TheEmin Pasha Relief Expedition of 1887 to 1889 was one of the last major European expeditions into the interior ofAfrica in the nineteenth century. Led byHenry Morton Stanley, its goal was ostensibly the relief ofEmin Pasha, the besiegedEgyptian governor ofEquatoria (part of modern-daySouth Sudan), who was threatened byMahdist forces.
Stanley set out to traverse the continent with a force of nearly 700 men, navigating up theCongo River and then through theIturi rainforest to reachEast Africa. The arduous journey caused Stanley to split the expedition into two columns; the advance column eventually reached Emin Pasha in July 1888. A series of mutinies, disagreements, and miscommunications forced Stanley and Emin to withdraw from Equatoria in early 1889.
The expedition was initially celebrated for its ambition in crossing "Darkest Africa". However, soon after Stanley returned toEurope, it gained notoriety for the deaths of so many of its members and reports of brutality. It was the last large-scale private expedition undertaken as part of theScramble for Africa.
With thecapture of Khartoum by the Mahdists (followers of Islamic religious leaderMuhammad Ahmad) in 1885, theOttoman-Egyptian administration of Sudan collapsed.Equatoria, the extreme southern province of the Sudan, was nearly cut off from the outside world, as it was located in the upper reaches of theNile nearLake Albert. Emin Pasha was aGerman Jewish-bornOttoman physician and naturalist who had been appointed Governor of Equatoria byCharles George Gordon, the British general who himself had attempted to relieve Khartoum. Emin, able to send and receive letters viaBuganda andZanzibar, had been informed in February 1886 that the Egyptian government would abandon Equatoria. In July, he was encouraged by missionaryAlexander Mackay to invite theBritish government to annex Equatoria itself. The government was not interested in such a doubtful venture, but the British public came to see Emin as a second General Gordon, in mortal danger from the Mahdists.
Scottish businessman and philanthropistWilliam Mackinnon had been involved in various colonial ventures, and by November he had approached Stanley about leading a relief expedition. Stanley declared himself ready "at a moment's notice" to go. Mackinnon then approachedJames Frederick Hutton, a business acquaintance also involved in colonial activities, and together they organized the "Emin Pasha Relief Committee", mostly consisting of Mackinnon's friends, among themFrancis de Winton. Their first meeting took place on 19 December 1886. The Committee raised a total of about £32,000.
Stanley was officially still in the employment ofLeopold II of Belgium, by whom he had been employed in carving out Leopold's 'Congo Free State'. As a compromise for letting Stanley go, it was arranged in a meeting inBrussels between Stanley and the king, that the expedition would take a longer route up theCongo River, contrary to plans for a shorter route inland from the eastern African coast. In return, Leopold would provide his Free State steamers for the transportation of the expedition up the river, from Stanley Pool (nowPool Malebo) as far as the mouth of theAruwimi River.
By 1 January 1887, Stanley was back inLondon preparing the expedition to widespread public acclaim. Stanley himself was intent that the expedition be one of humanitarian assistance rather than of military conquest. He declared:
The expedition is non-military—that is to say, its purpose is not to fight, destroy, or waste; its purpose is to save, to relieve distress, to carry comfort. Emin Pasha may be a good man, a brave officer, a gallant fellow deserving of a strong effort of relief, but I decline to believe, and I have not been able to gather from any one in England an impression, that his life, or the lives of the few hundreds under him, would overbalance the lives of thousands of natives, and the devastation of immense tracts of country which an expedition strictly military would naturally cause. The expedition is a mere powerful caravan, armed with rifles for the purpose of insuring the safe conduct of the ammunition to Emin Pasha, and for the more certain protection of his people during the retreat home. But it also has means of purchasing the friendship of tribes and chiefs, of buying food and paying its way liberally.
— Henry Morton Stanley, in Joel Headley,Stanley's Adventures in the Wilds of Africa[1]
In a number of publications made after the expedition, Stanley asserted that the singular purpose of the effort was to offer relief to Emin Pasha.
