Key to the far-right worldview is the notion of societal purity, often invoking ideas of a homogeneous "national" or "ethnic" community. This view generally promotesorganicism, which perceives society as a unified, natural entity under threat fromdiversity or modernpluralism. Far-right movements frequently target perceived threats to their idealized community, whether ethnic, religious, or cultural, leading toanti-immigrant sentiments,welfare chauvinism, and, in extreme cases, political violence or oppression.[2] According to political theorists, the far-right appeals to those who believe in maintaining strict cultural and ethnic divisions and a return to traditional social hierarchies and values.[3]
In practice, far-right movements differ widely by region and historical context. In Western Europe, they have often focused on anti-immigration andanti-globalism, while in Eastern Europe, stronganti-communist rhetoric is more common. The United States has seen a unique evolution of far-right movements that emphasize nativism and radical opposition to central government.
According to scholarsJean-Yves Camus andNicolas Lebourg, the core of the far right's worldview isorganicism, the idea that society functions as a complete, organized and homogeneous living being. Adapted to the community they wish to constitute or reconstitute (whether based on ethnicity, nationality, religion or race), the concept leads them to reject every form ofuniversalism in favor ofautophilia andalterophobia, or in other words the idealization of a "we" excluding a "they".[5] The far right tends to absolutize differences between nations, races, individuals or cultures since they disrupt their efforts towards theutopian dream of the "closed" and naturally organized society, perceived as the condition to ensure the rebirth of a community finally reconnected to its quasi-eternal nature and re-established on firmmetaphysical foundations.[6][7]
As they view their community in a state of decay facilitated by the ruling elites, far-right members portray themselves as a natural, sane and alternative elite, with the redemptive mission of saving society from its promised doom. They reject both their national political system and the global geopolitical order (including their institutions and values, e.g.political liberalism andegalitarianhumanism) which are presented as needing to be abandoned or purged of their impurities, so that the "redemptive community" can eventually leave the current phase ofliminal crisis to usher in the new era.[5][7] The community itself is idealized through greatarchetypal figures (theGolden Age, the savior,decadence and globalconspiracy theories) as they glorifynon-rationalistic and non-materialistic values such as the youth or the cult of the dead.[5]
TheEncyclopedia of Politics: The Left and the Right states that far-right politics include "persons or groups who hold extreme nationalist, xenophobic, homophobic, racist, religious fundamentalist, or other reactionary views." While the termfar right is typically applied tofascists andneo-Nazis, it has also been used to refer to those to the right of mainstreamright-wing politics.[11]
According to political scientist Lubomír Kopeček, "[t]he best working definition of the contemporary far right may be the four-element combination of nationalism, xenophobia, law and order, and welfare chauvinism proposed for the Western European environment by Cas Mudde."[12] Relying on those concepts, far-right politics includes yet is not limited to aspects of authoritarianism, anti-communism[12] andnativism.[13] Claims that superior people should have greater rights than inferior people are often associated with the far right, as they have historically favored a social Darwinistic orelitist hierarchy based on the belief in the legitimacy of the rule of a supposed superior minority over the inferior masses.[14] Regarding the socio-cultural dimension of nationality, culture and migration, one far-right position is the view that certain ethnic, racial or religious groups should stay separate, based on the belief that the interests of one's own group should be prioritized.[15]
In comparing the Western European andpost-Communist Central European far-right, Kopeček writes that "[t]he Central European far right was also typified by a strong anti-Communism, much more markedly than in Western Europe", allowing for "a basic ideological classification within a unified party family, despite the heterogeneity of the far right parties." Kopeček concludes that a comparison of Central European far-right parties with those of Western Europe shows that "these four elements are present in Central Europe as well, though in a somewhat modified form, despite differing political, economic, and social influences."[12] In the American and more general Anglo-Saxon environment, the most common term is "radical right", which has a broader meaning than theEuropean radical right.[17][12] Mudde defines theAmerican radical right as an "old school of nativism, populism, and hostility to central government [which] was said to have developed into the post-World War II combination of ultranationalism and anti-communism, Christian fundamentalism, militaristic orientation, and anti-alien sentiment."[17]
Jodi Dean argues that "the rise of far-right anti-communism in many parts of the world" should be interpreted "as a politics of fear, which utilizes the disaffection and anger generated by capitalism. [...] Partisans of far right-wing organizations, in turn, use anti-communism to challenge every political current which is not embedded in a clearly exposed nationalist and racist agenda. For them, both the USSR and the European Union, leftist liberals, ecologists, and supranational corporations – all of these may be called 'communist' for the sake of their expediency."[18]
InHate in the Homeland: The New Global Far Right, Cynthia Miller-Idriss examines the far-right as a global movement and representing a cluster of overlapping "antidemocratic, antiegalitarian,white supremacist" beliefs that are "embedded in solutions likeauthoritarianism,ethnic cleansing or ethnic migration, and the establishment ofseparate ethno-states or enclaves along racial and ethnic lines".[19]
Modern debates
Terminology
According toJean-Yves Camus andNicolas Lebourg, the modern ambiguities in the definition of far-right politics lie in the fact that the concept is generally used by political adversaries to "disqualify and stigmatize all forms of partisan nationalism by reducing them to the historical experiments ofItalian Fascism [and]German National Socialism."[20] Mudde agrees and notes that "the term is not only used for scientific purposes but also for political purposes. Several authors define right-wing extremism as a sort of anti-thesis against their own beliefs."[21] While the existence of such a political position is widely accepted among scholars, figures associated with the far-right rarely accept this denomination, preferring terms like "national movement" or "national right".[20] There is also debate about how appropriate the labelsneo-fascist orneo-Nazi are. In the words of Mudde, "the labels Neo-Nazi and to a lesser extent neo-Fascism are now used exclusively for parties and groups that explicitly state a desire to restore theThird Reich or quote historical National Socialism as their ideological influence."[22]
German protest against far-right neo-Nazis violence in 2013,Chemnitz
One issue is whether parties should be labelled radical or extreme, a distinction that is made by theFederal Constitutional Court of Germany when determining whether or not a party should be banned.[nb 1] Within the broader family of the far right, the extreme right is revolutionary, opposing popular sovereignty and majority rule, and sometimes supporting violence, whereas the radical right is reformist, accepting free elections, but opposing fundamental elements of liberal democracy such as minority rights, rule of law, or separation of powers.[23]
After a survey of the academic literature, Mudde concluded in 2002 that the terms "right-wing extremism", "right-wing populism", "national populism", or "neo-populism" were often used as synonyms by scholars (or, nonetheless, terms with "striking similarities"), except notably among a few authors studying the extremist-theoretical tradition.[nb 2]
Relation to right-wing politics
Italian philosopher and political scientistNorberto Bobbio argues that attitudes towards equality are primarily what distinguishleft-wing politics fromright-wing politics on thepolitical spectrum:[24] "the left considers the key inequalities between people to be artificial and negative, which should be overcome by an active state, whereas the right believes that inequalities between people are natural and positive, and should be either defended or left alone by the state."[25]
Aspects of far-right ideology can be identified in the agenda of some contemporary right-wing parties: in particular, the idea that superior persons should dominate society while undesirable elements should be purged, which in extreme cases has resulted ingenocides.[26] Charles Grant, director of theCentre for European Reform in London, distinguishes betweenfascism and right-wing nationalist parties which are often described as far right such as theNational Front in France.[27] Mudde notes that the most successful European far-right parties in 2019 were "former mainstream right-wing parties that have turned into populist radical right ones."[28] According to historianMark Sedgwick, "[t]here is no general agreement as to where the mainstream ends and the extreme starts, and if there ever had been agreement on this, the recent shift in the mainstream would challenge it."[29]
Jens Rydgren describes a number of theories as to why individuals support far-right political parties and the academic literature on this topic distinguishes between demand-side theories that have changed the "interests, emotions, attitudes and preferences of voters" and supply-side theories which focus on the programmes of parties, their organization and the opportunity structures within individual political systems.[35] The most common demand-side theories are thesocial breakdown thesis, therelative deprivation thesis, themodernization losers thesis and theethnic competition thesis.[36]
The rise of far-right parties has also been viewed as a rejection ofpost-materialist values on the part of some voters. This theory which is known as thereverse post-material thesis blames both left-wing andprogressive parties for embracing a post-material agenda (includingfeminism andenvironmentalism) that alienates traditional working class voters.[37][38] Another study argues that individuals who join far-right parties determine whether those parties develop into major political players or whether they remain marginalized.[39]
Early academic studies adopted psychoanalytical explanations for the far right's support. The 1933 publicationThe Mass Psychology of Fascism byWilhelm Reich argued the theory that fascists came to power in Germany as a result ofsexual repression. For some far-right parties in Western Europe, the issue of immigration has become the dominant issue among them, so much so that some scholars refer to these parties as "anti-immigrant" parties.[40]
Intellectual history
Background
TheFrench Revolution in 1789 created a major shift in political thought by challenging the established ideas supporting hierarchy with new ones about universalequality andfreedom.[41] The modernleft–right political spectrum also emerged during this period. Democrats and proponents ofuniversal suffrage were located on the left side of the elected French Assembly, while monarchists seated farthest to the right.[20]
The strongest opponents ofliberalism anddemocracy during the 19th century, such asJoseph de Maistre andFriedrich Nietzsche, were highly critical of the French Revolution.[42] Those who advocated a return to theabsolute monarchy during the 19th century called themselves "ultra-monarchists" and embraced a "mystic" and "providentialist" vision of the world where royal dynasties were seen as the "repositories of divine will". The opposition to liberal modernity was based on the belief that hierarchy and rootedness are more important than equality and liberty, with the latter two being dehumanizing.[43]
As the concept of "the masses" was introduced into the political debate throughindustrialization and theuniversal suffrage, a new right-wing founded on national and social ideas began to emerge, whatZeev Sternhell has called the "revolutionary right" and a foreshadowing offascism. The rift between the left and nationalists was furthermore accentuated by the emergence of anti-militarist and anti-patriotic movements likeanarchism orsyndicalism, which shared even fewer similarities with the far right.[48] The latter began to develop a "nationalist mysticism" entirely different from that on the left, and antisemitism turned into a credo of the far right, marking a break from the traditional economic "anti-Judaism" defended by parts of the far left, in favour of a racial and pseudo-scientific notion ofalterity. Various nationalist leagues began to form across Europe like thePan-German League or theLigue des Patriotes, with the common goal of a uniting the masses beyond social divisions.[49][50]
TheVölkisch movement emerged in the late 19th century, drawing inspiration fromGerman Romanticism and its fascination for amedieval Reich supposedly organized into a harmonious hierarchical order. Erected on the idea of "blood and soil", it was aracialist,populist,agrarian,romantic nationalist and anantisemitic movement from the 1900s onward as a consequence of a growing exclusive and racial connotation.[51] They idealized the myth of an "original nation", that still could be found at their times in the rural regions of Germany, a form of "primitive democracy freely subjected to their natural elites."[46] Thinkers led byArthur de Gobineau,Houston Stewart Chamberlain,Alexis Carrel andGeorges Vacher de Lapouge distortedDarwin'stheory of evolution to advocate a "race struggle" and an hygienist vision of the world. The purity of the bio-mystical and primordial nation theorized by theVölkischen then began to be seen as corrupted by foreign elements, Jewish in particular.[51]
