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Hetoimasia

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(Redirected fromEmpty throne)
Christian symbol of the empty throne
The empty throne with cushion,crux gemmata and cloth, flanked by Saints Peter and Paul.Arian Baptistery, Ravenna, early 6th century.

TheHetoimasia,Etimasia (Greek ἑτοιμασία, "preparation"),prepared throne,Preparation of the Throne,ready throne orThrone of the Second Coming is the Christian version of the symbolic subject of theempty throne found in the art of the ancient world, whose meaning has changed over the centuries. InAncient Greece, it representedZeus, chief of the gods, and in earlyBuddhist art it representedthe Buddha. InEarly Christian art and EarlyMedieval art, it is found in both the East and Western churches, and represents eitherChrist, or sometimesGod the Father as part of theTrinity. In the Middle Byzantine period, from about 1000, it came to represent more specifically the throne prepared for theSecond Coming of Christ, a meaning it has retained inEastern Orthodox art to the present.[1]

The motif consists of an emptythrone and various other symbolic objects, in later depictions surrounded when space allows by angels paying homage. It is usually placed centrally in schemes of composition, very often in aroundel, but typically is not the largest element in a scheme of decoration.[2]

Buddhist 2nd century empty throne, attacked byMara.[3]

The empty throne in pre-Christian art

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Symbolic base showing anempty throne, with acuneiform inscription and depiction ofTukulti-Ninurta I 13th century BCEAssur,Iraq.Pergamon Museum,Berlin.
Roman Empire, 80 AD. SilverDenarius. On the obverse: Effigy ofEmperor Titus; on the reverse:curule seat surmounted by a crown.
On the reverse of theByzantine icon known as theVirgin of Vladimir, withinstruments of the Passion.

The "empty throne" had a long pre-Christian history. AnAssyrian relief in Berlin of c. 1243 BCE shows KingTukulti-Ninurta I kneeling before the empty throne of the fire-godNusku, occupied by what appears to be a flame.[4] TheHittites put thrones in important shrines for the spirit of the dead person to occupy, and theEtruscans left an empty seat at the head of the table at religious feasts for the god to join the company.[5] A somewhat controversial theory, held by many specialists, sees theIsraeliteArk of the Covenant, or the figures of thecherubim above it, as an empty throne.[6] A throne with a crown upon it had been a symbol for an absent monarch in Ancient Greek culture since at least the time ofAlexander the Great,[7] whose deification allowed secular use for what had previously been a symbol for Zeus, where the attribute placed on the throne was a pair of zig-zag thunderbolts.[8]

EarlyBuddhist art used an empty throne, often under aparasol orBodhi Tree, from before the time of Christ. This was, in the traditional view, ananiconic symbol for the Buddha; theyavoided depicting the Buddha in human form,like early Christians with God the Father. Alternatively, it has been argued that these images represent actualrelic-thrones at the major pilgrimage sites which were objects of worship.[9] The throne often contains a symbol such as thedharma wheel orBuddha footprint, as well as a cushion.

Like the Greeks and other ancient peoples, the Romans held ritual banquets for the gods (a ritualized "theoxenia"), including the annualEpulum Jovis, and thelectisternium, originally a rare event in times of crisis, first held in 399 BCE according toLivy, but later much more common.[10] A seat for these was called apulvinar, frompulvinus ("cushion"), and many temples held these; at the banquets statues of the deity were placed on them. There was a pulvinar at theCircus Maximus, on which initially statues and attributes of the gods were placed after a procession during games, butAugustus also occupied it himself (possibly copyingJulius Caesar), building a temple-like structure in the seating to house it.[11] Thrones with a jewelled wreath, portrait orsceptre anddiadem sitting on them were among the symbols used in the Roman law courts and elsewhere to represent the authority of the absent emperor; this was one of the monarchical attributes awarded by theRoman Senate to Julius Caesar.[12]

A seat with jewelled wreath is seen on coins from theEmperor Titus onwards, and on those ofDiocletian a seat with a helmet on it representsMars.[13]Commodus chose to be represented by a seat with the club and lion skin ofHercules, with whom he identified himself. The empty throne continued to be used as a secular symbol of power by the first Christian Emperors, and appears on theArch of Constantine.