The advantages of the Congo route were about five hundred miles shorter land journey, and less opportunities for deserting. It also quieted the fears of the French and Germans that, behind this professedly humanitarian quest, we might have annexation projects.
— Henry Morton Stanley,The Autobiography of Sir Henry Morton Stanley[2]
However, Stanley's other writings point to a secondary goal — territorial annexation. In his account of the expedition, he implied that his meeting with theSultan of Zanzibar was in regards to British interests inEast Africa. These interests were threatened not only by the Mahdists, but also byGermanimperial ambitions in the region; Germany would not recognize British suzerainty over Zanzibar (and its continental holdings) until1890.
I have settled several little commissions at Zanzibar satisfactorily. One was to get the Sultan to sign the concessions which Mackinnon tried to obtain a long time ago. As the Germans have magnificent territory east of Zanzibar, it was but fair that England should have some portion for the protection she has accorded toZanzibar since 1841 ... The concession that we wished to obtain embraced a portion of East African coast, of whichMombasa andMelindi were the principal towns. For eight years, to my knowledge, the matter had been placed before His Highness, but the Sultan's signature was difficult to obtain.
— Henry Morton Stanley,In Darkest Africa[3]
The records at theNational Archives atKew, London, offer an even deeper insight and show that annexation was a purpose he had been aware of for the expedition. This is because there are a number of treaties curated there (and gathered by Stanley himself from what is present day Uganda during the Emin Pasha Expedition), ostensibly gaining British protection for a number of African chiefs. Amongst these were a number that have long been identified as possible frauds.[4] A good example is treaty number 56, supposedly agreed upon between Stanley and the people of "Mazamboni, Katto, andKalenge". These people had signed over to Stanley "the Sovereign Right and Right of Government over our country for ever in consideration of value received and for the protection he has accorded us and our Neighbours against KabbaRega and his Warasura".[5]
The expedition was planned to go toCairo, then toZanzibar to hireporters, then south of Africa, around theCape to the mouth of the Congo, up the Congo by Leopold's steamers, branching off at theAruwimi River. Stanley intended to establish a camp on the Aruwimi, then go east overland through unknown territory to reachLake Albert and Equatoria. He then expected that Emin would send the families of Emin's Egyptian employees back along the just-pioneered route, along with a large store ofivory accumulated in Equatoria, while Stanley, Emin, and Emin's soldiers would proceed eastward to Zanzibar. Coincidentally, public doubts over the plan centered around whether it could be achieved; the possibility that Emin might not want to leave seems not to have been considered.
The expedition was the largest and best-equipped to go to Africa; a 28-foot steel boat named theAdvance was designed to be divided into 12 sections for carrying over land, andHiram Maxim presented the expedition with one of his recently inventedMaxim guns, which was the first to be brought to Africa. Merely 'exhibiting' the gun was thought to be a scare, which would spare the expedition problems with hostile natives.
The Relief Committee received 400 applications by hopeful participants. From these, Stanley chose the officers who were to accompany him to Africa:
Stanley departed London on 21 January 1887 and arrived in Cairo on 27 January. Egyptian objections to the Congo route were overridden by a telegram fromLord Salisbury, and the expedition was permitted to march under the Egyptian flag. Stanley also met withMason Bey,Georg August Schweinfurth, andWilhelm Junker, who had more up-to-date information about Equatoria.
Stanley left Cairo on 3 February, joined up with expedition members during stops inSuez andAden, and arrived in Zanzibar on 22 February. The next three days were spent packing for the expedition, loading theMadura, and negotiating. Stanley acted as a representative of Mackinnon in convincing theSultan of Zanzibar to grant a concession for what later became theImperial British East Africa Company (IBEAC), and made two agreements withTippu Tib. The first included appointing him as Governor ofStanley Falls, an arrangement much criticized in Europe as a deal with a slave-trader, and the second agreement regarded the provisions of carriers for the expedition. In addition to transporting stores, the carriers were now also expected to bring out some 75 tons of ivory stored in Equatoria. Stanley posted letters to Emin predicting his arrival on Lake Albert around August.