Translated inMaurice Barrès' concept of "the earth and the dead", these ideas influenced the pre-fascist "revolutionary right" across Europe. The latter had its origin in thefin de siècle intellectual crisis and it was, in the words ofFritz Stern, the deep "cultural despair" of thinkers feeling uprooted within therationalism andscientism of the modern world.[52] It was characterized by a rejection of the established social order, with revolutionary tendencies and anti-capitalist stances, a populist andplebiscitary dimension, the advocacy of violence as a means of action and a call for individual and collectivepalingenesis ("regeneration, rebirth").[53]
In a 1961 book deemed influential in the European far-right at large, French neo-fascist writerMaurice Bardèche introduced the idea that fascism could survive the 20th century under a newmetapolitical guise adapted to the changes of the times. Rather than trying to revive doomed regimes with theirsingle party,secret police or public display ofCaesarism, Bardèche argued that its theorists should promote the core philosophical idea offascism regardless of its framework,[7] i.e. the concept that only a minority, "the physically saner, the morally purer, the most conscious of national interest", can represent best the community and serve the less gifted in what Bardèche calls a new "feudal contract".[55]
The far-right Spanish partyVox initially introduced theMadrid Charter project, a planned group to denounce left-wing groups inIbero-America, to the government of United States presidentDonald Trump while visiting theUnited States in February 2019, withSantiago Abascal andRafael Bardají using their good relations with the administration to build support within theRepublican Party and establishing strong ties with American contacts.[62][63][64] In March 2019, Abascal tweeted an image of himself wearing amorion similar to aconquistador, withABC writing in an article detailing the document that this event provided a narrative that "symbolizes in part theexpansionist mood of Vox and its ideology far from Spain".[65] The charter subsequently grew to include signers that had little to no relation to Latin America and Spanish-speaking areas.[66] Vox has advisedJavier Milei inArgentina, theBolsonaro family inBrazil,José Antonio Kast inChile andKeiko Fujimori inPeru.[67]
Nationalists from Europe and the United States met at a Holiday Inn in St. Petersburg on March 22, 2015, for first convention of the International Russian Conservative Forum organized by pro-PutinRodina-party. The event was attended by fringe right-wing extremists likeNordic Resistance Movement from Scandinavia but also by more mainstreamMEPs fromGolden Dawn andNational Democratic Party of Germany. In addition to Rodina, Russian neo-Nazis fromRussian Imperial Movement andRusich Group were also in attendance. The event was attended by several notable American white supremacists includingJared Taylor andBrandon Russell.[74]
A number of far-right extremist and paramilitary groups carried out theRwandan genocide under theracial supremacist ideology ofHutu Power, developed by journalist and Hutu supremacistHassan Ngeze.[76] On 5 July 1975, exactly two years after the1973 Rwandan coup d'état, the far rightNational Republican Movement for Democracy and Development (MRND) was founded under presidentJuvénal Habyarimana. Between 1975 and 1991, the MRND was the only legal political party in the country. It was dominated byHutus, particularly from Habyarimana's home region of Northern Rwanda. An elite group of MRND party members who were known to have influence on the President and his wifeAgathe Habyarimana are known as theakazu, an informal organization of Hutu extremists whose members planned and lead the 1994 Rwandan genocide.[77][78] Prominent Hutu businessman and member of the akazu,Félicien Kabuga was one of the genocides main financiers, providing thousands of machetes which were used to commit the genocide.[79] Kabuga also foundedRadio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines, used to broadcast propaganda and direct thegénocidaires. Kabuga was arrested in France on 16 May 2020, and charged withcrimes against humanity.[80]
The Interahamwe was formed around 1990 as theyouth wing of the MRND and enjoyed the backing of the Hutu Power government. The Interahamwe were driven out of Rwanda afterTutsi-ledRwandan Patriotic Front victory in the Rwandan Civil War in July 1994 and are considered aterrorist organisation by many African and Western governments. The Interahamwe and splinter groups such as theDemocratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda continue to wage aninsurgency against Rwanda from neighboring countries, where they are also involved in local conflicts and terrorism. The Interahamwe were the main perpetrators of the Rwandan genocide, during which an estimated 500,000 to 1,000,000 Tutsi,Twa and moderate Hutus were killed from April to July 1994 and the termInterahamwe was widened to mean any civilian bands killing Tutsi.[81][82]
Other far-right groups and paramilitaries involved included theanti-democraticsegregationist Coalition for the Defence of the Republic (CDR), which called for complete segregation of Hutus from Tutsis. The CDR had a paramilitary wing known as theImpuzamugambi. Together with the Interahamwe militia, the Impuzamugambi played a central role in the Rwandan genocide.[83][76]
The far right in South Africa emerged as the Herstigte Nasionale Party (HNP) in 1969, formed byAlbert Hertzog as breakaway from the predominant right-wing South AfricanNational Party, anAfrikanerethno-nationalist party that implemented the racist, segregationist program ofapartheid, the legal system of political, economic and social separation of the races intended to maintain and extend political and economic control of South Africa by the White minority.[84][85][86] The HNP was formed after the South African National Party re-established diplomatic relations withMalawi and legislated to allowMāori players and spectators to enter the country during the 1970New Zealand rugby union team tour in South Africa.[87] The HNP advocated for aCalvinist, racially segregated andAfrikaans-speaking nation.[88]
In 1973,Eugène Terre'Blanche, a formerpolice officer founded the Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging (Afrikaner Resistance Movement), a South Africanneo-Nazi paramilitary organisation, often described as awhite supremacist group.[89][90][91] Since its founding in 1973 by Eugène Terre'Blanche and six other far-right Afrikaners, it has been dedicated tosecessionist Afrikaner nationalism and the creation of an independentBoer-Afrikaner republic in part of South Africa. Duringnegotiations to end apartheid in South Africa in the early 1990s, the organization terrorized and killed black South Africans.[92]
Togo has been ruled by members of the Gnassingbé family and the far-rightmilitary dictatorship formerly known as theRally of the Togolese People since 1969. Despite the legalisation of political parties in 1991 and the ratification of a democratic constitution in 1992, the regime continues to be regarded as oppressive. In 1993, the European Union cut off aid in reaction to the regime's human-rights offenses. After's Eyadema's death in 2005, his son Faure Gnassingbe took over, then stood down and was re-elected in elections that were widely described as fraudulent and occasioned violence that resulted in as many as 600 deaths and the flight from Togo of 40,000 refugees.[93] In 2012, Faure Gnassingbe dissolved the RTP and created theUnion for the Republic.[94][95][96]
Throughout the reign of the Gnassingbé family, Togo has been extremely oppressive. According to aUnited States Department of State report based on conditions in 2010, human rights abuses are common and include "security force use of excessive force, includingtorture, which resulted in deaths and injuries; official impunity; harsh and life-threatening prison conditions; arbitrary arrests and detention; lengthy pretrial detention; executive influence over the judiciary; infringement of citizens' privacy rights; restrictions onfreedoms of press,assembly, and movement; official corruption; discrimination and violence against women; child abuse, including female genital mutilation (FGM), and sexual exploitation of children; regional and ethnic discrimination; trafficking in persons, especially women and children; societal discrimination against persons with disabilities; official and societal discrimination against homosexual persons; societal discrimination against persons withHIV; and forced labor, including by children."[97]
During the 1920s and 1930s, a local brand of religious fascism appeared known asBrazilian Integralism, coalescing around the party known asBrazilian Integralist Action. It adopted many characteristics of European fascist movements, including a green-shirtedparamilitary organization withuniformed ranks, highly regimented street demonstrations and rhetoric againstMarxism andliberalism.[98]
Prior to World War II, the Nazi Party had been making and distributing propaganda among ethnic Germans in Brazil. The Nazi regime built close ties with Brazil through the estimated 100 thousand native Germans and 1 million German descendants living in Brazil at the time.[99] In 1928, the Brazilian section of the Nazi Party was founded in Timbó, Santa Catarina. This section reached 2,822 members and was the largest section of the Nazi Party outside Germany.[100][101] About 100 thousand born Germans and about one million descendants lived in Brazil at that time.[102]
After Germany's defeat in World War II, many Nazi war criminals fled to Brazil and hid among the German-Brazilian communities. The most notable example of this wasJosef Mengele, a Nazi SS officer and physician known as the "Angel of Death" for his deadly experiments on prisoners at theAuschwitz II (Birkenau) concentration camp, who fled first to Argentina, then Paraguay, before finally settling in Brazil in 1960. Mengele eventually drowned in 1979 inBertioga, on the coast of São Paulo state, without ever having been recognized in his 19 years in Brazil.[103]
Mano Blanca, otherwise known as the Movement of Organized Nationalist Action, was set up in 1966 as a front for the MLN to carry out its more violent activities,[113][114] along with many other similar groups, including the New Anticommunist Organization and the Anticommunist Council of Guatemala.[111][115] Mano Blanca was active during the governments of colonelCarlos Arana Osorio and generalKjell Laugerud García and was dissolved by generalFernando Romeo Lucas Garcia in 1978.[116]
Armed with the support and coordination of the Guatemalan Armed Forces, Mano Blanca began a campaign described by the United States Department of State as one of "kidnappings, torture, andsummary execution."[114] One of the main targets of Mano Blanca was theRevolutionary Party, an anti-communist group that was the only major reform oriented party allowed to operate under the military-dominated regime. Other targets included the banned leftist parties.[114] Human rights activistBlase Bonpane described the activities of Mano Blanca as being an integral part of the policy of the Guatemalan government and by extension the policy of the United States government and theCentral Intelligence Agency.[112][117] Overall, Mano Blanca was responsible for thousands of murders and kidnappings, leading travel writerPaul Theroux to refer to them as "Guatemala's version of a volunteer Gestapo unit".[118]
Following the end of Pinochet's government, the National Party would split to become the more centristNational Renewal (RN), while individuals who supported Pinochet organizedIndependent Democratic Union (UDI). UDI is a far-right political party that was formed by former Pinochet officials.[127][128][129][130] In 2019, the far-rightRepublican Party was founded byJosé Antonio Kast, a UDI politician who believed his former party criticized Pinochet too often.[131][132][133][134] According to Cox and Blanco, the Republican Party appeared in Chilean politics in a similar manner to Spain'sVox party, with both parties splitting off from an existing right wing party to collect disillusioned voters.[135]
A billboard serving as a reminder of one of manymassacres in El Salvador that occurred during the civil war
During theSalvadoran Civil War, far-right death squads known in Spanish by the name ofEscuadrón de la Muerte, literally "Squadron of Death, achieved notoriety when asniper assassinated ArchbishopÓscar Romero while he was sayingmass in March 1980. In December 1980,three American nuns and a lay worker weregangraped and murdered by a military unit later found to have been acting on specific orders. Death squads were instrumental in killing thousands of peasants and activists. Funding for the squads came primarily from right-wing Salvadoran businessmen and landowners.[136]
Honduras also had far-right death squads active through the 1980s, the most notorious of which wasBattalion 3–16. Hundreds of people, teachers, politicians and union bosses were assassinated by government-backed forces. Battalion 316 received substantial support and training from the United States through the Central Intelligence Agency.[139] At least nineteen members wereSchool of the Americas graduates.[140][141] As of mid-2006, seven members, includingBilly Joya, later played important roles in the administration of PresidentManuel Zelaya.[142]