Later non-Christian uses of the empty throne motif include the "Bema Feast", the most important annual feast of PersianManichaeism, when a "bema" or empty throne represented theprophet Mani at a meal for worshippers.[14] In theBalinese version ofHinduism, the most prominent element in most temples is thepadmasana or "Lotus Throne", an empty throne for the supreme deityAcintya.[15]

In theAshanti Empire, theGolden Stool was used as a symbol of authority for the kings. It was considered so sacred that it was not allowed to touch the ground (but only placed on a blanket) or seated on its own throne.

Christian art

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Modern depiction in aRomanian Orthodox church, with crown of thorns around the cross.

There are several elements found in the image which reflect its changing meaning. The throne itself is always present, and is often backless and armless. In Ancient Greek, a "thronos" was a specific but ordinary type of chair with a footstool, and there is very often a footstool in the image. There is often a prominent cushion, and a cloth variously interpreted as Christ's mantle (especially when of imperial purple) or asudarium may cover or sit on the throne.[16] There may be a crown on the throne. There is often a book, often on the cushion and sometimes open; this represents the gospels in some examples, and in others theBook of Life, always closed and distinguished by its seven seals, following theBook of Apocalypse. There is nearly always a cross (except in images of councils), often acrux gemmata, and in later examples apatriarchal cross with two crossbars. The cloth may be draped round the cross, as may thecrown of thorns, which first appears as an isolated motif in this context.[17] This seems to have originated as a victor's wreath around or over the cross, part of the early emphasis on "Christ as Victor" found in much cross imagery, but later to have been transmuted into the crown of thorns. It has also been suggested that the wreathed cross motif also was the origin of theCeltic cross.

The dove of theHoly Spirit may be present. In later versions two of theinstruments of the Passion, theSpear and sponge on a stick, stand behind or beside the throne, or are held by angels. The nails from the cross and crown of thorns may sit on the throne, as in the Russian icon illustrated. If angels or archangels are included they are symmetrically placed on either side, either facing the throne or facing out and gesturing towards it; if there is a roundel they may be outside it. In earlier depictions other figures may surround the throne, for example SaintsPeter andPaul inSanta Prassede, Rome (9th century). An alternative to the angels is kneeling figures ofAdam and Eve in old age paying homage on either side of the throne. These are found in several large wall-paintings andmosaics, from the 12th century mosaics inTorcello Cathedral,[18] the paintings in theChora Church, and the painted church exterior atVoroneţ Monastery inRomania of 1547.[19]

Meaning of the image

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Byzantine miniature of about 880 of theFirst Council of Constantinople in 381

The image was one of many aspects of imperialiconography taken up by Early Christians after theEdict of Milan in 313, when thedepiction of Jesus as a human figure, especially as a large figure detached from narrative contexts, was still a matter of controversy within Christianity. At theFirst Council of Nicaea in 325 an empty throne had the imperial insignia on it, representing the emperorConstantine I when he was not present.[20] However within a few decades an empty throne with a book of thegospels on it was being placed in the chamber of church councils to represent Christ, as at theFirst Council of Ephesus in 431. It has been suggested that theivoryThrone of Maximian inRavenna, probably a gift from the Eastern EmperorJustinian I, was not made as a throne for personal use byMaximian, who was bothArchbishop of Ravenna and the viceroy of the Byzantine territories in North Italy, but as an empty throne to symbolize either the imperial or divine power; Byzantine imagery at this period was sometimes ready to conflate the two.[21] A comparable symbol is thebishop's throne from which thecathedral takes its name, which, unless the bishop happens to be present and sitting in it, functions as a permanent reminder of his authority in hisdiocese.

In the earlier versions the throne is most often accompanied by a cross and a scroll or book, which at this stage represents the Gospels. In this form the whole image represents Christ, but when the dove of the Holy Spirit and the cross are seen, the throne appears to represent God the Father, and the whole image theTrinity, a subject that Christian art did not represent directly for several centuries, as showing theFather as a human figure was objectionable. An example of a Trinitarianhetoimasia is in the Church of theDormition inNicaea.[22] From about 1000 the image may bear the titlehetoimasia,[23] literally "preparation", meaning "that which has been prepared" or "that which is made ready", and specifically refers to the "sign of the Son of Man" and the Last Judgement. By this time the image usually occurs in the West only under direct Byzantine influence, as in Venice and Torcello.