The expedition left Zanzibar on 25 February and, rounding theCape of Good Hope, arrived atBanana at the mouth of the Congo on 18 March. Their arrival was somewhat unexpected, because a telegraph cable had broken and local officials had received no instructions. Chartered steamers brought the expedition toMatadi, where the carriers took over, bringing some 800 loads of stores and ammunition toLeopoldville on theStanley Pool. Progress was slow, since therainy season was at its height, and food was short – a problem that was to be persistent throughout the expedition (the area along the route rarely had spare food for 1,000 hardworking men, as it was asubsistence economy).
On 21 April, the expedition arrived at Leopoldville.King Leopold had promised a flotilla of river steamers, but only one worked: theStanley. Stanley requisitioned two (Peace andHenry Reed) from missionaries of theBaptist Mission and theLivingstone Inland Mission, whose protests were overridden, as well as theFlorida, which was still under construction and so used as a barge. Even these were insufficient, so many of the stores were left at Leopoldville and more atBolobo. At this point, Stanley also announced the division of the expedition: a "rear column" would encamp atYambuya on the Aruwimi, while the "Advance Column" pressed on to Equatoria.
The voyage up the Congo started 1 May and was generally uneventful. AtBangala Station, Barttelot and Tippu Tib continued up to Stanley Falls in theHenry Reed, while Stanley took the Aruwimi to Yambuya. The inhabitants of Yambuya refused permission to reside in their village, so Stanley attacked and drove the villagers away, turning the deserted village into a fortified camp. Meanwhile, at Stanley Falls, Tippu Tib attempted to acquire carriers, but he believed that Stanley had broken his part of their agreement by leaving ammunition behind, and Barttelot came to Yambuya with only an indefinite promise that carriers would arrive in several weeks.
Stanley, however, insisted on speed, and left for Lake Albert on 28 June, originally expecting to take two months. The Advance Column, however, was unprepared for the extreme difficulties of travel through theIturi rainforest and did not reach the lake until December. Only 169 of the 389 who set out from Yambuya were still alive. The trees of the forest were so tall and dense that little light reached the floor, food was scarcely to be found, and the localPygmies took the expedition for anArab raiding party, shooting at them withpoisoned arrows. The expedition stopped at two Arab settlements, Ugarrowwa's and Ipoto, in each case leaving more of their equipment behind in exchange for food.
The forest eventually gave way to grassland, and on 13 December the expedition was looking down onLake Albert. However, Emin was not there, and the locals had not seen a European in many years. Stanley decided to return to the village of Ibwiri on the plateau above the lake, where they built Fort Bodo. Stairs went back to Ipoto to collect men and equipment, and returned 12 February. A second trip went back to Ugarrowwa's to collect more equipment. Meanwhile, on 2 April Stanley returned to Lake Albert, this time with theAdvance. On 18 April they received a letter from Emin, who had heard about the expedition a year earlier, and had come down the lake in March after hearing rumors of Stanley's arrival.
Jephson was sent on ahead to the lake with theAdvance, took the boat up toMswa, and met Emin on 29 April 1888. Emin brought his steamer to the south end of the lake, and met Stanley there on the 29th, who was surprised to find the figure of Emin to have "not a trace on it of ill-health or anxiety", and celebrated with three bottles ofchampagne that had been carried all the way up the Congo. Emin provided Stanley with food and other supplies, thus rescuing the rescuers.
At this point things became difficult. Emin was primarily interested in ammunition and other supplies, and a communications route, all of which would assist him in remaining in Equatoria, while Stanley's main goal was to bring Emin out. A month of discussion produced no agreement, and on 24 May Stanley went back to Fort Bodo, arriving there 8 June and meeting Stairs, who had returned from Ugarrowwa's with just fourteen surviving men. On the way Stanley saw theRuwenzori Mountains for the first time (although Parke and Jephson had seen them on 20 April).
