VIII, pp. 68–74.
  25. ^Münzer,Roman Aristocratic Parties, p. 87, 95, 96, 175.
  26. ^Münzer,Roman Aristocratic Parties, p. 260.
  27. ^Cicero,Philippicae, ii. 34, xiii. 15,Pro Caelio, 26.
  28. ^Propertius,Elegies, iv. 26.
  29. ^Plutarch, "The Life of Caesar", 61.
  30. ^Ovid,Ex Pontio iii. 3. 99.
  31. ^Juvenal,Satires, viii. 14.
  32. ^Plutarch, "The Life of Fabius Maximus", 1.
  33. ^Paulus,s. v. Favii.
  34. ^Ovid,Fasti, ii. 361f, 375f.
  35. ^Aurelius Victor,De Origo Gentis Romanae, 22.
  36. ^Plutarch, "The Life of Romulus", 21.
  37. ^Valerius Maximus, ii. 2. § 9.
  38. ^Pliny the Elder,Historia Naturalis, xviii. 3.
  39. ^Niebuhr,History of Rome.
  40. ^Göttling, pp. 109, 194.
  41. ^abOgilvie,Commentary on Livy, books 1–5, pp. 597, 598.
  42. ^Münzer,Roman Aristocratic Parties, pp. 69–71.
  43. ^Broughton, vol. I, p. 70 (note 1).
  44. ^abFestus, s. v. Numerius, pp. 170, 173, ed. Müller.
  45. ^Notizie degli Scavi di Antichità, 1893, vii. 11.
  46. ^CILVIII, 10962a,CILVIII, 60,CILVIII, 3600.
  47. ^CILIX, 5445, CIL II-14, 641a,CILII, 4214
  48. ^Inscriptions Latines de L'Algérie, ii. 2, 5205.
  49. ^CILVI, 2382.
  50. ^Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romae, ix. 25146.
  51. ^PIR, vol. II, p. 48.
  52. ^abErnst Badian, "reviews ofCicero. Scripta Quae Manserunt Omnia. Fasc. 4. Brutus, E. Malcovati;Cicero. Brutus, A. E. Douglas",Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 57, No. 1/2 (1967), pp. 223–230.
  53. ^Diodorus Siculus, xxxvi. 13.
  54. ^Eckhel, vol. v. p. 209ff.
  55. ^Chase, p. 113.
  56. ^Pliny, x. 8. § 10.
  57. ^Taylor,Voting Districts, p. 212.
  58. ^abCrawford,Roman Republican Coinage, pp. 326, 327.
  59. ^Cassell's Latin & English Dictionary,s.v. "Pictor".
  60. ^Chase, p. 109.
  61. ^Livy, ii. 41–43, 46.
  62. ^Dionysius, viii. 77, 82, 90, ix. 11.
  63. ^Broughton, vol. I, pp. 21, 23, 24.
  64. ^Livy, ii. 41–43, 46–50.
  65. ^Dionysius, viii. 77ff, 82–86, ix. 1ff, 11, 13–22.
  66. ^Zonaras, vii. 17.
  67. ^Valerius Maximus, ix. 3. § 5.
  68. ^Aulus Gellius, xvii. 21.
  69. ^Ovid,Fasti, ii. 195ff.
  70. ^Cassius Dio, fragment no. 26, ed. Reim.
  71. ^Festus,s. v. "Scerlerata porta"
  72. ^Niebuhr,History of Rome, vol. ii. p. 177ff.
  73. ^Göttling, p. 308.
  74. ^Becker, vol. ii. part ii. p. 93.
  75. ^Broughton, vol. I, pp. 22, 24–26.
  76. ^Livy, ii. 42–47.
  77. ^Dionysius, viii. 87, 88, ix. 5-13, 15.
  78. ^Frontinus,Strategemata, i. 11. § 1.
  79. ^Valerius Maximus, v. 5. § 2.
  80. ^Broughton, vol. I, pp. 22, 24.
  81. ^Livy, iii. 1-3, 9, 22-25, 35, 41, 58.