Following the2009 Honduran constitutional crisis, former Battalion 3–16 memberNelson Willy Mejía Mejía became Director-General of Immigration[143][144] and Billy Joya wasde facto PresidentRoberto Micheletti's security advisor.[145]Napoleón Nassar Herrera, another former Battalion 3–16 member,[142][146] was high Commissioner of Police for the north-west region under Zelaya and under Micheletti, even becoming a Secretary of Security spokesperson "for dialogue" under Micheletti.[147][148] Zelaya claimed that Joya had reactivated the death squad, with dozens of government opponents having been murdered since the ascent of the Michiletti and Lobo governments.[145]
The largest far-right party in Mexico is the National Synarchist Union. It was historically a movement of the Roman Catholic extreme right, in some ways akin toclerical fascism andFalangism, strongly opposed to theleft-wing andsecularist policies of theInstitutional Revolutionary Party and its predecessors that governed Mexico from 1929 to 2000 and 2012 to 2018.[149][150]
During theCold War and theRed Scares, the far right "saw spies and communists influencing government and entertainment. Thus, despite bipartisananticommunism in the United States, it was the right that mainly fought the great ideological battle against the communists."[188] TheJohn Birch Society, founded in 1958, is a prominent example of a far-right organization mainly concerned with anti-communism and the perceived threat of communism. Neo-Nazi militantRobert Jay Matthews of the White supremacist groupThe Order came to support the John Birch Society, especially whenconservative iconBarry Goldwater from Arizona ran for the presidency on theRepublican Party ticket. Far-right conservatives considerJohn Birch to be the first casualty of the Cold War.[189] In the 1990s, many conservatives turned against then-PresidentGeorge H. W. Bush, who pleasured neither the Republican Party's more moderate and far-right wings. As a result, Bush was primared byPat Buchanan. In the 2000s, critics of PresidentGeorge W. Bush's conservative unilateralism argued it can be traced to both Vice PresidentDick Cheney who embraced the policy since the early 1990s and to far-right Congressmen who won their seats during the conservative revolution of 1994.[12]
Although small voluntary militias had existed in the United States throughout the latter half of the 20th century, the groups became more popular during the early 1990s, after a series of standoffs between armed citizens and federal government agents, such as the 1992Ruby Ridge siege and 1993Waco Siege. These groups expressed concern for what they perceived as government tyranny within the United States and generally heldconstitutionalist,libertarian, andright-libertarian political views, with a strong focus on the Second Amendment gun rights and tax protest. They also embraced many of the same conspiracy theories as predecessor groups on the radical right, particularly theNew World Order conspiracy theory. Examples of such groups are the patriot and militia movementsOath Keepers and theThree Percenters. A minority of militia groups, such as theAryan Nations and thePosse Comitatus, wereWhite nationalists and saw militia and patriot movements as a form of White resistance against what they perceived to be aliberal andmulticulturalist government. Militia and patriot organizations were involved in the 2014Bundy standoff[190][191] and the 2016occupation of the Malheur National Wildlife Refuge.[192][193]
Chetan Bhatt, inWhite Extinction: Metaphysical Elements of Contemporary Western Fascism, says that "The 'fear of white extinction', and related ideas ofpopulation eugenics, have travelled far and represent a wider political anxiety about 'white displacement' in the US, UK, and Europe that has fuelled the right-wing phenomena referred to by that sanitizing word 'populism', a term that neatly evades attention to the racism and white majoritarianism that energizes it."[196]
In 1996, theNational Police Agency estimated that there were over 1,000 extremist right-wing groups inJapan, with about 100,000 members in total. These groups are known in Japanese asUyoku dantai. While there are political differences among the groups, they generally carry a philosophy of anti-leftism,hostility towards China,North Korea and South Korea, and justification ofJapan's role andwar crimes in World War II.Uyoku dantai groups are well known for their highly visiblepropaganda vehicles fitted with loudspeakers and prominently marked with the name of the group and propaganda slogans. The vehicles play patriotic or wartime-era Japanese songs. Activists affiliated with such groups have usedMolotov cocktails andtime bombs to intimidate moderate Japanese politicians and public figures, including former Deputy Foreign Minister Hitoshi Tanaka andFuji Xerox ChairmanYotaro Kobayashi. An ex-member of a right-wing group set fire toLiberal Democratic Party politicianKoichi Kato's house. Koichi Kato and Yotaro Kobayashi had spoken out against Koizumi's visits toYasukuni Shrine.[216] Openly revisionist,Nippon Kaigi is considered "the biggest right-wing organization in Japan."[217][218]
Individuals and groups in Croatia that employ far-right politics are most often associated with the historicalUstaše movement, hence they have connections toneo-Nazism andneo-fascism. That World War II political movement was an extremist organization at the time supported by theGerman Nazis and theItalian Fascists. The association with the Ustaše has been called neo-Ustashism bySlavko Goldstein.[236] Most active far-right political parties in Croatia openly state their continuity with the Ustaše.[237] These include theCroatian Party of Rights andAuthentic Croatian Party of Rights.[237] Croatia's far-right often advocates the false theory that theJasenovac concentration camp was a "labour camp" where mass murder did not take place.[238]
Estonia's most significant far-right movement was theVaps movement. Its ideological predecessor Valve Liit was founded by AdmiralJohan Pitka and later banned for maligning the government. The organization became politicized quickly Vaps soon turned into a mass fascist movement.[241] In 1933, Estonians voted on Vaps' proposed changes to the constitution and the party later won a large proportion of the vote. However, the State Elder Konstantin Päts declared state of emergency and imprisoned the leadership of the Vaps. In 1935, all political parties were banned. In 1935, a Vaps coup attempt was discovered, which led to the banning of the FinnishPatriotic People's Movement'syouth wing that had been secretly aiding and arming them.[242][243]
In Finland, support for the far right was most widespread between 1920 and 1940 when theAcademic Karelia Society,Lapua Movement,Patriotic People's Movement andVientirauha operated in the country and had hundreds of thousands of members.[252] Far-right groups exercised considerable political power during this period, pressuring the government to outlaw communist parties and newspapers and expelFreemasons from the armed forces.[253][254] During the Cold War, all parties deemed fascist were banned according to theParis Peace Treaties and all former fascist activists had to find new political homes.[255] DespiteFinlandization, many continued in public life. Three former members of the Waffen SS served as ministers of defense;Sulo Suorttanen andPekka Malinen as well asMikko Laaksonen.[256][257]
The skinhead culture gained momentum during the late 1980s and peaked during the late 1990s. Numerous hate crimes were committed against refugees, including a number of racially motivated murders.[258][259]
Today, the most prominent neo-Nazi group is theNordic Resistance Movement, which is tied to multiple murders, attempted murders and assaults of political enemies was found in 2006 and proscribed in 2019. Prominent far-right parties include theBlue-and-Black Movement andPower Belongs to the People.[260] The second biggest Finnish party, theFinns Party, has been described as far right.[261][262][263][264] The former leader of the Finns party and current speaker of the ParliamentJussi Halla-aho, has been convicted of hate speech due to his comments stating that, "Prophet Muhammad was a pedophile and Islam justifies pedophilia and Pedophilia was Allah's will." Finns Party members have frequently supported far-right and neo-Nazi movements such as the Finnish Defense League, Soldiers of Odin, Nordic Resistance Movement, Rajat Kiinni (Close the Borders), and Suomi Ensin (Finland First). "[265] In the 1990s and 2000s, before the breakthrough of the Finns Party, a few neo-Nazi candidates enjoyed success, like Janne Kujala ofFinland - Fatherland (founded as Aryan Germanic Brotherhood) andJouni Lanamäki who was previously associated with theNordic Reich Party.[266][267]Pekka Siitoin of theNational Democracy Party was the fifth most popular candidate inNaantali city council elections.[268]
The NRM and Finns party and other far-right groups organizean annual torch march demonstration in Helsinki in memory of the Finnish SS-battalion on theFinnish independence day which ends at theHietaniemi cemetery where members visit the tomb ofCarl Gustaf Emil Mannerheim and the monument to theFinnish SS Battalion.[269][270] The event is protested by antifascists, leading to counterdemonstrators being violently assaulted by NRM members who act as security. The demonstration attracts close to 3,000 participants according to the estimates of the police and hundreds of officers patrol Helsinki to prevent violent clashes.[271][272][273][274]
The largest far-right party in Europe is the French anti-immigration partyNational Rally, formally known as the National Front.[275][276] The party was founded in 1972, uniting a variety of French far-right groups under the leadership ofJean-Marie Le Pen.[277] Since 1984, it has been the major force ofFrench nationalism.[278] Jean-Marie Le Pen's daughterMarine Le Pen was elected to succeed him as party leader in 2012. Under Jean-Marie Le Pen's leadership, the party sparked outrage for hate speech, includingHolocaust denial andIslamophobia.[279][280]
Right-wing populists protesting against Islam in Germany, 2008
In 1945, theAllied powers took control of Germany and banned theswastika,Nazi Party and the publication ofMein Kampf. ExplicitlyNazi andneo-Nazi organizations are banned in Germany.[281] In 1960, the West German parliament voted unanimously to "make it illegal to incite hatred, to provoke violence, or to insult, ridicule or defame 'parts of the population' in a manner apt to breach the peace." German law outlaws anything that "approves of, glorifies or justifies the violent and despotic rule of the National Socialists."[281] Section 86a of theStrafgesetzbuch (Criminal Code) outlaws any "use of symbols of unconstitutional organizations" outside the contexts of "art or science, research or teaching". The law primarily outlaws the use of Nazi symbols, flags, insignia, uniforms, slogans and forms of greeting.[282] In the 21st century, the German far right consists of various small parties and two larger groups, namelyAlternative for Germany (AfD) andPegida.[281][283][284][285] In March 2021, the Germany domestic intelligence agencyFederal Office for the Protection of the Constitution placed the AfD under surveillance, the first time in the post-war period that a main opposition party had been subjected to such scrutiny.[286]
The far right in Greece first came to power under the ideology of Metaxism, aproto-fascist ideology developed by dictatorIoannis Metaxas.[287] Metaxism called for the regeneration of the Greek nation and the establishment of an ethnically homogeneous state.[288] Metaxism disparagedliberalism, and held individual interests to be subordinate to those of the nation, seeking to mobilize the Greek people as a disciplined mass in service to the creation of a "new Greece".[288]
The Metaxis regime came to an end after the Axis powers invaded Greece. The Axis occupation of Greece began in April 1941.[290] The occupation ruined the Greek economy and brought about terrible hardships for the Greek civilian population.[291] The Jewish population of Greece was nearly eradicated. Of its pre-war population of 75–77,000, only around 11–12,000 survived, either by joining the resistance or being hidden.[292] Following the short-lived interim government ofGeorgios Papandreou, the military seized power in Greece during the1967 Greek coup d'état, replacing the interim government with the right-wing United States-backedGreek junta. The Junta was a series ofmilitary juntas that ruled Greece from 1967 to 1974. Thedictatorship was characterised by right-wing cultural policies, restrictions oncivil liberties and the imprisonment, torture and exile ofpolitical opponents. The junta's rule ended on 24 July 1974 under the pressure of theTurkish invasion of Cyprus, leading to theMetapolitefsi ("regime change") to democracy and the establishment of theThird Hellenic Republic.[293][294]
Founded byNikolaos Michaloliakos, Golden Dawn had its origins in the movement that worked towards a return to right-wing military dictatorship in Greece. Following an investigation into the 2013murder of Pavlos Fyssas, an anti-fascist rapper, by a supporter of the party,[315] Michaloliakos and several other Golden Dawn parliamentarians and members were arrested and held inpre-trial detention on suspicion of forming a criminal organization.[316] The trial began on 20 April 2015[317] and eventually led to the conviction of 7 of its leaders for heading a criminal organisation and 61 other defendants for participating in a criminal organisation.[318] Guilty verdicts on charges of murder, attempted murder, and violent attacks on immigrants and left-wing political opponents were also delivered and prison sentences of a combined total of over 500 years were handed out.
