Other terms commonly used to describe the dictatorship of the proletariat include thesocialist state,[1] proletarian state,[2] democratic proletarian state,[3] revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat,[4] and democratic dictatorship of the proletariat.[5] In Marxist philosophy, the termdictatorship of the bourgeoisie is theantonym to the dictatorship of the proletariat.[6]
The phrase "dictatorship of the proletariat" was first used byKarl Marx in a series of articles which were later republished asThe Class Struggle in France 1848–1850.[7] The termdictatorship indicates full control of themeans of production by the state apparatus.Friedrich Engels considered theParis Commune (1871), which controlled the capital city for two months before being suppressed, an example of the dictatorship of the proletariat.[8] There are multiple popular trends for this political thought, all of which believe the state will persist following the revolution for its enforcement capabilities:
Marxism–Leninism is an interpretation ofLeninism andMarxism developed byJoseph Stalin.[9][10] It seeks to organise avanguard party to lead a proletarian uprising to assume power of the state, the economy, the media, and social services (academia, health, etc.), on behalf of the proletariat and to construct asingle-partysocialist state representing a dictatorship of the proletariat. The dictatorship of the proletariat is to be governed through the process ofdemocratic centralism, whichLenin described as "diversity in discussion, unity in action". Marxism–Leninism forms the official ideology of the ruling parties ofChina,Cuba,Laos andVietnam, and was the official ideology of theCommunist Party of the Soviet Union from the late 1920s, and later of the other ruling parties making up theEastern Bloc.
Libertarian Marxists criticize Marxism–Leninism for perceived differences fromorthodox Marxism, opposing theLeninist principle of democratic centralism and the Marxist–Leninist interpretation of vanguardism. Along withTrotskyists, they also oppose the use of aone-party state, which they view as inherently undemocratic; however, unlike Trotskyists, libertarian Marxists are notBolsheviks, and do not subscribe to democratic centralism.Rosa Luxemburg, a Marxist theorist, emphasized the role of the vanguard party as representative of the whole class[11][12] and the dictatorship of the proletariat as the entire proletariat's rule, characterizing the dictatorship of the proletariat as a concept meant to expand democracy rather than reduce it, as opposed to minority rule in the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie.[13]
InThe Communist Manifesto (1848), Marx stated "their [the Communist's] ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions.".[16] Also in the Manifesto, Marx explicitly describes the Dictatorship of the Proletariat:
We have seen above, that the first step in the revolution by the working class is to raise the proletariat to the position ofruling class to win the battle of democracy.The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, by degrees, all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralise all instruments of production in the hands of the State (in other words, of the proletariat organised as the ruling class) and to increase the total of productive forces as rapidly as possible.[17]
The purposeless massacres perpetrated since the June and October events, the tedious offering of sacrifices since February and March, the very cannibalism of the counterrevolution will convince the nations that there is only one way in which the murderous death agonies of the old society and the bloody birth throes of the new society can be shortened, simplified and concentrated, and that way is revolutionary terror.