  82. ^Dionysius, ix. 59, 61, 69, x. 20-22, 58, xi. 23, 46.
  83. ^Broughton, vol. I, pp. 32, 33, 36, 38, 40, 46.
  84. ^Diodorus Sicullus, xii, 3.1
  85. ^Broughton, vol i, pp.41 (note 2)
  86. ^Livy, iv. 11, 17, 19, 25, 27, 28, v. 41.
  87. ^Diodorus Siculus, xii. 34, 58.
  88. ^Broughton, vol. I, pp. 54, 59, 62, 64.
  89. ^Livy, iv. 43, 49, 58.
  90. ^Diodorus Siculus, xiii. 24, xiv. 3.
  91. ^Livy, iv. 37, 49, 51.
  92. ^Diodorus Siculus, xiii. 9, 38.
  93. ^Livy, iv. 52.
  94. ^Livy, iv. 54, 61, v. 10, 24, 35, 36, 41.
  95. ^abcdPlutarch, "The Life of Camillus", 17.
  96. ^Livy, iv. 58, v. 35, 36, 41.
  97. ^abLivy, v. 35, 36, 41.
  98. ^Livy, vi. 22, 34, 36.
  99. ^abcdeFasti Capitolini.
  100. ^abLivy, vi. 34.
  101. ^abZonaras, vii. 24.
  102. ^abAurelius Victor,De Viris Illustribus, 20.
  103. ^Livy, vii. 11, 17, 22, viii. 33.
  104. ^Fasti Triumphales.
  105. ^Livy, vii. 12.
  106. ^Livy, viii. 38.
  107. ^Livy, ix. 7.
  108. ^Livy, ix. 23.
  109. ^Livy, v. 46, 52.
  110. ^Valerius Maximus, i. 1. § 11.
  111. ^Livy, vii. 28.
  112. ^Diodorus Siculus, xvi. 66.
  113. ^Velleius Paterculus, i. 14.
  114. ^Eutropius, ii. 15.
  115. ^Valerius Maximus, vi. 6. § 5.
  116. ^Livy,Epitome, xv.
  117. ^Cassius Dio, Fragment 43.
  118. ^Zonaras, viii. 8.
  119. ^Broughton, vol. I, pp. 200, 201 (note 1), 202 (note 1).
  120. ^Livy, xxiv. 9, 11, 12, 20, 43-45, 46, xxviii. 9.
  121. ^Plutarch, "The Life of Fabius Maximus", 24.
  122. ^Cicero,De Natura Deorum, iii. 32;Tusculanae Quaestiones, iii. 28;Cato Maior de Senectute, 4;Epistulae ad Familiares, iv. 6.
  123. ^Livy, xxx. 26; xxxiii. 42.
  124. ^Livy, xl. 19; xxxix. 29.
  125. ^Cicero,Tusculanae Quaestiones, i. 33.
  126. ^Valerius Maximus, iii. 5. § 2.
  127. ^Appian,Hispanica, 70;Iberica, 67.
  128. ^Orosius, v. 4.
  129. ^Cicero,Epistulae ad Atticum, xii. 5.
  130. ^Valerius Maximus, vi. 1. § 5, viii. 5. § 1.
  131. ^Cicero,De Oratore, i. 26,Pro Balbo, 11.
  132. ^Valerius Maximus, vi. 1. § 5.
  133. ^Orosius, v. 16.
  134. ^Cicero,In Vatinium Testem, 11;Epistulae ad Familiares, vii. 30.
  135. ^Caesar,De Bello Hispaniensis, 2, 41.
  136. ^Cassius Dio, xliii. 42, 46.
  137. ^Pliny the Elder, vii. 53.
  138. ^Livy,Epitome, 116.
  139. ^CILVI, 1407.
  140. ^Syme,The Augustan Aristocracy, p. 418.
  141. ^CILVI, 7701,CILVI, 33842.
  142. ^CILVI, 2002
  143. ^Pliny the Elder, xxxv. 4. s. 7.
  144. ^Valerius Maximus, viii. 14. § 6.
  145. ^Dionysius, xvi.6.