The far right has maintained a continuous political presence in Italy since the fall of Mussolini. Theneo-fascist partyItalian Social Movement (1946–1995), influenced by the previousItalian Social Republic (1943–1945), became one of the chief reference points for the European far-right from the end of World War II until the late 1980s.[325]
Despite being neutral, the Netherlands was invaded byNazi Germany on 10 May 1940 as part ofFall Gelb.[331] About 70% of the country's Jewish population were killed during the occupation, a much higher percentage than comparable countries such as Belgium and France.[332] Most of the south of the country was liberated in the second half of 1944. The rest, especially the west and north of the country still under occupation, suffered from a famine at the end of 1944 known as theHunger Winter. On 5 May 1945, the whole country was finally liberated by thetotal surrender of all German forces. Since the end of World War II, the Netherlands has had a number of small far-right groups and parties, the largest and most successful being theParty for Freedom led byGeert Wilders.[333] Other far-right Dutch groups include the neo-NaziDutch People's Union (1973–present),[334] theCentre Party (1982–1986), theCentre Party '86 (1986–1998), theDutch Block (1992–2000),New National Party (1998–2005) and the ultranationalistNational Alliance (2003–2007).[335][336]
In 2019, theConfederation Liberty and Independence had the best performance of any far-right coalition to date, earning 1,256,953 votes which was 6.81% of the total vote in an election that saw a historically high turnout. Members of far-right groups make up a significant portion of those taking part in the annual Independence March in central Warsaw which started in 2009 to markIndependence Day. About 60,000 were in the 2017 march marking the 99th anniversary of independence, with placards such as "Clean Blood" seen on the march.[340]
The preeminent far-right party in Romania is the Greater Romania Party, founded in 1991 by Tudor, who was formerly known as a "court poet" ofCommunist dictatorNicolae Ceaușescu[341] and his literary mentor, the writerEugen Barbu, one year after Tudor launched theRomânia Mare weekly magazine, which remains the most important propaganda tool of the PRM. Tudor subsequently launched a companion daily newspaper calledTricolorul. The historical expressionGreater Romania refers to the idea of recreating the formerKingdom of Romania which existed during the interwar period. Having been the largest entity to bear the name ofRomania, the frontiers were marked with the intent of uniting most territories inhabited byethnic Romanians into a single country and it is now a rallying cry forRomanian nationalists. Due to internal conditions underCommunist Romania after World War II, the expression's use was forbidden in publications until after theRomanian Revolution in 1989. The party's initial success was partly attributed to the deep rootedness of Ceaușescu'snational communism in Romania.[342]
Both the ideology and the main political focus of the Greater Romania Party are reflected in frequently strongly nationalistic articles written by Tudor. The party has called for the outlawing of the ethnic Hungarian party, theDemocratic Union of Hungarians in Romania, for allegedly plotting the secession of Transylvania.[343]
The period of development of Russian fascism in the 1930s–1940s was characterized by sympathy forItalian fascism and GermanNazism and pronounced anti-communism andantisemitism.
TheRussian Fascist Party in the first half of the 20th century. The slogan "Let's get our homeland!" is also used by the modern far-right in Russia.
Russian fascism has its roots in the movements known in history as theBlack Hundreds and theWhite movement. It was distributed amongwhite émigré circles living in Germany,Manchukuo, and the United States. In Germany and the United States (unlike Manchukuo), they practically did not conduct political activity, limiting themselves to the publication of newspapers and brochures.
Some ideologues of the white movement, such asIvan Ilyin andVasily Shulgin, welcomed the coming to power of Mussolini in Italy and Hitler in Germany, offering their comrades-in-arms the fascist "method" as a way to fight socialism, communism, andgodlessness. At the same time, they did not deny fascistpolitical repression and antisemitism and even justified them.[344]
With the outbreak of World War II, Russian fascists in Germany supported Nazi Germany and joined the ranks of Russian collaborators.
Some Russian neo-Nazi organizations are part of the internationalWorld Union of National Socialists (WUNS, founded in 1962). As of 2012, six Russian organizations are among the officially registered members of the union: National Resistance, National Socialist Movement – Russian Division, All-Russian Public Patriotic Movement "Russian National Unity", National Socialist Movement "Slavic Union" (prohibited by a court decision in June 2010), and others. The following organizations are not included in WUNS: theNational Socialist Society (banned by a court decision in 2010), theRussian All-National Union (banned in September 2011), and others, such as skinheads: Legion Werewolf (liquidated in 1996), Schultz-88 (liquidated in 2006), White Wolves (liquidated in 2008–2010), New Order (ceased to exist), Russian goal (ceased to exist), and others. Some of the more radical neo-Nazi organizations, using terrorist methods, belonged to skinhead groups such as the Werewolf Legion (liquidated in 1996), Schultz-88 (liquidated in 2006), White Wolves (liquidated in 2008–2010), New Order (ceased to exist), "Russian Goal" (ceased to exist), and others.[345]
Until the end of the 1990s, one of the largest parties of Russian national extremists was the neo-Nazi socio-political movement "Russian National Unity" (RNE), founded byAlexander Barkashov in 1990. At the end of 1999, the RNE made an unsuccessful attempt to take part in the elections to the State Duma. Barkashov considered "true Orthodoxy" as a fusion of Christianity with paganism and advocated the "Russian God" and the "Aryan swastika" allegedly associated with it. He wrote about the Atlanteans, the Etruscans, and the "Aryan" civilization as the direct predecessors of the Russian nation, in a centuries-old struggle with the "Semites", the "world Jewish conspiracy", and the "dominance of the Jews in Russia". The symbol of the movement was a modified swastika. Barkashov was a parishioner of the "True Orthodox ("Catacomb") Church", and the first cells of the RNE were formed as brotherhoods and communities of the RTOC.[346]
The ideology of Russian neo-Nazism is closely connected with the ideology ofSlavic neo-paganism (rodnovery). In a number of cases, there are also organizational ties between neo-Nazis and neo-pagans. One of the founders of Russian neo-paganism, the former dissidentAlexey Dobrovolsky (pagan name – Dobroslav) shared the ideas of Nazism and transferred them to his neo-pagan teaching.[346][347] Modern Russian neo-paganism took shape in the second half[348] of the 1970s and is associated with the activities of Dobrovolsky and Moscow ArabistValery Yemelyanov (neo-pagan name – Velemir),[349][347] both supporters of antisemitism. Rodnoverie is a popular religion among Russianskinheads.[350][351] These skinheads, however, do not usually practice their religion.[352]
Historian Dmitry Shlapentokh wrote that, as in Europe, neo-paganism in Russia pushes some of its adherents to antisemitism. This antisemitism is closely related to negative attitudes towards Asians, and this emphasis on racial factors can lead neo-pagans to neo-Nazism. The tendency of neo-pagans to antisemitism is a logical development of the ideas of neo-paganism and imitation of the Nazis, and is also a consequence of a number of specific conditions of modern Russian politics. Unlike previous regimes, the modern Russian political regime, as well as the ideology of the middle class, combines support for Orthodoxy withphilosemitism and a positive attitude towards Muslims. These features of the regime contributed to the formation of specific views of neo-Nazi neo-pagans, which are represented to a large extent among the socially unprotected and marginalizedRussian youth. In their opinion, power in Russia was usurped by a cabal of conspirators, including hierarchs of the Orthodox Church, Jews, and Muslims. Contrary to external differences, it is believed that these forces have united in their desire to maintain power over the Russian "Aryans".[353]
There are multiple groups and organisations withinSlovenia which are or have been engaged in far-right political activity, andright-wing extremism. Their political activity has traditionally opposed and targeted socially progressive policies, and minorities (in particular; the LGBT community, and ethnic minorities like theRoma and immigrants (particularly those from the Southern Balkans),[374][375][376][377] and espoused traditional ultraconservative and reactionary views and values.[374][376] More recently, a rise in new, incipient alt-right groups has been noted, particularly as a reaction to theEuropean migrant crisis.[citation needed] While far-right actors have been responsible for multiple acts of violent extremism in Slovenia[375][376][378] it is a relatively minor issue in the country.[379][failed verification]
Thehistory of the far-right in Spain dates back to at least the 1800s and refers to any manifestation of far-right politics inSpain. Individuals and organizations associated with the far-right in Spain often employreactionarytraditionalism, religiousfundamentalism, corporateCatholicism, andfascism in their ideological practice. In the case of Spain, according to historian Pedro Carlos González Cuevas, the predominance of Catholicism played an essential role in the suppression of external political innovations such asSocial Darwinism,positivism, andvitalism in Spanish far-right politics.[380]
With the decline of theBritish Empire becoming inevitable, British far-right parties turned their attention to internal matters. The 1950s had seen an increase in immigration to the UK from its former colonies, particularly India, Pakistan, the Caribbean and Uganda. Led byJohn Bean andAndrew Fountaine, the BNP opposed the admittance of these people to the UK. A number of its rallies such as one in 1962 inTrafalgar Square ended inrace riots. After a few early successes, the party got into difficulties and was destroyed by internal arguments. In 1967 it joined forces withJohn Tyndall and the remnants of Chesterton's League of Empire Loyalists to form Britain's largest far-right organisation, theNational Front (NF).[384] The BNP and the NF supported extremeloyalism inNorthern Ireland, and attracted Conservative Party members who had become disillusioned afterHarold Macmillan had recognised the right to independence of the African colonies and had criticisedApartheid in South Africa.[385]
Some Northern Irishloyalist paramilitaries have links with far-right andneo-Nazi groups in Britain, includingCombat 18,[386][387] theBritish National Socialist Movement[388] and the NF.[389] In 2004,The Guardian reported that loyalist paramilitaries had been responsible for numerous racist attacks in loyalist areas.[390] During the 1970s, the NF's rallies became a regular feature of British politics. Election results remained strong in a fewworking-class urban areas, with a number of local council seats won, but the party never came anywhere near winning representation in parliament.
