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Egophoricity

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Linguistic encoding of personal knowledge
Grammatical features

Inlinguistics,egophoricity refers to agrammatical category that marks one's personal involvement in an event.[1] In languages with this category, anegophoric form is used for expressing information to which the self has "privileged access"[2] as opposed to anallophoric (ornon-egophoric)form.[1][3]

Egophoric forms are typically associated with first-person subject declarative sentences and second-person subject interrogative sentences (egophoric distribution).[4]

The concept of egophoricity was originally developed in descriptive studies onTibeto-Burman languages spoken in theHimalayas such asNewar andTibetan; however, the category has also been found in languages ofNorthwestern China, theAndean region,Caucasus,New Guinea, and elsewhere.[5]

Terminology

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"Ego-" refers to "self" and "-phor" means "to carry".[6]

The term "egophoric" was coined by French linguistNicolas Tournadre in his description ofLhasa Tibetan[6][7][8] although his former supervisorClaude Hagège had used "égophore" in a different sense prior to that.[8][9]

Before "egophoricity" came into use in the literature, linguists often referred to the same phenomenon by the termconjunct anddisjunct forms.[10][11] The distinction between conjunct/disjunct was first made in Austin Hale's work on Kathmandu Newar.[12][13]

Overview

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The egophoric distribution

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Usually, the marking of egophoricity is correlated withgrammatical person and sentence types: egophoric forms typically occur with the first-person subject in declarative sentences and the second-person subject in questions. By contrast, non-egophoric forms will appear in the other contexts. This pattern is calledegophoric distribution.[4][14][15]

Typical distribution of (non-)egophoric markers.
DeclarativeInterrogative
1st personegonon-ego
2nd personnon-egoego
3rd personnon-egonon-ego

Unlikeperson agreement, however, the use of (non-)egophoric forms may not follow it under certainsemantic orpragmatic situations.

The case of Kathmandu Newar

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Kathmandu Newar, aTibeto-Burman language spoken in the capital ofNepal, has twopast tense makers for verbs: the egophoric and the non-egophoric-a. The former is normally used in first-person declaratives and second-person questions whereas the latter is applied to the other sentences:[16][17]

EGO:egophoric

Ji

1.SG.ABS

ana

there

wanā.

go.PST.EGO

Ji anawanā.

1.SG.ABS there go.PST.EGO

"I went there."

Cha

2.SG.ABS

ana

there

wana.

go.PST.NEGO

Cha anawana.

2.SG.ABS there go.PST.NEGO

"You went there."

Wa

3.SG.ABS

ana

there

wana.

go.PST.NEGO

Wa anawana.

3.SG.ABS there go.PST.NEGO

"He went there."

Cha

2.SG.ABS

ana

there

wanā

go.PST.EGO

lā?

Q

Cha anawanā lā?

2.SG.ABS there go.PST.EGO Q

"Did you go there?"

If the verb describes an unintentional action, however, the non-egophoric past tense marker will appear in first-person declaratives and second-person questions as well:[18]

Jįį

1.SG.ERG

meat

palā.

cut.PST.EGO

Jįį lāpalā.

1.SG.ERG meat cut.PST.EGO

"I cut the meat (intentionally)."

Cha

2.SG.ABS

danā

get-up.PST.EGO

lā?

Q

Chadanā lā?

2.SG.ABS get-up.PST.EGO Q

"Did you get up (voluntarily)?"

Jįį

1.SG.ERG

meat

pala.

cut.PST.NEGO

Jįį lāpala.

1.SG.ERG meat cut.PST.NEGO

"I cut the meat (quite by accident)."

Cha

2.SG.ABS

dana

get-up.PST.NEGO

lā?

Q

Chadana lā?

2.SG.ABS get-up.PST.NEGO Q

"Did you get up (involuntarily)?"

While the third person subject usually takes the non-egophoric marker both in declaratives and interrogatives, the egophoric counterpart will be used in indirect speech if the main and subordinate clauses share the same subject:[19]

Wа̨а̨

3.SG.ERG

wa

3.SG.ABS

ana

there

wanā

go.PST.EGO

dhakāā

QUOT

dhāla.

say.PST.NEGO

Wа̨а̨ wa anawanā dhakāā dhāla.

3.SG.ERG 3.SG.ABS there go.PST.EGO QUOT say.PST.NEGO

"He said that he went there (himself)."

Wа̨а̨

3.SG.ERG

wa

3.SG.ABS

ana

there

wana

go.PST.NEGO

dhakāā

QUOT

dhāla.

say.PST.NEGO

Wа̨а̨ wa anawana dhakāā dhāla.

3.SG.ERG 3.SG.ABS there go.PST.NEGO QUOT say.PST.NEGO

"He said that he (someone else) went there."

The case of Lhasa Tibetan

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Lhasa Tibetan, anotherTibeto-Burman language, has a system of verb endings that expressevidentiality and/or egophoricity.[20]

EgophoricFactual
(non-egophoric)
Evidential
DirectInferential
Perfective-pa yin-pa red-song-zhag
Perfect-yod-yog red-‘dug
Imperfective-gi yod-gi yog red-gi ’dug / -gis
Future-gi yin-gi red

In a nominal construction, the egophoriccopulae (e.g.yin) and the non-egophoric ones (e.g.red) are used in accordance with the egophoric distribution:[10][21]

nga

1.SG

bod=pa

Tibetan

yin

COP.EGO

nga bod=payin

1.SG Tibetan COP.EGO

"I am Tibetan."

kho

3.SG

bod=pa

Tibetan

red

COP.NEGO

kho bod=pared

3.SG Tibetan COP.NEGO

"He is Tibetan."

khyed=rang

2.SG.HON

bod=pa

Tibetan

yin

COP.EGO

pas

Q

khyed=rang bod=payin pas

2.SG.HON Tibetan COP.EGO Q

"Are you Tibetan?"

nga

1.SG

rgya=mi

Chinese

red

COP.NEGO

pas

Q

nga rgya=mired pas

1.SG Chinese COP.NEGO Q

"Am I Chinese?"