On 16 June, Stanley left the fort in search of the rear column; no word of or from them had been received in a long time. Finally, on 17 August at Banalya, 90 miles upstream from Yambuya, Stanley found Bonny, the sole European left in charge of the column, along with a handful of starving carriers. Barttelot had been shot in a dispute, Jameson was atBangala dying of a fever, Troup had been invalided home, andHerbert Ward had gone back down the Congo a second time to telegraph the Relief Committee in London for further instructions (the column had not heard from Stanley in over a year). The original purpose of the rear column – to wait for the additional carriers from Tippu Tib – had not been accomplished, since without the ammunition supplied by the expedition, Tippu Tib had nothing with which to recruit. After several side trips, Barttelot decided to send Troup and the others on the sick list down the Congo, and 11 June 1888, after the arrival of a group ofManyema bringing Barttelot's total to 560, set off in search of Stanley.
But the march soon disintegrated into chaos, with large-scale desertion and multiple trips to try to bring up stores; then on 19 July Barttelot was shot while trying to interfere with a Manyema festival. Jameson decided to go down to Bangala to bring up extra loads and left on 9 August, shortly before Stanley's arrival. Stanley was incensed at the state of the rear column, blaming them for lack of motion despite his previous orders that they wait for him at Yambuya. From surviving officers Stanley also heard stories of Barttelot's brutality and of another officer, James Sligo Jameson, who was alleged to have purchased a young female slave and given her to cannibals so he could record her being killed and eaten.[6] In his posthumously published diary, Jameson admitted that he had indeed paid for the girl and watched as she was butchered, but claimed that he considered the whole affair a joke and had not expected her to actually be killed.
I sent my boy for six handkerchiefs, thinking it was all a joke ..., but presently a man appeared, leading a young girl of about ten years old at the hand, and I then witnessed the most horribly sickening sight I am ever likely to see in my life. He plunged a knife quickly into her breast twice, and she fell on her face, turning over on her side. Three men then ran forward, and began to cut up the body of the girl; finally her head was cut off, and not a particle remained, each man taking his piece away down to the river to wash it. The most extraordinary thing was that the girl never uttered a sound, nor struggled, until she fell. Until the last moment, I could not believe that they were in earnest ... that it was anything save a ruse to get money out of me ...
When I went home I tried to make some small sketches of the scene while still fresh in my memory, not that it is ever likely to fade from it. No one here seemed to be in the least astonished at it.[7]
According to the testimony of Jameson's colleague William Bonny, Jameson must have stayed around to watch while the girl was cooked and consumed, since the last of his six sketches (which he had shown Bonny) "represents the feast."[8] The "six handkerchiefs" Jameson had paid were indeed valuable enough to purchase a child slave, and Jameson's diary also shows that he was well informed of cannibal customs and had even seen remainders of a cannibal meal before, making his line of defense doubtful.[9]
After the dispatch of a number of letters down-Congo, the expedition returned to Fort Bodo, taking a different route that proved no better for food supply, and it reached the Fort on 20 December, now reduced to 412 men, of whom 124 were too ill to carry any loads. On 16 January 1889, near Lake Albert, Stanley received letters from Emin and Jephson, who had been made prisoner by Emin's officers for several months, while at the same time the Mahdists had been capturing additional stations of Equatoria. Since Stanley's arrival, numerous rumours had gone around about Emin's intentions and the likely fate of the soldiers, and in August of the previous year matters had come to a head; a number of officers rebelled, deposed Emin as governor, and kept him and Jephson under a sort of house arrest inDufile until November. Even so, Emin was still reluctant to abandon the province.