Since the 1970s, the NF's support has been in decline whilstNick Griffin and the currentBritish National Party (BNP) grew in popularity. Around the turn of the 21st century, the BNP won a number of council seats. At its peak in the late 2000s, the party had 54 local council seats, one seat in theLondon Assembly, two seats in theEuropean Parliament, and were the official opposition in theBarking and Dagenham London Borough Council. The party received almost a million votes in the2009 European Parliament elections, and contested the majority of UK parliamentary seats in the2010 general election. The party's membership was 12,632 and its financial resources were an estimated £1,983,947.[44] By the early 2010s the BNP saw its support and membership quickly collapse due to internal divisions caused by a disappointing performance in the 2010 elections. Griffin was ousted as leader in 2014 after losing his European Parliament seat, and since then the party has been in terminal decline under the leadership ofAdam Walker.
A number of breakaway groups have been established by former members of the BNP, such asBritain First by ex-councillorPaul Golding, theBritish Democrats by ex-MEP andleadership candidateAndrew Brons, as well asPatriotic Alternative byMark Collett.UK Independence Party (UKIP) leaderNigel Farage claimed that his party absorbed much of the BNP's former voters during their electoral peak in the early 2010s.[391] The party was accused of shifting towards far-right, anti-Islam politics under the leadership ofPaul Nuttall andGerard Batten during its decline in the late 2010s. Anti-Islam activist and former UKIPleadership candidateAnne Marie Waters established the far-rightFor Britain Movement, which gained a small number of ex-BNP councillors. It was deregistered in 2022, and subsequently a large portion of prominent far-right activists began coalescing around the British Democrats, which (following UKIP's loss of its few councillors on 4 May 2023, leaving it with only a few parish and town councillors) quickly established itself as the UK's only far-right party with any electoral representation.
A small number of far-right organisations have existed in New Zealand since World War II, including the Conservative Front, theNew Zealand National Front and the National Democrats Party.[399][400] Far-right parties in New Zealand lack significant support, with their protests often dwarfed by counter protest.[401] After theChristchurch mosque shootings in 2019, the National Front "publicly shut up shop"[402] and largely went underground like other far-right groups.[403]
The Nationalist Vanua Tako Lavo Party was a far-right political party which advocated Fijianethnic nationalism.[404] In 2009, party leaderIliesa Duvuloco was arrested for breaching the military regime's emergency laws by distributing pamphlets calling for an uprising against the military regime.[405] In January 2013, the military regime introduced regulations that essentially de-registered the party.[406][407]
The development of a pan-European identity among far-right members of the European parliament has been claimed.[408]
Islamic extremism
SomeIslamic extremists view Islam superior to all other ideologies andnon-Muslims as inferior.[409] Some Islamic extremism can be seen as far-right,[199] and can have some social acceptance in some countries.[219]Dhimmi refers to the inferior status of non-Muslims in some historic Islamic states.[410]
Online
A number of far-right internet pages and forums are focused on and frequented by the far right. These include Stormfront and Iron March.
Far-right internet movements gained popularity and notoriety online in 2012, and this has not stopped.[411] In the United States, they gained many followers during the2016 presidential election, the time after the election during Obama's last months in office in 2016, and in 2017.[411]
Stormfront is the oldest and most prominentneo-Nazi website,[412] described by the Southern Poverty Law Center and other media organizations as the "murder capital of the internet".[413] In August 2017, Stormfront was taken offline for just over a month when itsregistrar seized its domain name due to complaints that it promotedhatred and that some of its members were linked tomurder. TheLawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law claimed credit for the action after advocating for Stormfront's web host,Network Solutions, to enforce its Terms of Service agreement which prohibits users from using its services to incite violence.[414]
Iron March was a fascist web forum founded in 2011 by Russian nationalist Alexander "Slavros" Mukhitdinov. An unknown individual uploaded a database of Iron March users to theInternet Archive in November 2019 and multiple neo-Nazi users were identified, including anICE detention center captain and several active members of theUnited States Armed Forces.[415][416] As of mid 2018, theSouthern Poverty Law Center linked Iron March to nearly 100 murders.[417][415] Mukhitdinov remained a murky figure at the time of the leaks.[418]
The Terrorgram community onTelegram is a network of Telegram channels and accounts that subscribe to and promote militantaccelerationism. Terrorgram channels areneofascist in ideology, and regularly share instructions and manuals on how to carry out acts of racially-motivated violence and anti-government, anti-authority terrorism.[419] In 2021, the Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD), an international think-tank, exposed more than two hundred neo-Nazi pro-terrorism telegram channels that make up the Terrorgram network, many of which contained instructions to build weapons and bombs.[420][421][422]
Right-wing terrorists aim to overthrow governments and replace them with nationalist or fascist-oriented governments.[423] The core of this movement includesneo-fascist skinheads, far-righthooligans, youth sympathisers and intellectual guides who believe that the state must rid itself of foreign elements in order to protect rightful citizens.[424] However, they usually lack a rigid ideology.[424]
According toCas Mudde, far-right terrorism and violence in the West have been generally perpetrated in recent times by individuals or groups of individuals "who have at best a peripheral association" with politically relevant organizations of the far right. Nevertheless, Mudde follows, "in recent years far-right violence has become more planned, regular, and lethal, as terrorists attacks inChristchurch (2019),Pittsburgh (2018), andNorway (2011) show."[28]
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^Widfeldt, Anders, "A fourth phase of the extreme right? Nordic immigration-critical parties in a comparative context". In:NORDEUROPAforum (2010:1/2), 7–31,Edoc.huArchived 24 February 2021 at theWayback Machine
^Kuligowski, Piotr; Moll, Łukasz; Szadkowski, Krystian (2019)."Anti-Communisms: Discourses of Exclusion".Praktyka Teoretyczna.1 (31). Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań:7–13.Archived from the original on 25 January 2021. Retrieved21 December 2020 – via Central and Eastern European Online Library.
^Mudde 2019, p. 12: "Theextreme right rejects the essence of democracy, that is, popular sovereignty and majority rule. The most infamous example of the extreme right is fascism, which brought to power GermanFührer Adolf Hitler and ItalianDuce Benito Mussolini, and was responsible for the most destructive war in world history. Theradical right accepts the essence of democracy, but opposes fundamental elements of liberal democracy, most notably minority rights, rule of law, and separation of powers. Both subgroups oppose the postwar liberal democratic consensus, but in fundamentally different ways. While the extreme right is revolutionary, the radical right is more reformist. In essence, the radical right trusts the power of the people, the extreme right does not."
^Filipović, Miroslava; Đorić, Marija (2010). "The Left or the Right: Old Paradigms and New Governments".Serbian Political Thought.2 (1–2):121–144.doi:10.22182/spt.2122011.8 (inactive 11 January 2025).{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: DOI inactive as of January 2025 (link)
^Pavlopoulos, Vassilis (20 March 2014).Politics, economics, and the far right in Europe: a social psychological perspective. The Challenge of the Extreme Right in Europe: Past, Present, Future. Birkbeck: University of London.
^Beiner 2018, p. 8: "It’s not an accident that the most virulent enemies of modern liberalism and modern democracy—such as Joseph de Maistre in the early nineteenth century and Nietzsche in the late nineteenth century—directed their most intense polemical energies against the French Revolution."
^abBar-On, Tamir (7 December 2011), Backes, Uwe; Moreau, Patrick (eds.), "Intellectual Right – Wing Extremism – Alain de Benoist's Mazeway Resynthesis since 2000",The Extreme Right in Europe, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, pp. 333–358,doi:10.13109/9783666369223.333,ISBN978-3-525-36922-7
^Dupeux, Louis (1994). "La nouvelle droite " révolutionnaire-conservatrice " et son influence sous la république de Weimar".Revue d'Histoire Moderne & Contemporaine.41 (3):474–475.doi:10.3406/rhmc.1994.1732.
^Desbuissons, Ghislaine (1990). "Maurice Bardèche, écrivain et théoricien fasciste?".Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine (in French).37 (1):148–159.doi:10.3406/rhmc.1990.1531.ISSN0048-8003.JSTOR20529642.
