In the United Kingdom,devolution (historically calledhome rule) is theParliament of the United Kingdom'sstatutory granting of a greater level ofself-government to parts of the United Kingdom, such as toScotland,Wales,Northern Ireland andparts of England, specifically toLondon and thecombined authorities.
Statutory powers have been awarded to theScottish Parliament, theSenedd (Welsh Parliament), and theNorthern Ireland Assembly, with authority exercised by their associated executive bodies: theScottish Government,Welsh Government, andNorthern Ireland Executive respectively. In England, oversight powers and general responsibility have also been given to theLondon Assembly, which oversees theGreater London Authority andMayor of London; and, since 2011, variousmayoral combined authorities throughout England. There have been further proposals for devolution in England, includingnational devolution, regional devolution (such as tonorthern England orCornwall) or failed proposals forregional assemblies.
Devolution differs fromfederalism in that the devolved powers of the subnational authority ultimately reside in central government, thus the state remains,de jure, aunitary state. Legislation creating devolved parliaments or assemblies can be repealed or amended by parliament in the same way as any statute, although the parliaments and assemblies in Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland and London, as well as some mayors in England, were supported via public referendums. Laws such as theScotland Act 2016 andWales Act 2017 affirmed the permanence of their devolved institutions, and any abolishment of such must be voted for in a referendum.
Legislation passed following theEU membership referendum, including theUnited Kingdom Internal Market Act 2020, undermines and restricts the authority of the devolved legislatures in both Scotland and Wales.[1]
Northern Ireland was the first constituent of the UK to have a devolved administration.[a]Home Rule came into effect forNorthern Ireland in 1921, under theGovernment of Ireland Act 1920 ("Fourth Home Rule Act"). TheParliament of Northern Ireland established under that act was prorogued (the session ended) on 30 March 1972 owing to the destabilisation of Northern Ireland upon the onset ofthe Troubles in late 1960s. This followed escalating violence by state and paramilitary organisations following the suppression of civil rights demands by Northern Ireland Catholics.
TheNorthern Ireland Parliament was abolished by theNorthern Ireland Constitution Act 1973, which received royal assent on 19 July 1973. ANorthern Ireland Assembly was elected on 28 June 1973 and following theSunningdale Agreement, a power-sharingNorthern Ireland Executive was formed on 1 January 1974. This collapsed on 28 May 1974, due to theUlster Workers' Council strike.
TheNorthern Ireland Constitutional Convention (1975–1976) and secondNorthern Ireland Assembly (1982–1986) were unsuccessful at restoring devolution. In the absence of devolution and power-sharing, theUK Government andIrish Government formally agreed to co-operate on security, justice and political progress in theAnglo-Irish Agreement, signed on 15 November 1985. More progress was made after the ceasefires by theProvisional IRA in 1994 and 1997.[2]
The 1998Belfast Agreement (also known as the Good Friday Agreement), resulted in the creation of a new Northern Ireland Assembly, intended to bring together the two communities (nationalist andunionist) to govern Northern Ireland.[3] Additionally, renewed devolution in Northern Ireland was conditional on co-operation between the newly establishedNorthern Ireland Executive and theGovernment of Ireland through a new all-Ireland body, theNorth/South Ministerial Council. ABritish–Irish Council covering the whole British Isles and aBritish–Irish Intergovernmental Conference (between the British and Irish Governments) were also established.
From 15 October 2002, the Northern Ireland Assembly was suspended due to a breakdown in theNorthern Ireland peace process but, on 13 October 2006, the British and Irish governments announced theSt Andrews Agreement, a 'road map' to restore devolution to Northern Ireland.[4] On 26 March 2007,Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) leaderIan Paisley metSinn Féin leaderGerry Adams for the first time and together announced that a devolved government would be returning to Northern Ireland.[5] The Executive was restored on 8 May 2007.[6] Several policing and justice powers were transferred to the Assembly on 12 April 2010.