By 17 February all the surviving members of the expedition, and Emin with a group of about 65 loyal soldiers, met at Stanley's camp above Lake Albert, and during the subsequent weeks several hundred more of Emin's followers, many of them the families of the soldiers, assembled there. Emin still had not expressed a firm intention to leave Equatoria, and 5 April, after a heated argument, Stanley determined to leave shortly, and the expedition departed Kavalli's for the coast on 10 April.
The trip to the coast passed first south, along the western flank of theRuwenzoris, and Stairs attempted to ascend to a summit, reaching 10,677 ft before having to turn around. They then passed byLake Edward andLake George, then across to the southernmost point ofLake Victoria, passing through the kingdoms ofAnkole andKaragwe. Stanley made "treaties" with the various rulers; although it is most likely that these were not regarded as such by the locals, they were later used to establishIBEAC claims in the area.
Lake Victoria was seen on 15 August, and the expedition reached Mackay's missionary station at Usambiro on 28 August. At this point they began to learn of the complicated changing situation in East Africa, with European colonial powers scrambling to stake their claims, and a second relief expedition underFrederick John Jackson. After waiting fruitlessly for news of the Jackson expedition, Stanley left on 17 September, with a party now reduced to some 700 by a combination of death and desertion.
As the expedition approached the coast, they encountered parties of Germans and other signs of German activity in the interior, and were met by commissionerWissmann on 4 December and escorted intoBagamoyo. That evening a banquet was held, during which an inebriated Emin fell out of a second-storey window he mistook for a balcony, and from which he did not recover until the end of January 1890. In the meantime, the rest of the expedition had dispersed; Stanley went to Zanzibar and then to Cairo, where he wrote the 900 pages ofIn Darkest Africa in just 50 days. The Zanzibari carriers were paid off or (in the case of prisoners) returned to their masters, the Sudanese and Egyptians were transported back to Egypt, some later returning to work for the IBEAC. Emin took service with the Germans in February, and the other Europeans returned to England.
Stanley returned to Europe in May 1890 to tremendous public acclaim; both he and his officers received numerous awards, honorary degrees, and speaking engagements. In June alone his newly published book sold 150,000 copies. But the adulation was to be short-lived.
By autumn, as the true cost of the expedition became known, and as the families of Barttelot and Jameson reacted to Stanley's accusations of incompetence in the rear column, criticism and condemnation became widespread. Samuel Baker called the story of the rear column "the most horrible and indecent exposure that I have ever heard of seen in print".[10] Stanley's own use of violence during the expedition also revived old criticisms that he was a "sham explorer" as well as doubts over the supposed humanitarian value of European exploration in Africa.[10] In the end, the Emin Pasha Relief Expedition came to be the last expedition of its type; future African expeditions would be government-run in pursuit of military or political goals, or conducted purely for science.
An Anglo-Egyptian force underLord Kitchener managed toreconquer Sudan from the Mahdists in 1899. Equatoria was incorporated as part ofAnglo-Egyptian Sudan, nominally under British administration, though it remained isolated and underdeveloped well into the 20th century.
From 1898 to 1900, a devastatingsleeping sickness epidemic spread into territories that are nowDemocratic Republic of the Congo, westernUganda and south ofSudan. Native cattle traveling with the expedition may have introduced the parasite into previously-unaffected regions.[11] However, not all authors agree.[12]
It has been suggested that stories of the expedition — in particular, the disastrous plight of the "rear column" — inspiredJoseph Conrad in his 1899 novellaHeart of Darkness. CriticAdam Hochschild suggests that the character ofKurtz, the isolated and insane Congo trader, was modeled on Barttelot, who "went mad, began hitting, whipping, and killing people, and was finally murdered".[13]Harold Bloom also connected the portrayal of Kurtz with the figures of Stanley and Tippu Tib.[14]
The fate of the rear column is the subject ofSimon Gray's 1978 playThe Rear Column, which features Barttelot, Jameson, Ward, Bonny, Troup and Stanley as characters.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
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