However, the distinction betweenyin andred may also be made according to voluntariness of an action as in Kathmandu Newar.[22][23] Likewise, the third-person subject in indirect speech is marked by an egophoric marker if it is co-referential with the subject of the main clause.[23][24]

Also, the third-person subject takes an egophoric marker when the speaker emphasizes their personal involvement in the information conveyed in the statement.

[25]

kho

3.SG

nga’i

1.SG.GEN

bu

son

red

COP.NEGO

kho nga’i bured

3.SG 1.SG.GEN son COP.NEGO

"He is my son." (e.g. answering "who is he?")

kho

3.SG

nga’i

1.SG.GEN

bu

son

yin

COP.EGO

kho nga’i buyin

3.SG 1.SG.GEN son COP.EGO

"He is my son." (e.g. answering "whose son is he?")

Interaction with other categories

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Evidentiality

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In a language likeLhasa Tibetan, egophoricity is part of itsevidential system as the egophoric copula occupies the same slot as the allophoric and the evidential. This is not the case for languages such as Kathmandu Newar, where the two categories areexpressed separately.[26]

Mirativity

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Languages likeAkha have paradigmatic structure ofmirative and egophoric marking, which suggests both categories can interact with each other.[27]

Person

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Few languages deploygrammatical person and egophoric marking at the same time.[28] Still, cohabitation of both categories is reported inJaphug, aRgyalrongic language ofSichuan.[29]

Geographical Distribution

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Himalayas and Western China

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Aside from Newar andTibetic, egophoricity is attested in Tibeto-Burman languages likeGalo (Tani),Japhug (Rgyalrongic),Bunan,Kurtöp (East Bodish), andYongning Na (Naic) as well.[30]Akha (Loloish) has developed egophoric marking independently of the other branches of the family.[31][32]

Outside of Tibeto-Burman, some languages spoken inNorthwestern China such asSalar (Turkic),Mongour (Mongolic) andWutun developed egophoricity due tocontact withAmdo Tibetan.[30][33]

See also:Qinghai–Gansu sprachbund

Other areas

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NorthernAkhvakh (Northeast Caucasian) marks egophoricity to some extent.[34] InSouth America,Barbacoan languages such asAwa Pit andCha’palaa exhibit an egophoric system similar to that of Tibeto-Burman.[35]

Tournadre and LaPolla (2014) compare theJapanesedesiderative suffix-tai to an egophoric marker in languages like Tibetan, as they follow the egophoric distribution.[36] In Japanese,-tai as well as adjectives describing one's inner experience (such as "glad", "itchy") cannot be used for the third-person without the support of the suffix-garu or some evidential markers.[37]

*Kare

he

wa

TOP

ureshii.

glad

*Kare wa ureshii.

he TOP glad

"He is glad."

Kare

he

wa

TOP

ureshi-garu.

glad

Kare wa ureshi-garu.

he TOP glad

"He is glad."

Kare

he

wa

TOP

ureshi-souda.

glad

Kare wa ureshi-souda.

he TOP glad

"He looks glad."

See also

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References

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  1. ^abSan Roque, Floyd & Norcliffe 2018, p. 2.
  2. ^Hargreaves 2005, p. 31.
  3. ^Widmer & Zúñiga 2017, p. 419.
  4. ^abRumsey 2020.
  5. ^San Roque, Floyd & Norcliffe 2018, pp. 5–6.
  6. ^abSan Roque, Floyd & Norcliffe 2018, p. 7.
  7. ^Tournadre 1991.
  8. ^abTournadre 2017, p. 110.
  9. ^Hagège 1982.
  10. ^abDeLancey 1990, p. 295.
  11. ^DeLancey 2018, p. 583.
  12. ^Hale 1980.
  13. ^Hill & Gawne 2017, pp. 8–9.
  14. ^Widmer & Zúñiga 2017, p. 420.
  15. ^San Roque, Floyd & Norcliffe 2018, pp. 4–5.
  16. ^Hale 1980, p. 91.
  17. ^Hargreaves 2005, p. 12.
  18. ^Hale 1980, p. 96.
  19. ^Hale 1980, p. 95.
  20. ^DeLancey 2018, p. 587.
  21. ^Hill & Gawne 2017, pp. 11–12.
  22. ^DeLancey 1990, p. 300.
  23. ^abHill & Gawne 2017, p. 12.
  24. ^DeLancey 1990, pp. 295–296.
  25. ^Hill & Gawne 2017, pp. 15–16.
  26. ^Widmer 2020.
  27. ^San Roque, Floyd & Norcliffe 2018, p. 61.
  28. ^San Roque, Floyd & Norcliffe 2018, p. 39.
  29. ^Jacques 2019.
  30. ^abSan Roque, Floyd & Norcliffe 2018, pp. 36–37.
  31. ^Egerod 1985, pp. 102–104.
  32. ^San Roque, Floyd & Norcliffe 2018, p. 12.
  33. ^Sandman 2018, pp. 173–174.
  34. ^San Roque, Floyd & Norcliffe 2018, p. 38.
  35. ^San Roque, Floyd & Norcliffe 2018, pp. 39–40.
  36. ^Tournadre & LaPolla 2014, p. 244.
  37. ^Shimotori 2008, p. 141.

Bibliography

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