Some Early Christians had believed that the True Cross had miraculously ascended to Heaven, where it remained in readiness to become the glorified "sign of the Son of man" (see below) at the Last Judgement. The Discovery by Helena had displaced this view as to the fate of the actual cross, but the idea of the return at the Last Judgement of the glorified cross remained, as in ahomily by PopeLeo the Great (d. 461), which was incorporated in theRoman Breviary.[24]

Early examples

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Icon in ivory, with archangels, cross, spear and sponge, and "Hetoimasia" inscribed above the throne,Constantinople around 1000

Although it is assumed that other examples existed earlier, the earliest surviving Christianhetoimasia is in the earliest major scheme of church decoration to survive, the mosaics inSanta Maria Maggiore, Rome (432-40), where it occupies the narrow centre of the "triumphal arch" separating nave andapse, flanked by angels,[25] a typical placement. It is shown, with a procession of Apostles, on a panel of thePola ivory casket fromIstria.[26] Three now displaced stone reliefs of the subject with other symbols are among the earliest indications of Christian architectural sculpture at this period; they are in Berlin,San Marco, Venice andNicosia, Cyprus.[27]

Elsewhere it may occupy the centre of a frieze below a larger composition in the apsesemi-dome, or a position on the main axis of a circular frieze round a central scene in the roof of a dome, as in theArian Baptistry (start of 6th century) in Ravenna. AtCastelseprio it occupies the centre of the apse-side (west-facing) of the triumphal arch. All are central positions, prominent but not dominant. TheBaptistry of Neon (late 5th century) in Ravenna is exceptional in using repeatedhetoimasia images in a circular dome frieze of eight images, four each of two types appearing alternately: a hetoimasia with cross in a garden and an altar containing an open book, flanked by two chairs.[28]

The 6th-century "throne-reliquary" in rather crudely carvedalabaster, theSedia di San Marco, was moved from the high altar to the Treasury ofSan Marco, Venice in 1534. It would only fit a bishop with a slight figure, and has a large compartment for relics below the seat. It may have functioned as a "throne-lectern" or resting place for agospel book, making actual the hetoimasia images with open books.[29]

Later use

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During the Middle Byzantine period the etimasia became a standard feature of the evolving subject of theLast Judgement, found from the 11th century onwards.[30] As in the Western versions descended from the Byzantine images, this was on several tiers, with Christ in Judgement at the top, and in the East the etimasia almost always in the centre of the tier below, but occasionally above Christ. This basic layout has remained in use inEastern Orthodoxy to the present day, and is found both on church walls and as a painted panel icon. The etimasia was normally omitted in Western versions, except in works under direct Byzantine influence, such as the early 12th century west wall ofTorcello Cathedral.

Russian 18th(?) century icon of theLast Judgement, following what had become a standard composition in its main elements, including the etimasia.

Another context in which the etimasia sometimes appears from the Middle Byzantine period isPentecost, in Orthodoxy also the Feast of the Trinity. Here a trinitarian etimasia with the dove representing the Holy Spirit may be found, as in the 12th century mosaics on the roof of the west dome ofSt Mark's, Venice, where the centre is an etimasia with book and dove, with thetwelve apostles seated round the outer rims, with flames on their heads and rays connecting them to the central throne. Below the apostles pairs of figures representing the "nations", withtituli, stand between the windows. Similar images are found in theChludov Psalter and elsewhere. However, in this case the etimasia did not become part of a conventional composition, and it is not found in modern icons of the Pentecost.[31]

It has been suggested that the empty stool with a cushion in the foreground ofJan van Eyck'sAnnunciation in Washington may suggest the empty throne; van Eyck characteristically uses domestic fittings to represent doctrinal references.[32]