The 2007–2011 Assembly (the third since the 1998 Agreement) was dissolved on 24 March 2011 in preparation for anelection to be held on Thursday 5 May 2011, this being the first Assembly since the Good Friday Agreement to complete a full term.[7] The fifth Assembly convened in May 2016.[8] That assembly dissolved on 26 January 2017, and anelection for a reduced Assembly was held on 2 March 2017 but this did not lead to formation of a new Executive due to the collapse of power-sharing. Power-sharing collapsed in Northern Ireland due to theRenewable Heat Incentive scandal. On 11 January 2020, after having been suspended for almost three years, the parties reconvened on the basis of an agreement proposed by the Irish and UK governments.[9]Elections were held for aseventh assembly in May 2022.Sinn Féin emerged as the largest party, followed by theDemocratic Unionist Party.[10] The newly elected assembly met for the first time on 13 May 2022 and again on 30 May. However, at both these meetings, the DUP refused to assent to the election of aspeaker[11] as part of a protest against theNorthern Ireland Protocol, which meant that the assembly could not continue other business, including the appointment of anew Executive.[12] On 3 February 2024, a new executive was formed marking the return of devolved government to Northern Ireland.[13]
TheActs of Union 1707 merged theParliament of Scotland and theParliament of England into a singleParliament of Great Britain.[14] Ever since, individuals and organisations advocated the return of a Scottish Parliament. The drive for home rule for Scotland first took concrete shape in the 19th century, as demands for home rule in Ireland were met with similar (although not as widespread) demands in Scotland.[15] TheNational Association for the Vindication of Scottish Rights was established in 1853, a body close to theScottish Unionist Party and motivated by a desire to secure more focus on Scottish problems in response to what they felt was undue attention being focused on Ireland by the thenLiberal government.[16] In 1871,William Ewart Gladstone stated at a meeting held inAberdeen that if Ireland was to be granted home rule, then the same should apply to Scotland. A Scottish home rule bill was presented to theWestminster Parliament in 1913 but the legislative process was interrupted by theFirst World War.[16]
The demands for political change in the way in which Scotland was run changed dramatically in the 1920s when Scottish nationalists started to form various organisations.[17] TheScots National League was formed in 1920 in favour ofScottish independence, and this movement was superseded in 1928 by the formation of theNational Party of Scotland, which became theScottish National Party (SNP) in 1934. At first the SNP sought only the establishment of a devolved Scottish assembly, but in 1942 they changed this to support all-out independence. This caused the resignation ofJohn MacCormick from the SNP and he formed theScottish Covenant Association. This body proved to be the biggest mover in favour of the formation of a Scottish assembly, collecting over two million signatures in the late 1940s and early 1950s and attracting support from across the political spectrum.[18] However, without formal links to any of the political parties it withered, and devolution and the establishment of an assembly were put on the political back burner.
Harold Wilson's Labour government set up aRoyal Commission on the Constitution in 1969, which reported in 1973 toEdward Heath's Conservative government.[19] The Commission recommended the formation of a devolved Scottish assembly, but this was not implemented.[20] Support for the SNP reached 30% in theOctober 1974 general election, with 11 SNP MPs being elected. In 1978 the Labour government passed theScotland Act which legislated for the establishment of a Scottish Assembly, provided the Scots voted for such in areferendum. However, the Labour Party was bitterly divided on the subject of devolution.[21] An amendment to the Scotland Act that had been proposed by Labour MPGeorge Cunningham, who shortly afterwards defected to the newly formedSocial Democratic Party (SDP), required 40% of the total electorate to vote in favour of an assembly.[21] Despite officially favouring it, considerable numbers of Labour members opposed the establishment of an assembly. This division contributed to only a narrow 'Yes' majority being obtained, and the failure to reach Cunningham's 40% threshold.[21] The 18 years of Conservative government, underMargaret Thatcher and thenJohn Major, saw strong resistance to any proposal for devolution forScotland, and forWales.
In response to Conservative dominance, in 1989 theScottish Constitutional Convention was formed encompassing the Labour Party,Liberal Democrats and theScottish Green Party,local authorities, and sections of "civic Scotland" likeScottish Trades Union Congress, the Small Business Federation andChurch of Scotland and the other major churches in Scotland. Its purpose was to devise a scheme for the formation of a devolution settlement for Scotland. The SNP decided to withdraw, as independence was not a constitutional option countenanced by the convention. The convention produced its final report in 1995. In May 1997, theLabour government ofTony Blair was elected with a promise of creating devolved institutions in Scotland. In late 1997, areferendum was held which resulted in a "yes" vote.