^"Inside The Russian Imperial Movement Practical Implications Of U.s. Sanctions"(PDF).Soufan Center. 23 November 2024.Archived(PDF) from the original on 23 November 2024. Retrieved23 November 2024.In March 2015, several well-known American white supremacists, including Jared Taylor, spoke at the International Russian Conservative Forum in St. Petersburg. The event was organized by the Rodina party and heavily attended by RIM.
^Moreno-Almeida, Cristina; Gerbaudo, Paolo (2021). "Memes and the Moroccan Far-Right".The International Journal of Press/Politics.26 (4):882–906.doi:10.1177/1940161221995083.ISSN1940-1612.
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^Aspegren, Lennart (2006). "Never again?: Rwanda and the World".Human Rights Law: From Dissemination to Application – Essays in Honour of Göran Melander. The Raoul Wallenberg Institute human rights library. Vol. 26. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. p. 173.ISBN9004151818.
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^"Rwanda genocide of 1994".Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc. p. 3.Archived from the original on 8 March 2021. Retrieved3 June 2020.
^"The End of Apartheid".Archive: Information released online prior to January 20, 2009. United States Department of State. 2009. Archived fromthe original on 5 February 2009. Retrieved5 February 2009.
^Clark, Nancy; Worger, William (2013).South Africa: The Rise and Fall of Apartheid. Routledge. p. xx.ISBN978-1-317-86165-2.Terre'Blanche, Eugene (1941–2010): Began career in the South African police. In 1973 founded the Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging as a Nazi-inspired militant right-wing movement upholding white supremacy.
^"Amnesty decision". Truth and Reconciliation Commission. 1999.Archived from the original on 23 March 2008. Retrieved22 April 2007.
^"Togo profile".BBC News. 11 July 2011.Archived from the original on 13 October 2019. Retrieved11 January 2013.
^Benzaquém de Araújo, Ricardo (1988).Totalitarismo e Revolução: o Integralismo de Plínio Salgado. Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar Editor. pp. 30–33,46–48.ISBN8585061839.
^abForsythe, David P (2009).Encyclopedia of Human Rights, Volume 1. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. p. 344.ISBN978-0-19-533402-9. Retrieved17 June 2020.The far-right National Liberation Movement (MLN), led by Mario Sandoval Alarcon, became an important political player; after 1969 it was responsible for the first death-squad killings of activists and regime opponents.
^abBartrop, Paul R.; Leonard Jacobs, Steven (2014).Modern Genocide: The Definitive Resource and Document Collection. Santa Barbara, California: ABC-CLIO. p. 970.ISBN978-1-61069-364-6.
^abLevenson-Estrada, Deborah (Winter 2003). "The Life That Makes Us Die/The Death That Makes Us Live: Facing Terrorism in Guatemala City".Radical History Review.2003 (85):94–104.doi:10.1215/01636545-2003-85-94.S2CID143353418.
^Leal, Rene (2020)."The Rise of Fascist Formations in Chile and in the World".Social Sciences.9 (12): 230.doi:10.3390/socsci9120230.the 'West' and the 'Rest', considering the hegemony of neoliberalism in current global capitalism and the relevance of its ideology in the emergence of the far right. Among the 'Rest' who live in Latin America, and in particular in Chile, fascism is no stranger: Chile was a battlefield falling to the dictatorship of the far-right Pinochet regime
^Hunter, Wendy (1997). "Continuity or Change? Civil-Military Relations in Democratic Argentina, Chile, and Peru".Political Science Quarterly.112 (3).Academy of Political Science: 458.doi:10.2307/2657566.JSTOR2657566.Rather than moving toward the center, they were motivated by the imperatives of Chile's binomial electoral system, which induces parties to form coalitions, to ally with the far right Union Democratica Independiente (UDI)
^Bresnahan, Rosalind (November 2003). "The Media and the Neoliberal Transition in Chile: Democratic Promise Unfulfilled".Latin American Perspectives.30 (6).SAGE Publishing: 45.doi:10.1177/0095399703256257.S2CID145784920.the far right party the Unión Democrática Independiente (Independent Democratic UDI)
^Blofield, Merike H.; Haas, Liesl (2005). "Defining a Democracy: Reforming the Laws on Women's Rights in Chile, 1990–2002".Latin American Politics and Society.47 (3).Cambridge University Press: 42.The far-right Independent Democratic Union (UDI) forms an ... electoral alliance with ... National Renovation (RN)
^"El Partido Republicano: el proyecto populista de la derecha radical chilena".Revista Uruguaya de Ciencia Política.30 (1):105–134. June 2021.In their ideological core, the radical populist rights are composed of the combination of three traits: nativism, authoritarianism and populism. ... This recap allows to identify dimensions of analysis applicable to the Republican Party.
^Dávila, Mireya (January 2020)."La reemergencia del pinochetismo".Barómetro de política y equidad.16:49–69.Archived from the original on 25 November 2021. Retrieved16 December 2021.
^Bonner, Raymond, Weakness and Deceit:: U.S. Policy and El Salvador, New York Times Books, 1984, p. 330
^Arnson, Cynthia J. "Window on the Past: A Declassified History of Death Squads in El Salvador" inDeath Squads in Global Perspective: Murder with Deniability, Campbell and Brenner, eds, 88
^Rospigliosi, Fernando (1996).Las Fuerzas Armadas y el 5 de abril: la percepción de la amenaza subversiva como una motivación golpista. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos. pp. 46–47.
^Burt, Jo-Marie (September–October 1998). "Unsettled accounts: militarization and memory in postwar Peru".NACLA Report on the Americas.32 (2).Taylor & Francis:35–41.doi:10.1080/10714839.1998.11725657.the military's growing frustration over the limitations placed upon its counterinsurgency operations by democratic institutions, coupled with the growing inability of civilian politicians to deal with the spiraling economic crisis and the expansion of the Shining Path, prompted a group of military officers to devise a coup plan in the late 1980s. The plan called for the dissolution of Peru's civilian government, military control over the state, and total elimination of armed opposition groups. The plan, developed in a series of documents known as the "Plan Verde," outlined a strategy for carrying out a military coup in which the armed forces would govern for 15 to 20 years and radically restructure state-society relations along neoliberal lines.
^Rospigliosi, Fernando (1996).Las Fuerzas Armadas y el 5 de abril: la percepción de la amenaza subversiva como una motivación golpista. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos. pp. 28–40.
^Rendón, Silvio (2013).La intervención de los Estados Unidos en el Perú. Editorial Sur. pp. 145–150.ISBN978-6124574139.
^abAlfredo Schulte-Bockholt (2006). "Chapter 5: Elites, Cocaine, and Power in Colombia and Peru".The politics of organized crime and the organized crime of politics: a study in criminal power. Lexington Books. pp. 114–118.ISBN978-0-7391-1358-5.important members of the officer corps, particularly within the army, had been contemplating a military coup and the establishment of an authoritarian regime, or a so-called directed democracy. The project was known as 'Plan Verde', the Green Plan. ... Fujimori essentially adopted the 'Plan Verde,' and the military became a partner in the regime. ... The autogolpe, or self-coup, of April 5, 1992, dissolved the Congress and the country's constitution and allowed for the implementation of the most important components of the 'Plan Verde.'
^Martínez, José Honorio (15 June 2009). "Neoliberalismo y genocidio en el régimen fujimorista".Historia Actual Online.9.
^Villalba, Fernando Velásquez (2022)."A Totalidade Neoliberal-Fujimorista: Estigmatização e Colonialidade No Peru Contemporâneo".Revista Brasileira de Ciências Sociais.37 (109): e3710906.doi:10.1590/3710906/2022.S2CID251877338.Fujimorism has hegemonic characteristics in Peru. This means that, although it has not governed since November 2000, its political practice is still in force, to the extent that the structures that Alberto Fujimori created have been partially updated or have not been updated in the last two decades. This context, let's call it structural, creates scenarios in which the democratization process faces institutional challenges
^Tegel, Simeon (27 March 2023)."Peru's First Female President Has Blood on Her Hands".Foreign Policy.Archived from the original on 6 June 2023. Retrieved6 June 2023.social conservatism, which has been one of the few areas of common ground between Free Peru's presidential administrations and the hard-right congressional majority
^ab • Zaitchik, Alexander (19 October 2006)."The National Socialist Movement Implodes".SPLCenter.org.Montgomery, Alabama:Southern Poverty Law Center.Archived from the original on 19 September 2015. Retrieved28 December 2020.The party's problems began last June, when Citizens Against Hate discovered thatNSM'sTulsa post office box was shared byThe Joy of Satan Ministry, in which the wife of NSM chairman emeritus Clifford Herrington is High Priestess. [...] Within NSM ranks, meanwhile, a bitter debate was sparked over the propriety of Herrington's Joy of Satan connections. [...]Schoep moved ahead with damage-control operations by nudging chairman emeritus Herrington from his position under the cover of "attending to personal matters." But it was too late to stop NSM Minister of Radio and Information Michael Blevins, aka Vonbluvens, from followingWhite out of the party, citing disgust with Herrington's Joy of Satan ties. "Satanism," declared Blevins in his resignation letter, "affects the whole prime directive guiding the [NSM] – SURVIVAL OF THE WHITE RACE." [...] NSM was now a Noticeably Smaller Movement, one trailed in extremist circles by a strong whiff of Satanism and related charges ofsexual impropriety associated with Joy of Satan initiation rites and curiously strong teen recruitment efforts. • "National Socialist Movement".SPLCenter.org.Montgomery, Alabama:Southern Poverty Law Center. 2020.Archived from the original on 8 September 2015. Retrieved28 December 2020.The NSM has had its share of movement scandal. In July 2006, it was rocked by revelations that co-founder and chairman emeritus Cliff Herrington's wife was the "High Priestess" of the Joy of Satan Ministry, and that her satanic church shared an address with theTulsa, Okla., NSM chapter. The exposure of Herrington's wife's Satanist connections caused quite a stir, particularly among those NSM members who adhered to a racist (and heretical) variant of Christianity,Christian Identity. Before the dust settled, both Herringtons were forced out of NSM.Bill White, the neo-Nazi group's energetic spokesman, also quit, taking several NSM officials with him to create a new group, the American National Socialist Workers Party.
^Azani, Eitan; Koblenz-Stenzler, Liram; Atiyas-Lvovsky, Lorena; Ganor, Dan; Ben-Am, Arie; Meshulam, Delilah (2020). "The Development and Characterization of Far-Right Ideologies".The Far Right — Ideology, Modus Operandi and Development Trends. International Institute for Counter-Terrorism. pp. 13–36.Archived from the original on 12 June 2024. Retrieved12 June 2024.