Scriptural references

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The image has been regarded as illustrating a number of different passages from the Bible. For the later Byzantines theetimasia was the "sign of theSon of man" of Matthew 24:30:"And then shall appear the sign of the Son of man in heaven: and then shall all the tribes of the earth mourn, and they shall see the Son of man coming in the clouds of heaven with power and great glory".[33] The understanding of the image as a symbol for the Second Coming also drew onPsalms 9:7: "But the Lord shall endure for ever: he hath prepared his throne for judgment".[34] where theSeptuagint has "ἡτοίμασεν" ("hetoimasen") for "prepared".[35] Psalm 89:14:"Justice and judgment are the habitation of thy throne: mercy and truth shall go before thy face" is another relevant passage, using the word in the Septuagint (instead of the "habitation" of theKing James Version), giving "ἑτοιμασία τοῦ θρόνου" or "preparation of your throne".[36] Throne imagery is found above all in theBook of Revelation, especially chapter 4, although the throne therein is already occupied.

Terminology

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The Greek verb ἑτοιμασεν ("hetoimasen") means "to prepare" or "to make ready". It will be seen that the name "hetoimasia", meaning "preparation" or "that which has been prepared", with "throne" ("thronos" in Greek) only implied,[37] is more appropriate to the Eastern images after about 1000 than to those before. The use of the name for both groups was established in the 19th century by the French art historian Paul Durand (from 1867), and despite protests has stuck.[38] In more modern Orthodox contexts "etimasia" and "prepared throne" are typically used, and in art history relating to the earlier group "hetoimasia" and "empty throne" - exclusively the latter in non-Christian contexts where a more specialized term is not used. There are various other transliterations and translations: "hetimasia", "throne made ready" etc.

Notes

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  1. ^Schiller, II, 186.
  2. ^Hall, 94
  3. ^Krishan, pp. 1 and 5, fig 4a caption
  4. ^"Berlin relief". Archived fromthe original on 2011-01-16. Retrieved2010-02-09.
  5. ^Hall, 95
  6. ^Haran, 247-249, and later in the chapter. See his notes for further literature
  7. ^Syndicus, 151
  8. ^Hall, 95,coin 1st century CE fromCilicia
  9. ^Example from the V&A museum. The alternative theory, first advanced by Huntington (see her final paragraph), sees these images as depictions of an actual relic-throne of the Buddha as an object of worship at major Buddhist sites, but thisremains controversial.
  10. ^Ramsay, 344
  11. ^Humphrey, 78-80
  12. ^Humphrey, 79; Hall, 95; Hellemo, 107;Fishwick. See Temple 10, note 12 for detailed studies
  13. ^Hellemo, 107
  14. ^The Cambridge history of Iran: The Seleucid, Parthian and Sasanian periods
  15. ^Davison and Granquist, 8-9,Baliblog, with imagesArchived 2011-07-16 at theWayback Machine
  16. ^Schiller, I, 132
  17. ^Schiller, II, 187, noting the exception of a single occurrence in theUtrecht Psalter.
  18. ^Hall, 94, where both are illustrated, and 141
  19. ^Voroneţ Monastery, feature with good image (in Romanian)
  20. ^Hall, 95
  21. ^Beckwith, 116-118
  22. ^Parani, 196
  23. ^Parani, 196
  24. ^Werner, 35 and note 42
  25. ^Beckwith, 111, and 37 on date
  26. ^Soper, 154-157
  27. ^Margaret Mullett, et al. "Early Christian and Byzantine art." InGrove Art Online. Oxford Art Online,subscription or library access required (accessed November 8, 2010).
  28. ^Morgan, 8. It is also known as the Orthodox Baptistry. See alsoWeinryb, 44, 48-51.
  29. ^Buckton, 98-105
  30. ^V&A Museum, notes on ivory Last Judgement[1]
  31. ^Demus, 55-57, and plate 13; also Parani, 196. Seehere for further details]
  32. ^Hand, J.O., & Wolff, M.,Early Netherlandish Painting (catalogue), National Gallery of Art, p. 81 and note 27, Washington/Cambridge UP, 1986,ISBN 0-521-34016-0. Entry pp. 75-86, by Hand.
  33. ^See Hellemo, 102-104 for arguments that the earliest examples also carried this meaning (he disagrees)
  34. ^Schiller, II 98 & 187
  35. ^Psalms 9:7: καὶ ὁ κύριος εἰς τὸν αἰῶνα μένει ἡτοίμασεν ἐν κρίσει τὸν θρόνον αὐτοῦBiblos website
  36. ^Temple, 8-9,Biblos website
  37. ^Contrary to many sources who should know better, and say hetoimasia "means" empty throne etc.
  38. ^Hellemo, 104-105