On 1 January 1852, the communist journalistJoseph Weydemeyer published an article entitled "Dictatorship of the Proletariat" in the German language newspaperTurn-Zeitung, where he wrote that "it is quite plain that there cannot be here any question of gradual, peaceful transitions" and recalled the examples ofOliver Cromwell (England) andCommittee of Public Safety (France) as examples of "dictatorship" and "terrorism" (respectively) required to overthrow the bourgeoisie.[19] In that year, Marx wrote to him, stating: "Long before me, bourgeois historians had described the historical development of this struggle between the classes, as had bourgeois economists their economic anatomy. My own contribution was (1) to show that the existence of classes is merely bound up with certain historical phases in the development of production; (2) that the class struggle necessarily leads to the dictatorship of the proletariat; [and] (3) that this dictatorship, itself, constitutes no more than a transition to the abolition of all classes and to aclassless society."[20]
Marx expanded upon his ideas about the dictatorship of the proletariat in his short 1875 work,Critique of the Gotha Program, a scathing criticism and attack on the principles laid out in the programme of the German Workers' Party (predecessor to theSocial Democratic Party of Germany). The programme presented a moderategradualist,reformist anddemocratic way to socialism as opposed to therevolutionary socialist violent approach of theorthodox Marxists. As a result, the latter accused the Gotha program of being "revisionists" and ineffective.[21] Nevertheless, he allowed for the possibility of a peaceful transition in some countries with strong democratic institutional structures (such as the case of Great Britain, the Netherlands and the United States), suggesting however that in other countries in which workers can not "attain their goal by peaceful means" the "lever of our revolution must be force", on the principle that the working people had the right to revolt if they were denied political expression.[22][23]
Marx stated that in a proletarian-run society the state should control the "proceeds of labour" (i.e. all the food and products produced) and take from them that which was "an economic necessity", namely enough to replace "the means of production used up", an "additional portion for expansion of production" and "insurance funds" to be used in emergencies such as natural disasters. Furthermore, he believed that the state should take enough to cover administrative costs, funds for runningpublic services, and funds for those who were physically incapable of working. Once enough to cover all of these things had been taken out of the "proceeds of labour", Marx believed that what was left should be shared amongst the workers, with each individual getting goods to the equivalent value of how much labour they had invested.[24] In thismeritocratic manner, those workers who put in more labour and worked harder would get more of the proceeds of the collective labour than someone who had not worked as hard. In theCritique, he noted that "defects are inevitable" and there would be many difficulties in initially running such a workers' state "as it emerges from capitalistic society" because it would be "economically, morally and intellectually... still stamped with the birth marks of the old society from whose womb it emerges", thereby still containing capitalist elements.[24]
In summary, Marx's view of the dictatorship of the proletariat involved political experiments focused on dismantling state power and dispersing its functions among the workers.[25] The dictatorship of the proletariat was viewed as a form of transitional rule in which class struggle ended and the state became extinct.[26]: 29
Force and violence played an important role inFriedrich Engels's vision of the revolution and rule of proletariat. In 1877, arguing withEugen Dühring, Engels ridiculed his reservations against use of force, stating: "That force, however, plays yet another role in history, a revolutionary role; that, in the words of Marx, it is the midwife of every old society pregnant with a new one, that it is the instrument with the aid of which social movement forces its way through and shatters the dead, fossilised political forms."[27]
In the 1891 postscript toThe Civil War in France (1872) pamphlet, Engels stated: 'Well and good, gentlemen, do you want to know what this dictatorship looks like? Look at the Paris Commune. That was the Dictatorship of the Proletariat'.[8] To avoid bourgeois political corruption, Engels claimed that "the Commune made use of two infallible expedients. In this first place, it filled all posts—administrative, judicial, and educational—by election on the basis of universal suffrage of all concerned, with the right of the same electors to recall their delegate at any time. And, in the second place, all officials, high or low, were paid only the wages received by other workers. The highest salary paid by the Commune to anyone was 6,000 francs. In this way an effective barrier to place-hunting and careerism was set up, even apart from the binding mandates to delegates to representative bodies, which were also added in profusion."