^Vajpeyi, Ananya (2020). "Minorities and Populism in Modi's India: The Mirror Effect".Minorities and Populism – Critical Perspectives from South Asia and Europe. Philosophy and Politics - Critical Explorations. Vol. 10. Cham: Springer International Publishing. pp. 17–28.doi:10.1007/978-3-030-34098-8_2.ISBN978-3-030-34097-1.
^"God's Law: an Interview with Rabbi Meir Kahane". Archived fromthe original on 19 February 2009. Retrieved18 December 2012.: "Any non-Jew, including the Arabs, can have the status of a foreign resident in Israel if he accepts the law of the Halacha. I don’t differentiate between Arabs and non-Arabs. The only difference I make is between Jews and non-Jews. If a non-Jew wants to live here, he must agree to be a foreign resident, be he Arab or not. He does not have and cannot have national rights in Israel. He can have civil rights, social rights, but he cannot be a citizen; he won’t have the right to vote. Again, whether he’s Arab or not."
^"Terrorist Organization Profile: Kach".National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism. University of Maryland. 23 June 2015. Archived fromthe original on 24 June 2015. Retrieved24 June 2015.
^The Economist of Britain on 5 January 2013. Cited in: William L. Brooks (2013), Will history again trip up Prime Minister Shinzo Abe? The Asahi Shimbun, 7 May 2013
^abc蕭嘉弘 (21 September 2018)."台灣急統派不是民主極右勢力！" [Taiwan's 'radical pro-unification factions' is not a 'democratic far-right'.].民報 Taiwan People News. Archived fromthe original on 18 June 2023.標榜大中國民族主義，屬於極右的愛國同心會和統促黨則完全不同，... [The far-right Patriot Alliance Association and Chinese Unification Promotion Party, which advocates Chinese ultra-nationalism, is completely different, ...]
^"風評：婊子洪秀柱，真的想當急統聖戰士嗎？".www.storm.mg (in Chinese (Taiwan)). The Storm Media. 7 October 2015. Archived fromthe original on 4 April 2016. Retrieved13 August 2022.無涉統獨之外，還包括中華復興會、白色正義社會聯盟、中華統一促進黨…，幾乎是極右急統政團大會串
^"新黨公布"一國兩制台灣方案" (全文)" [New Party Announces "One Country, Two Systems Taiwan Proposal" (Full Text)].CRNTT.com. 18 August 2019. Retrieved7 December 2023.
^Samson Ellis and Adrian Kennedy (4 July 2022)."Xi's suppression of Hong Kong democracy pushes Taiwan further from China".The Japan Times.Archived from the original on 17 November 2023. Retrieved18 October 2023.For Taiwan though, the proposal has never been an option. Even the Kuomintang — a vestige of the losing side in China's civil war and the main force backing eventual unification with the mainland, has rejected the model
^Micah McCartney (15 August 2022)."Taiwan's KMT: Between a Rock and a Hard Place".The Diplomat.Archived from the original on 17 November 2023. Retrieved18 October 2023.On August 10, a white paper published by China's Taiwan Affairs Office, the first such document released on Xi Jinping's watch, confirmed that "One Country, Two Systems" is fundamental to Beijing's vision of unification with Taiwan. This is makes a rapprochement with a KMT, or indeed any Taiwanese administration, more difficult to achieve given how "One Country, Two Systems" played out in Hong Kong. Even pro-China former PresidentMa has declared the framework "dead".
^"陳柏惟被罷免…意味著什麼？".火花 (in Chinese (Taiwan)). 26 October 2021. Archived fromthe original on 24 October 2022. Retrieved30 August 2022.如今，只要看看台灣基進網站的「關於我們」頁面，「左」這個字也不存在了，取而代之的是五花八門的「抗中」口號。這當然是一種誠實的表現：他們從一開始就從來不是什麼「左派」，而是用各種冠冕堂皇的詞彙重新包裝極端福佬沙文主義的極右翼。
^孫偉倫 (20 June 2018)."第三勢力小黨組策略聯盟 只是形式大於實質？".CredereMedia (in Chinese (Taiwan)).Archived from the original on 26 December 2018. Retrieved9 December 2024.而基進黨在光譜上常被時為極右派政黨[...]
^高忠義 (22 June 2018)."民進黨小弟連線".風傳媒 (in Chinese (Taiwan)). Archived fromthe original on 13 April 2019. Retrieved26 December 2018.
^"《逆統戰》把「反中」做成好生意".Commercial Times (in Chinese (Hong Kong)). Archived fromthe original on 28 January 2023. Retrieved3 November 2020.平心而論，反中雖是台灣聲量越來越大的「政治正確」，但法西斯論述仍是少數，極右的島抗聯只能在政治版圖邊緣活動，且曝光量極低。 [To be sure, although anti-China is an increasingly vocal “political correctness” in Taiwan, fascist discourse is still in the minority, and thefar-right TLF can only operate on the fringes of the political landscape with minimal exposure.]
^"同1". 24 September 2020. Archived fromthe original on 28 January 2023. Retrieved14 April 2023.
^Kasekamp, Andres (2003).The Radical Right in Interwar Estonia». Palgrave.
^Arnold Schulbach (April 1934). "Vabside elu keskvanglas" [Free communication life in the central prison].Vaba Maa (in Estonian). Vol. 6, no. 79. p. 1.
^Voldemar Pinn.Kahe mehe saatus: Johannes Vares, Hjalmar Mäe. Haapsalu, 1994.
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^Iltalehti Teema Historia: Lapuan liike, Alma Media, 2015, pp. 34–35.
^L. J. Niinistö; "Paavo Susitaival 1896–1993. Aktivismi elämänasenteena", 1998.
^Jorma O. Tiainen; et al., eds. (1987).Vuosisatamme Kronikka. Jyväskylä: Gummerus. p. 668.ISBN951202893X.
^Lars Westerlund, ed. (2008).Sotavangit ja internoidut [Prisoners of war and internees] (in Finnish, English, and Swedish). Helsinki: Kansallisarkisto [National Archives].ISBN978-9515331397. Archived fromthe original on 27 October 2018. Retrieved6 December 2020.
^Ravndal, Jacob Aasland (3 September 2018). "Right-wing Terrorism and Militancy in the Nordic Countries: A Comparative Case Study".Terrorism and Political Violence.30 (5):772–792.doi:10.1080/09546553.2018.1445888.hdl:10852/64981.One particularly severe episode happened in 1997, when a group of about 50 skinheads attacked Somali youths playing football in the Helsinki suburb Kontula. The violence did not stop before the police started shooting warning shots, and 22 skinheads were sentenced for the attack. Pekonen et al. also mention a number of other violent events from the 1990s, including ten particularly severe events from 1995 (not included in the RTV dataset because sufficient event details are lacking): a racist murder, an immigrant stabbed by a skinhead, four attacks on immigrants using explosives, and another four immigrants beaten severely.Free version available via theUniversity of Oslo (Archived 26 March 2021).
^"Finnish centre-left parties agree to form government".FRANCE 24. 31 May 2019.Archived from the original on 4 April 2022. Retrieved29 October 2020.Rinne led his party to a razor-thin victory in last month's general election, holding off the far-right Finns Party which surged into second place on an anti-immigration agenda.
^"Finland's Social Democrats win razor-thin victory against far-right party".euronews. 15 April 2019.Archived from the original on 30 September 2020. Retrieved29 October 2020.Finland's leftist Social Democrats won first place in Sunday's general election with 17.7% of the votes, avoiding a near defeat by the far-right Finns Party, which rose in the ranks with an anti-immigration agenda.
^"A look at euroskeptic and populist forces in the European Union".The Japan Times. 21 May 2019. Archived fromthe original on 26 September 2019. Retrieved29 October 2020.Finland's far-right, anti-immigration Finns Party more than doubled its seats in April national elections, closely tailing the leftist Social Democrats who won only narrowly.
^"On Europe's Streets:Annual Marches Glorifying Nazism"(PDF).B'nai B'rith,Amadeu Antonio Foundation,Federal Foreign Office. 25 March 2023.Archived(PDF) from the original on 26 March 2023. Retrieved26 March 2023.the main organizers and guests of the event have been drawn from either non-party-affiliated far-right-activists or members of the right-wing populist Finns Party (Perussuomalaiset), its youth organization Finns Party Youth (Perussuomalaiset Nuoret)...the 612-march is a torchlight procession from central Helsinki to the Hietaniemi war cemetery, where members visit the tomb of World War II-era President Carl Gustaf Emil Mannerheim and the monument to the Finnish SS-Battalion. There are speeches at both the assembly point and at the cemetery, eulogizing the Battle for Helsinki, depicted by speakers as the occasion "when Germans and Finns marched side by side and liberated the city from the communists."
^Virchow, Fabian (2016), "PEGIDA: Understanding the Emergence and Essence of Nativist Protest in Dresden",Journal of Intercultural Studies,37 (6):541–555,doi:10.1080/07256868.2016.1235026,S2CID151752919
^Wodak, Ruth (2015),The Politics of Fear: What Right-Wing Populist Discourses Mean, Sage,However, Golden Dawn's neo-Nazi profile is clearly visible in the party's symbolism, with its flag resembling a swastika, Nazi salutes and chant of 'Blood and Honour' encapsulating its xenophobic and racist ideology.
^Vasilopoulou; Halikiopoulou (2015),The Golden Dawn's 'Nationalist Solution', p. 32,The extremist character of the Golden Dawn, its neo-Nazi principles, racism and ultranationalism, as well as its violence, render the party a least likely case of success [...].
^Miliopoulos, Lazaros (2011), "Extremismus in Griechenland",Extremismus in den EU-Staaten (in German), VS Verlag, p. 154,doi:10.1007/978-3-531-92746-6_9,ISBN978-3-531-17065-7,...mit der seit 1993 als Partei anerkannten offen neonationalsozialistischen GruppierungGoldene Mörgenröte (Chryssi Avgí, Χρυσή Αυγή) kooperierte... [...cooperated with the openly neo-National Socialist groupGolden Dawn (Chryssi Avgí, Χρυσή Αυγή), which has been recognized as a party since 1993...]
^Davies, Peter; Jackson, Paul (2008),The Far Right in Europe: An Encyclopedia, Greenwood World Press, p. 173
^Altsech, Moses (August 2004), "Anti-Semitism in Greece: Embedded in Society",Post-Holocaust and Anti-Semitism (23): 12,On 12 March 2004, Chrysi Avghi (Golden Dawn), the new weekly newspaper of the Neo-Nazi organization with that name, cited another survey which indicated that the percentage of Greeks who view immigrants unfavorably is 89 percent.