References

[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related tohetoimasia.
  • Beckwith, John,Early Christian and Byzantine Art, Penguin History of Art (now Yale), 2nd edn. 1979,ISBN 0-14-056033-5
  • Buckton, David, et al.,The Treasury of San Marco Venice, 1984, Metropolitan Museum of Art, (fully available online or as PDF from the MMA)
  • Demus, Otto.The Mosaic Decoration of San Marco Venice (1 volume version, edited by Herbert L. Kessler), University of Chicago Press, 1988,ISBN 0-226-14292-2
  • Davison, Julian, & Granquist, Bruce,Balinese temples, Tuttle Publishing, 1999,ISBN 962-593-196-1,ISBN 978-962-593-196-8,google books
  • Hall, James,A History of Ideas and Images in Italian Art, 1983, John Murray, London,ISBN 0-7195-3971-4
  • Haran, Menachem,Temples and temple-service in ancient Israel: an inquiry into biblical cult phenomena and the historical setting of the priestly school, 2nd edn, 1985, Eisenbrauns,ISBN 0-931464-18-8,ISBN 978-0-931464-18-8,google books
  • Hellemo, Geir.Adventus Domini: eschatological thought in 4th-century apses and catecheses, BRILL, 1989,ISBN 90-04-08836-9,ISBN 978-90-04-08836-8google books
  • Humphrey, John H,Roman circuses: arenas for chariot racing, University of California Press, 1986,ISBN 0-520-04921-7,ISBN 978-0-520-04921-5,google books
  • Huntington, S. L.,Early Buddhist art and the theory of aniconism, Art Journal, Vol. 49 No. 4 Winter.1990. pp. 401–408.
  • Krishan, Yuvraj,The Buddha image: its origin and development, 1996, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan,ISBN 81-215-0565-8,ISBN 978-81-215-0565-9,google books
  • Parani, Maria G.,Reconstructing the reality of images: Byzantine material culture and religious iconography (11th-15th centuries), Volume 41 of The medieval Mediterranean : Peoples, Economies and Cultures, 400-1453, BRILL, 2003,ISBN 90-04-12462-4,ISBN 978-90-04-12462-2,google books
  • Ramsay, William,A manual of Roman antiquities, 5th edition, 1863,OUP,google book
  • Schiller, Gertrud,Iconography of Christian Art, Vol. I 1971, Vol II 1972, (English trans from German), Lund Humphries, London,ISBN 0-85331-270-2,ISBN 0-85331-324-5
  • Schapiro, Meyer,Selected Papers, volume 3, Late Antique, Early Christian and Mediaeval Art, 1980, Chatto & Windus, London,ISBN 0-7011-2514-4
  • Soper, Alexander Coburn, "The Italo-Gallic School of Early Christian Art",The Art Bulletin, Vol. 20, No. 2 (Jun., 1938), pp. 145–192,JSTOR
  • Syndicus, Eduard;Early Christian Art, Burns & Oates, London, 1962
  • Temple, Nicholas,Conversion and Political Expedience, Imperial themes in the Early Christian Baptistry, Anales del Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas, vol XXIX, no. 80, Mexico City, 2002.PDF
  • Weinryb, Ittai,A Tale of Two Baptisteries: Royal and Ecclesiastical Patronage in Ravenna, 2002, Assaph, Studies in Art History, vol 7, Tel Aviv University,online html
  • Werner, Martin (1992). "The Liudhard Medalet". In Michael Lapidge; Malcolm Godden; Simon Keynes (eds.).Anglo-Saxon England 20. Cambridge University Press. pp. 27–41.ISBN 0-521-41380-X.

Further reading

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The main literature is in German - see the list givenhere.

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