Although many revolutionaries of the Paris Commune wereanarchists and"anti-authoritarian socialists", Engels criticised anti-authoritarian socialists in the same year by remarking: "A revolution is certainly the most authoritarian thing there is; it is the act whereby one part of the population imposes its will upon the other part by means of rifles, bayonets and cannon—authoritarian means, if such there be at all; and if the victorious party does not want to have fought in vain, it must maintain this rule by means of the terror which its arms inspire in the reactionists. Would the Paris Commune have lasted a single day if it had not made use of this authority of the armed people against the bourgeois?"[28]
Marx's attention to the Paris Commune placed the commune at the centre of later Marxist forms. This statement was written in "Address of the Central Committee to the Communist League", which is credited to Marx and Engels: "[The workers] must work to ensure that the immediate revolutionary excitement is not suddenly suppressed after the victory. On the contrary, it must be sustained as long as possible. Far from opposing the so-called excesses—instances of popular vengeance against hated individuals or against public buildings with which hateful memories are associated—the workers' party must not only tolerate these actions but must even give them direction."[29]
In the 20th century,Vladimir Lenin developed his own variation of Marxism, known asLeninism—the adaptation ofMarxism to the socio-economic and political conditions ofImperial Russia (1721–1917). This body of theory later became the officialideology of someCommunist states. Lenin wrote that the Marxist concept of dictatorship meant that an entire societal class holds political and economic control within a democratic system. Lenin argued for the destruction of the foundations of thebourgeois state and its replacement with whatDavid Priestland described as an "ultra-democratic" dictatorship of the proletariat based on theParis Commune's system.[30]
The State and Revolution (1917) explicitly discusses the practical implementation of "dictatorship of the proletariat" through means of violent revolution. Lenin denies anyreformist interpretations of Marxism, such as those ofEduard Bernstein andKarl Kautsky. Lenin especially focused on Engels' phrase of the state "withering away", denying that it could apply to "bourgeois state" and highlighting that Engels' work is mostly "panegyric on violent revolution". Based on these arguments, he denounces reformists as "opportunistic",reactionary and points out violent revolution as the only[31] method of introducing dictatorship of the proletariat compliant with Marx and Engels' work.[32]
In Imperial Russia, the Paris Commune model form of government was realised in thesoviets (councils of workers and soldiers) established in theRussian Revolution of 1905, whose revolutionary task wasdeposing the capitalist (monarchical) state to establishsocialism—the dictatorship of the proletariat—the stage precedingcommunism. In Russia, theBolshevik Party (described by Lenin as the "vanguard of the proletariat") elevated the soviets to power in theOctober Revolution of 1917. Throughout 1917, Lenin argued that theRussian Provisional Government was unrepresentative of the proletariat's interests because, in his estimation, they represented the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. He argued that because they continually put off democratic elections, they denied the prominence of the democratically constituted soviets and all the promises made by liberal bourgeois parties prior to theFebruary Revolution remained unfulfilled, the soviets would need to take power for themselves.[30]
Lenin argued that in an underdeveloped country such as Russia, the capitalist class would remain a threat even after a successful socialist revolution.[33] As a result, he advocated the repression of those elements of the capitalist class that took up arms against the new soviet government, writing that as long as classes existed a state would need to exist to exercise the democratic rule of one class (in his view, the working class) over the other (the capitalist class).[33] Lenin wrote that "[d]ictatorship does not necessarily mean the abolition of democracy for the class that exercises the dictatorship over other classes; but it does mean the abolition of democracy (or very material restriction, which is also a form of abolition) for the class over which, or against which, the dictatorship is exercised."[34][35] AfterWorld War I,Karl Kautsky became a critic of theBolshevik Revolution, and was famously denounced by Lenin as a "renegade".[36]
Soviet democracy grantedvoting rights to the majority of the populace who elected the local soviets, who elected the regional soviets, and so on until electing theSupreme Soviet of the Soviet Union. Capitalists were disenfranchised in the Russian soviet model. However, according to Lenin, in a developed country, it would be possible to dispense with the disenfranchisement of capitalists within the democratic proletarian dictatorship, as the proletariat would be guaranteed an overwhelming majority.[40] The Bolsheviks in 1917–1924 did not claim to have achieved a communist society. In contrast the preamble to the 1977Constitution (Fundamental Law) of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (the "Brezhnev Constitution"), stated that the 1917 Revolution established the dictatorship of the proletariat as "a society of true democracy" and that "the supreme goal of the Soviet state is the building of a classless, communist society in which there will be public, communist self-government."[41]