  146. ^Cicero,Tusculanae Quaestiones, i. 2. § 4.
  147. ^Niebuhr,History of Rome, vol. iii. § 356.
  148. ^Broughton, vol. I, p. 199.
  149. ^Valerius Maximus, iv. 3. § 9.
  150. ^Broughton, vol. I, pp. 197, 201.
  151. ^Livy,xxii. 57,xxiii. 11.
  152. ^Broughton, vol. I, p. 251.
  153. ^Livy,xxxvii. 47, 50, 51;xlv. 44.
  154. ^Broughton, vol. I, pp. 359, 361, 394, 436.
  155. ^Cicero,Brutus, 81.
  156. ^Sumner,Orators in Brutus, p. 43.
  157. ^Crawford,Roman Republican Coinage, pp. 291, 292.
  158. ^Zonaras, viii. 16.
  159. ^Livy, xxiii. 22, 23.
  160. ^Plutarch, "The Life of Fabius Maximus", 9.
  161. ^Orosius, iv. 13.
  162. ^Livy, xxx. 26, 40.
  163. ^Livy, xxiii. 24, 26.
  164. ^Livy, xl. 18, 36, 43; xlv.13.
  165. ^Livy, xli. 33; xlii. 1, 4.
  166. ^Valerius Maximus, viii. 15. § 4.
  167. ^Appian,Hispanica, 84.
  168. ^Livy, xxxiii. 42; xxxvii. 47, 50, 60; xxxviii. 39, 47, xxxix. 32, 44, 45, xl. 42, xlv. 17.
  169. ^Cicero,De Officiis, i. 10.
  170. ^Suetonius, "The Life of Terence", 4.
  171. ^Broughton, vol. I, pp. 336, 361, 366, 377, 378, 380, 383, 390, 393, 435, 436 (note 3).
  172. ^Cicero,Brutus, i. 81.
  173. ^abCILI, 823,CILI, 824.
  174. ^abCrawford,Roman Republican Coinage, p. 294.
  175. ^CIL I² 823.
  176. ^Broughton, vol. I, pp. 543, 544.
  177. ^Cicero,In Verrem, i. 27, v. 36.
  178. ^Pseudo-Asconius,in Verrem p. 179, ed.Orelli.
  179. ^Diodorus Siculus, p. 138, ed. Dind.
  180. ^Livy, Epitome, 86.
  181. ^Valerius Maximus, ix. 10. § 2.
  182. ^Orosius, v. 20.
  183. ^ILLRP 363.
  184. ^Broughton, vol. II, pp. 60, 62 (note 1), 64, 69.
  185. ^Broughton, vol. II, pp. 118, 134, 140.
  186. ^Broughton, vol. II, pp. 194, 203.
  187. ^Hans Voegtli, "Zwei Münzfunde aus Pergamon," inSchweizerische Numismatische Rundschau 69 (1990), pp. 47, 63–64.
  188. ^Horace,Epistulae, ii. 1. 173.
  189. ^Pliny the Elder, xiv. 15.
  190. ^Seneca the Younger,Epistulae morales ad Lucilium, 89.
  191. ^Konrad, "Some Friends of Sertorius", p. 521, 522.
  192. ^Cicero,Pro Murena, 71.
  193. ^Broughton, vol. II, pp. 162, 164 (note 4).
  194. ^Broughton, vol. II, pp. 217, 220 (note 2), 225, 227 (note 5).
  195. ^Sallust,The Conspiracy of Catiline, 41.
  196. ^Appian,Bellum Civile, ii. 4.
  197. ^Cicero,In Pisonem, 31.
  198. ^Cicero,Epistulae ad Familiares, iii. 3, 4,Epistulae ad Atticum, viii. 11.
  199. ^abcCILIX, 5390.
  200. ^Camodeca, "Novità sui fasti consolari delle tavolette cerate della Campania", pp. 52, 70.
  201. ^Tacitus,Agricola, 10.
  202. ^Plutarch, "The Life of Galba", 27.
  203. ^Tacitus,Historiae i. 44, iii. 14.