The newly createdScottish Parliament (as a result of theScotland Act 1998) has powers to make primarylegislation in all areas of policy which are not expressly 'reserved' for the UK Government and parliament such as national defence and international affairs. 76% of Scotland's revenue and 36% of its spending are 'reserved'.[22] Devolution for Scotland was justified on the basis that it would make government more representative of the people of Scotland. It was argued that the population of Scotland felt detached from theWestminster government (largely because of the policies of theConservative governments led byMargaret Thatcher andJohn Major). Critics however point out that the Scottish Parliament's power is on most measures surpassed by the parliaments of regions or provinces within federations, where regional and national parliaments are each sovereign within their spheres of jurisdiction.[23][24]
Areferendum on Scottish independence was held on 18 September 2014, with the referendum being defeated 55.3% (No) to 44.7% (Yes).[25] In the2015 general election the SNP won 56 of the 59 Scottish seats with 50% of all Scottish votes. This saw the SNP replace the Liberal Democrats as the third largest in the UK Parliament. In the 2016 Scottish Parliament election the SNP fell two seats short of an overall majority with 63 seats but remained in government for a third term. The proportional electoral system used for Holyrood elections makes it very difficult for any party to gain a majority. TheScottish Conservatives won 31 seats and became the second largest party for the first time.Scottish Labour, down to 24 seats from 38, fell to third place. TheScottish Greens took 6 seats and overtook the Liberal Democrats who remained flat at 5 seats. Following the2016 referendum on EU membership, where Scotland and Northern Ireland voted to Remain andEngland andWales voted to Leave (leading to a52% Leave vote nationwide), the Scottish Parliament voted for asecond independence referendum to be held once conditions of the UK's EU exit are known.
The SNP had advocated for another independence referendum to be held in 2020. The SNP were widely expected to include a second independence referendum in their manifesto for the2021 Scottish Parliament election.[26] Senior SNP figures have said that asecond independence referendum would be inevitable, should an SNP majority be elected to the Scottish Parliament in 2021 and some claimed this was going to happen by the end of 2021, though that hasn't been the case.[27]
TheUnited Kingdom Internal Market Act 2020 restricts and undermines the authority of the Scottish Parliament.[b] Its primary purpose is to constrain the capacity of the devolved institutions to use their regulatory autonomy.[28] It restricts the ability of the Scottish government to make different economic or social choices from those made in Westminster.[1]
Following theLaws in Wales Acts 1535–1542, Wales was treated in legal terms as part of England. However, during the later part of the 19th century and early part of the 20th century the notion of a distinctive Welshpolity gained credence. In 1881 theSunday Closing (Wales) Act 1881 was passed, the first such legislation exclusively concerned with Wales. The Central Welsh Board was established in 1896 to inspect the grammar schools set up under theWelsh Intermediate Education Act 1889, and a separate Welsh Department of the Board of Education was formed in 1907. The Agricultural Council for Wales was set up in 1912, and the Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries had its own Welsh Office from 1919.
Despite the failure of popular political movements such asCymru Fydd, a number of national institutions, such as theNational Eisteddfod (1861), theFootball Association of Wales (1876), theWelsh Rugby Union (1881), theUniversity of Wales (Welsh:Prifysgol Cymru, 1893), theNational Library of Wales (Llyfrgell Genedlaethol Cymru, 1911) and theWelsh Guards (Gwarchodlu Cymreig, 1915) were created. The campaign for disestablishment of the Anglican Church in Wales, achieved by the passage of theWelsh Church Act 1914, was also significant in the development of Welsh political consciousness.Plaid Cymru, a party committed to Welsh independence, was formed in 1925.
An appointedCouncil for Wales and Monmouthshire was established in 1949 to "ensure the government is adequately informed of the impact of government activities on the general life of the people of Wales". The council had 27 members nominated by local authorities in Wales, theUniversity of Wales,National Eisteddfod Council and theWelsh Tourist Board. A cross-party Parliament for Wales campaign in the early 1950s was supported by a number of Labour MPs, mainly from the more Welsh-speaking areas, together with the Liberal Party and Plaid Cymru. A post of Minister of Welsh Affairs was created in 1951 and the post ofSecretary of State for Wales and theWelsh Office were established in 1964 leading to the abolition of the Council for Wales and Monmouthshire.