During theRussian Civil War (1918–1922), all the major opposition parties either took up arms against the newSoviet government, took part in sabotage,collaboration with the deposedTsarists, or made assassination attempts against Lenin and other Bolshevik leaders. When opposition parties such as the Cadets andMensheviks were democratically elected to the Soviets in some areas, they proceeded to use their mandate to welcome in Tsarist andforeign capitalist military forces. In oneincident in Baku, the British military, once invited in, proceeded to execute members of the Bolshevik Party (who had peacefully stood down from the Soviet when they failed to win the elections). As a result, the Bolsheviks banned each opposition party when it turned against the Soviet government. In some cases, bans were lifted. This banning of parties did not have the same repressive character as later bans under Stalin would.[42]
Internally, Lenin's critics argued that such political suppression was always his plan. Supporters argued that thereactionarycivil war of the foreign-sponsoredWhite movement required it, givenFanya Kaplan's unsuccessful assassination of Lenin on 30 August 1918 and the successful assassination ofMoisei Uritsky the same day. After 1919, the Soviets ceased functioning as organs of democratic rule as the famine induced byforced grain requisitions led to the Soviets emptying out of ordinary people. Half the population of Moscow and a third of Petrograd had fled to the countryside to find food, and political life ground to a halt.[42]
The Bolsheviks became concerned that under these conditions—the absence of mass participation in political life and the banning of opposition parties—counter-revolutionary forces would express themselves within the Bolshevik Party itself (some evidence existed for this in the mass of ex-opposition party members who signed up for Bolshevik membership immediately after the end of the Civil War). Despite the principle ofdemocratic centralism in the Bolshevik Party, internal factions were banned. This was considered an extreme measure and did not fall within Marxist doctrine. The ban remained until the Soviet Union's dissolution in 1991.[43] In 1921, vigorous internal debate and freedom of opinion were still present within Russia, and the beginnings of censorship and mass political repression had not yet emerged. The Workers' Opposition faction continued to operate despite being nominally dissolved. The debates of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union continued to be published until 1923.[30]
At its founding, thePeople's Republic of China termed itself apeople's democratic dictatorship.[47]: 74 According toMao Zedong, this meant a democracy for the revolutionary people (viewed as the majority of the population) and the coercive measures implicit in "dictatorship" forcounterrevolutionaries.[47]: 74–75 This form of state in favor of the peasantry, proletariat, and others who could assert revolutionary consciousness made no pretense of impartiality.[47]: 75
In theMaoist view, the dictatorship of the proletariat was not exercised by the proletariat as a class in and of itself, but instead by those with the correct "proletarian consciousness".[48] The beliefs and values that comprised the necessary Maoist proletarian consciousness were matters of political and intellectual debate, subject to re-definition over time.[48]
TheCultural Revolution questioned[according to whom?] the dictatorship of the proletariat as previously implemented in socialism, particularly the fact that state functions had ultimately became the purview of party officials/cadres instead of becoming more broadly dispersed.[25] One of the Cultural Revolution's stated components was a form of mass politics intended to put state power into the hands of the common people.[25] As Mao told theRed Guards in the early phase of the Cultural Revolution, all of them had "to be concerned about the affairs of the state."[25] Ultimately, the Cultural Revolution failed to complete this reimagining of what the dictatorship of the proletariat might be.[25]
Communist Party of the Philippines theorist and activistJose Maria Sison describes the dictatorship of the proletariat as a "socialist democracy" for the proletariat and the other exploited classes, without which a proletarian state is incapable of securing democracy for the entire people.[50] Sison writes, "While dictatorship of the proletariat may sound terrifying to some and evoke images of indiscriminate acts of violence, it is a well-established principle of scientific socialism to remove the economic basis of class oppression and exploitation and to give even the members of the erstwhile exploiting classes the amplest opportunity to remold themselves and contribute what they can to the progress of socialist society."[51] Under this conception, the dictatorship of the proletariat makes political allowances and respects legitimate interests of sections of the bourgeoisie which join the revolution because "it has never occurred that the proletariat has ascended to power without allies."[51] In contrast, "the coercive apparatuses of class dictatorship are applied on those who have no desire but to destroy or subvert the socialist society."[52]
^Cooke, Chris, ed. (1998).Dictionary of Historical Terms (2nd ed.). pp. 221–222.