  204. ^Tacitus,Historiae, iv. 79.
  205. ^CILIV, 7963.
  206. ^Goldberg,Constructing Literature, p. 20.
  207. ^John R. Clarke,review of "Mario Grimaldi (ed.),Pompei. La Casa di Marco Fabio Rufo. Collana Pompei, vol. 2.",Bryn Mawr Classical Review, 2015.02.37.
  208. ^Tacitus,Dialogus de Oratoribus.
  209. ^Pliny the Younger,Epistulae, i. 11, vii. 2.
  210. ^Julius Capitolinus,The Life of Antoninus Pius, 8.
  211. ^Digesta, 46. tit. 3. s. 39, 50 tit. 16. s. 207, 9. tit. 2. s. 11, 19. tit. 1. s. 17, tit. 9. s. 3.
  212. ^Cassius Dio, lxxvii. 4, lxxviii. 11.
  213. ^Aelius Spartianus,The Life of Caracalla, 4.
  214. ^Aurelius Victor,Epitome de Caesaribus, 20.
  215. ^Aelius Lampridius,The Life of Alexander Severus, c. 68,The Life of Elagabalus, c. 16.

Bibliography

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Ancient sources

[edit]

Modern sources

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  • Joseph Hilarius Eckhel,Doctrina Numorum Veterum (The Study of Ancient Coins, 1792–1798).
  • Barthold Georg Niebuhr,The History of Rome, Julius Charles Hare and Connop Thirlwall, trans., John Smith, Cambridge (1828).
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  • Paul von Rohden,Elimar Klebs, &Hermann Dessau,Prosopographia Imperii Romani (The Prosopography of the Roman Empire, abbreviatedPIR), Berlin (1898).
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  • Stéphane Gsell,Inscriptions Latines de L'Algérie (Latin Inscriptions from Algeria), Edouard Champion, Paris (1922–present).
  • T. Robert S. Broughton,The Magistrates of the Roman Republic, American Philological Association (1952).
  • Attilio Degrassi,Inscriptiones Latinae Liberae Rei Publicae (abbreviatedILLRP), Florence (1957–1963).
  • Lily Ross Taylor,The Voting Districts of the Roman Republic, University of Michigan Press (1960).
  • D.P. Simpson,Cassell's Latin and English Dictionary, Macmillan Publishing Company, New York (1963).
  • Robert Maxwell Ogilvie,Commentary on Livy, books 1–5, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1965.
  • Graham Vincent Sumner,The Orators in Cicero's Brutus: Prosopography and Chronology, (Phoenix Supplementary Volume XI.), Toronto and Buffalo, University of Toronto Press (1973).
  • Michael Crawford,Roman Republican Coinage, Cambridge University Press (1974, 2001).
  • Christoph Konrad,"Some Friends of Sertorius", inThe American Journal of Philology, vol. 108, No. 3 (1987).
  • J. A. Crook,F. W. Walbank, M. W. Frederiksen, R. M. Ogilvie (editors),The Cambridge Ancient History, vol. VIII, Rome and the Mediterranean to 133 B.C., Cambridge University Press, 1989.
  • Ronald Syme,The Augustan Aristocracy, Clarendon Press, Oxford (1989).
  • Giuseppe Camodeca,"Novità sui fasti consolari delle tavolette cerate della Campania",Publications de l'École française de Rome, vol. 143 (1991).
  • T. J. Cornell,The Beginnings of Rome, London and New York, Routledge, 1995.
  • Francis X. Ryan,Rank and Participation in the Republican Senate, Stuttgart, Franz Steiner Verlag, 1998.
  • Sander M. Goldberg,Constructing Literature in the Roman Republic, Poetry and its Reception, Cambridge University Press, 2005.
  • C. J. Smith,The Roman Clan: the Gens from Ancient Ideology to Modern Anthropology, Cambridge University Press (2006),ISBN 978-0-521-85692-8.
  • Léon Homo,Roman Political Institutions, Routledge (2013),ISBN 978-1-136-19811-3.
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