^Xenakis, Sappho (2012), "A New Dawn? Change and Continuity in Political Violence in Greece",Terrorism and Political Violence,24 (3):437–464,doi:10.1080/09546553.2011.633133,S2CID145624655,...Nikolaos Michaloliakos, who established the fascistic far-right partyChrysi Avgi ("Golden Dawn") in the early 1980s.
^Kravva, Vasiliki (2003), "The Construction of Otherness in Modern Greece",The Ethics of Anthropology: Debates and dilemmas, Routledge, p. 169,For example, during the summer of 2000 members ofChryssi Avgi, the most widespread fascist organization in Greece, destroyed part of the third cemetery in Athens...
^Gemenis, Kostas; Nezi, Roula (January 2012),The 2011 Political Parties Expert Survey in Greece(PDF),University of Twente, p. 4,archived(PDF) from the original on 15 June 2013, retrieved5 June 2020,Interestingly, the placement of the extreme rightChrysi Avyi does not seem to be influenced by this bias, although this has more do with the lack of variance in the data (32 out of 33 experts placed the party on 10)
^Grumke, Thomas (2003), "The transatlantic dimension of right-wing extremism",Human Rights Review,4 (4):56–72,doi:10.1007/s12142-003-1021-x,S2CID145203309,On October 24, 1998 the Greek right-wing extremist organizationChrisi Avgi ("Golden Dawn") was the host for the "5th European Youth Congress" in Thessaloniki.
^Liang, Christina Schori, ed. (2007).Europe for the Europeans: the foreign and security policy of neo-populist parties. Aldershot: Ashgate. pp. 265f.ISBN978-0-7546-4851-2.
^Verbeeck, Georgi; Hausleitner, Mariana (2011). "Cultural Memory and Legal Responses: Holocaust Denial in Belgium and Romania".Facing the Catastrophe: Jews and Non-Jews in Europe During World War II. Berg. p. 238.ISBN978-1-84520-825-7.
^Shafir, Michael (2004). "Memories, Memorials and Membership: Romanian Utilitarian Anti-Semitism and Marshal Antonescu".Romania Since 1989: Politics, Economics, and Society. Lexington Books. p. 71.ISBN978-0-7391-0592-4.
^Shizhensky, Roman (2020)."Современное "родноверие": реперные точки" (in Russian). Доклад на круглом столе: «Славянское язычество XXI века: проблемы генезиса и развития», прошедшем 15 февраля 2020 года в Нижегородском государственном педагогическом университете имени Козьмы Минина.Archived from the original on 6 January 2022.
^Shizhensky, Roman (2021)."Neopaganism and the middle class". Lecture hall "Krapivensky 4". 03/02/2021.Archived from the original on 6 January 2022. Retrieved19 February 2023.
^Prokofiev, A.; Filatov, Sergey; Koskello, Anastasia (2006).Slavic and Scandinavian paganism. Wicca (in Russian). Moscow: University book, Logos. pp. 170–171.ISBN5-98704-057-4.
^abcRamet, Sabrina P. (2006).The Three Yugoslavias: State-Building and Legitimation, 1918–2005. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.ISBN978-0-253-34656-8.
^Byford, Jovan (2011). "Willing Bystanders: Dimitrije Ljotić, "Shield Collaboration" and the Destruction of Serbia's Jews". In Haynes, Rebecca; Rady, Martyn (eds.).In the Shadow of Hitler: Personalities of the Right in Central and Eastern Europe. London: I.B. Tauris.ISBN978-1-84511-697-2.
^Đokić, Dejan (2011). "'Leader' or 'Devil'? Milan Stojadinović, Prime Minister of Yugoslavia, and his Ideology".In the Shadow of Hitler: Personalities of the Right in Central and Eastern Europe. London: I.B. Tauris. p. 155.ISBN978-1-84511-697-2.
^Maliković, Dragi; Rastović, Aleksandar; Šuvaković, Uroš (2007).Parlamentarne stranke u Kraljevini SHS-Jugoslaviji, knjiga 1, Nastanak razvoj i partijski sistemi.Kosovska Mitrovica: Filozofski fakultet Univerziteta u Prištini.ISBN978-8684029142.
^Hoare, Marko Attila (2013).Bosnian Muslims in the Second World War. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.ISBN978-0-231-70394-9.
^Rossi, Michael (October 2009).Resurrecting The Past: Democracy, National Identity and Historical Memory in Modern Serbia (PhD thesis).New Brunswick, New Jersey:Rutgers University. p. 12.
^Byford, Jovan (2008).Denial and Repression of Antisemitism. Budapest: Central European University Press. p. 17.ISBN978-9639776159.
^Buchenau, Klaus (2005). "From Hot War to Cold Integration? Serbian Orthodox Voices on Globalization and the European Union".Eastern Orthodoxy in a Global Age. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press. p. 64.ISBN978-0-7591-0536-2.
^"Another poll, another possible coup".Sydney Morning Herald. Fairfax. 6 May 2006. Retrieved21 July 2020.When Viliame Savu, leader of the far-right Nationalist Tako Lavo Party, said the country would not tolerate a "foreigner", meaning Chaudhry, as prime minister, Bainimarama threatened him with arrest. Qarase said this week that if Chaudhry returned to power he believed another coup was likely. Bainimarama's response was to threaten Qarase with arrest for inciting violence, along with his party director, Jale Baba.
^Hafez, Farid (20 October 2014). "Shifting borders: Islamophobia as common ground for building pan-European right-wing unity".Patterns of Prejudice.48 (5):479–499.doi:10.1080/0031322X.2014.965877.ISSN0031-322X.
^Cook, David (2015).Understanding Jihad. University of California Press. p. 103.ISBN9780520287327.
^Juan Eduardo Campo, ed. (210)."dhimmi".Encyclopedia of Islam. Infobase Publishing. pp. 194–195.ISBN978-1-4381-2696-8.Dhimmis are non-Muslims who live within Islamdom and have a regulated and protected status. ... In the modern period, this term has generally has occasionally been resuscitated, but it is generally obsolete.
^abBeran, Dale (30 July 2019).It Came from Something Awful: How a Toxic Troll Army Accidentally Memed Donald Trump into Office (1st ed.). New York:All Points Books. p. 18.ISBN978-1-250-21947-3.
^Sources which consider Stormfront a Neo-Nazi website include:
(Kaplan & Lööw 2002, p. 224). "Also, Web Pages such as ...'Stormfront'... in addition to racist, anti-Semitic, and neo-Nazi messages and illustrations, provide links..."
(Gorenfeld 2008, p. 68). "She has even written in to neo-Nazi Web site Stormfront, geeking out together on Peter Jackson's film adaptation;..."
(Friedman 2002, p. 163). "Stormfront provides its viewers with... a general store stocked with Ku Klux Klan (KKK) and neo-Nazi literature and music..."
(Katel 2010, p. 79). "...a March 13 Web post by Poplawski to the neo-Nazi Web site Stormfront."
(Moulitsas 2010, p. 56). "Poplawski was active on white supremacist and neo-Nazi Stormfront internet forums."
(Martin & Petro 2006, p. 174). "...9/11 Internet chat-room discussions, including radical hate-group sites like the neo-Nazi Stormfront.org."
Bar-On, Tamir (2016).Where Have All The Fascists Gone?. Routledge.ISBN978-1-351-87313-0.
Beiner, Ronald Verfasser (2018).Dangerous Minds : Nietzsche, Heidegger, and the Return of the Far Right. University of Pennsylvania Press.ISBN978-0-8122-9541-2.OCLC1148094406.
Hilliard, Robert L.; Keith, Michael C. (1999).Waves of Rancor: Tuning in the Radical Right. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe Inc.
Ignazi, Piero (2003).Extreme Right Parties in Western Europe. Oxford University Press.ISBN978-0-19-829325-5.
Kaplan, Jeffrey; Lööw, Heléne, eds. (2002).The Cultic Milieu: Oppositional Subcultures in an Age of Globalization. Rowman Altamira.ISBN978-0-7591-0204-0.
Katel, Peter (2010). "Hate Groups: Is Extremism on the Rise in the United States?".Issues in Terrorism and Homeland Security: selections fromCQ Researcher (2nd ed.). SAGE Publications.ISBN978-1-4129-9201-5.
Lipset, Seymour Martin; Raab, Earl (1973).The politics of unreason right-wing extremism in America, 1790–1970. New York: Harper & Row.ISBN978-0-06-131744-6.
Martin, Andrew; Petro, Patrice, eds. (2006).Rethinking Global Security: Media, Popular Culture, and the "War on terror". Rutgers University Press.ISBN978-0-8135-3830-3.
^Mudde 2002, p. 12: "Simply stated, the difference between radicalism and extremism is that the former isverfassungswidrig (opposed to the constitution), whereas the latter isverfassungsfeindlich (hostile towards the constitution). This difference is of the utmost practical importance for the political parties involved, as extremist parties are extensively watched by the (federal and state)Verfassungsschutz and can even be banned, whereas radical parties are free from this control."
^Mudde 2002, p. 13: "All in all, most definitions of (whatever) populism do not differ that much in content from the definitions of right-wing extremism. [...] When the whole range of different terms and definitions used in the field is surveyed, there are striking similarities, with the various terms often being used synonymously and without any clear intention. Only a few authors, most notably those working within the extremist-theoretical tradition, clearly distinguish between the various terms."
Further reading
Akkerman, Tjitske, Sarah L. de Lange and Matthijs Rooduijn, eds.Radical Right-Wing Populist Parties in Western Europe (2016)
Lazaridis, Gabriella, Giovanna Campani, and Annie Benveniste (eds.)The Rise of the Far Right in Europe: Populist Shifts and 'Othering' (2016)
Macklin, Graham. "Transnational networking on the far right: The case of Britain and Germany."West European Politics 36.1 (2013): 176–198.
Merkl, Peter H.; Weinberg, Leonard (2003).Right-wing Extremism in the Twenty-first Century. Frank Cass Publishers.ISBN978-0-7146-5182-8.
Mieriņa, Inta, and Ilze Koroļeva. "Support for far right ideology and anti‐migrant attitudes among youth in Europe: A comparative analysis."Sociological Review 63 (2015): 183–205.online
Mudde, Cas.Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe (2007)
Parsons, Craig; Smeedling, Timothy M. (2006).Immigration and the transformation of Europe. Cambridge University Press.ISBN978-1-139-45880-1.
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