^Wright, James (2015).International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences.Elsevier. p. 3355.ISBN978-0-08-097087-5.
^Luxemburg, Rosa (1906)."Co-operation of Organised and Unorganised Workers Necessary for Victory".The Mass Strike, the Political Party and the Trade Unions. Marxist Educational Society of Detroit. "The social democrats are the most enlightened, most class-conscious vanguard of the proletariat. They cannot and dare not wait, in a fatalist fashion, with folded arms for the advent of the "revolutionary situation," to wait for that which in every spontaneous peoples' movement, falls from the clouds. On the contrary, they must now, as always, hasten the development of things and endeavour to accelerate events."
^Luxemburg, Rosa (1918)."That is what the Spartacus League wants!".What Does the Spartacus League Want?. Die Rote Fahne. "The Spartacus League is only the most conscious, purposeful part of the proletariat, which points the entire broad mass of the working class toward its historical tasks at every step, which represents in each particular stage of the Revolution the ultimate socialist goal, and in all national questions the interests of the proletarian world revolution."
^"Letter from Marx to Joseph Weydemeyer". Archived fromthe original on 2014-02-22. dated March 5, 1852 in Karl Marx & Frederick Engels,Collected Works Vol. 39 (International Publishers: New York, 1983) pp. 62–65.
^"You know that the institutions, mores, and traditions of various countries must be taken into consideration, and we do not deny that there are countries – such as America, England, and if I were more familiar with your institutions, I would perhaps also add Holland – where the workers can attain their goal by peaceful means. This being the case, we must also recognise the fact that in most countries on the Continent the lever of our revolution must be force; it is force to which we must some day appeal to erect the rule of labour."La Liberté Speech delivered by Karl Marx on 8 September 1872, in Amsterdam
^Russo, Alessandro (2019). "Class Struggle". In Sorace, Christian; Franceschini, Ivan; Loubere, Nicholas (eds.).Afterlives of Chinese Communism: Political Concepts from Mao to Xi. Acton, Australia:Australian National University Press.ISBN9781760462499.
^abcPriestland, David (2002)."Soviet Democracy, 1917–91"(PDF).European History Quarterly.32 (1):111–130.doi:10.1177/0269142002032001564.Archived(PDF) from the original on 2021-02-12.Lenin defended all four elements of Soviet democracy in his seminal theoretical work of 1917,State and Revolution. The time had come, Lenin argued, for the destruction of the foundations of the bourgeois state, and its replacement with an ultra-democratic 'Dictatorship of the Proletariat' based on the model of democracy followed by thecommunards of Paris in 1871. Much of the work wastheoretical, designed, by means of quotations from Marx and Engels, to win battles within the international Social Democratic movement against Lenin's arch-enemy Kautsky. However, Lenin was not operating only in the realm of theory. He took encouragement from the rise of a whole range of institutions that seemed to embody class-based, direct democracy, and in particular the soviets and the factory committees, which demanded the right to 'supervise' (kontrolirovat') (although not to take the place of) factory management.
^Lenin, Vladimir (1918)."Chapter I: Class Society and the State".The State and Revolution.Archived from the original on Apr 5, 2024 – via Marxists Internet Archive.The supersession of the bourgeois state by the proletarian state is impossible without a violent revolution
^Lenin, Vladimir (1918)."Chapter I: Class Society and the State".The State and Revolution.Archived from the original on Apr 5, 2024 – via Marxists Internet Archive.the theory of Marx and Engels of the inevitability of a violent revolution refers to the bourgeois state. The latter cannot be superseded by the proletarian state (the dictatorship of the proletariat) through the process of "withering away", but, as a general rule, only through a violent revolution. The panegyric Engels sang in its honor, and which fully corresponds to Marx's repeated statements