Labour's incremental embrace of a distinctive Welsh polity was arguably catalysed in 1966 when Plaid Cymru presidentGwynfor Evans won theCarmarthen by-election. In response to the emergence of Plaid Cymru and theScottish National Party (SNP)Harold Wilson's Labour Government set up theRoyal Commission on the Constitution (the Kilbrandon Commission) to investigate the UK's constitutional arrangements in 1969. The 1974–1979 Labour government proposed aWelsh Assembly in parallel to its proposals for Scotland. These were rejected by voters in the1979 referendum: 956,330 votes against, 243,048 for.
In May 1997, theLabour government ofTony Blair was elected with a promise of creating a devolved assembly inWales; thereferendum in 1997 resulted in a narrow "yes" vote. The turnout was 50.22% with 559,419 votes (50.3%) in favour and 552,698 (49.7%) against, a majority of 6,721 (0.6%). TheNational Assembly for Wales, as a consequence of theGovernment of Wales Act 1998, possesses the power to determine how thegovernment budget for Wales is spent and administered. The 1998 Act was followed by theGovernment of Wales Act 2006 which created an executive body, theWelsh Government, separate from the legislature, the National Assembly for Wales. It also conferred on the National Assembly some limited legislative powers.
The 1997 devolution referendum was only narrowly passed, with the majority of voters in the former industrial areas of theSouth Wales Valleys and the Welsh-speaking heartlands ofWest Wales andNorth Wales voting for devolution, and the majority of voters in all the counties near England, plusCardiff andPembrokeshire, rejecting devolution. However, all recent opinion polls indicate an increasing level of support for further devolution, with support for some tax varying powers now commanding a majority, and diminishing support for the abolition of the Assembly.
The2011 Welsh devolution referendum saw a majority of 21 local authority constituencies to 1 voting in favour of more legislative powers being transferred from the UK parliament in Westminster to the Welsh Assembly. The turnout in Wales was 35.4% with 517,132 votes (63.5%) in favour and 297,380 (36.5%) against increased legislative power.
ACommission on Devolution in Wales was set up in October 2011 to consider further devolution of powers from London. The commission issued a report on the devolution of fiscal powers in November 2012 and a report on the devolution of legislative powers in March 2014. The fiscal recommendations formed the basis of theWales Act 2014, while the majority of the legislative recommendations were put into law by theWales Act 2017.
On 6 May 2020, the National Assembly was renamedSenedd Cymru orthe Welsh Parliament with theSenedd becoming its common name in both languages.[36]
The devolved competence of the Welsh Government, as the Scottish Government, is restricted and undermined by theUnited Kingdom Internal Market Act 2020.[1]
England is the only country of the United Kingdom to not have a devolved Parliament or Assembly and English affairs are decided by the UK Parliament.
There have been proposals for the establishment of a singledevolved English parliament to govern the affairs of England as a whole. This has been supported by groups such as English Commonwealth, theEnglish Democrats, andCampaign for an English Parliament, as well as theScottish National Party andPlaid Cymru who have both expressed support for greater autonomy for all four nations while ultimately striving for a dissolution of the Union. Without its own devolved Parliament, England continues to be governed and legislated for by the UK Government and UK Parliament, which gives rise to theWest Lothian question. The question concerns the fact that, on devolved matters, Scottish MPs continue to help make laws that apply to England alone, although no English MPs can make laws on those same matters for Scotland. Since the2014 Scottish independence referendum, there has been a wider debate about the UK adopting afederal system with each of the fourHome Nations having its own equal devolved legislature and law-making powers.[37]
In the first five years of devolution for Scotland and Wales, support in England for the establishment of an English parliament was low at between 16 and 19 per cent.[38] While a 2007 opinion poll found that 61 per cent would support such a parliament being established,[39] a report based on theBritish Social Attitudes Survey published in December 2010 suggests that only 29 per cent of people in England support the establishment of an English parliament, though this figure has risen from 17 per cent in 2007.[40]John Curtice argues that tentative signs of increased support for an English parliament might represent "a form of English nationalism ... beginning to emerge among the general public".[41] Krishan Kumar, however, notes that support for measures to ensure that only English MPs can vote on legislation that applies only to England is generally higher than that for the establishment of an English parliament, although support for both varies depending on the timing of the opinion poll and the wording of the question.[42]
In September 2011 it was announced that theBritish government was to set up a commission to examine the West Lothian question.[43] In January 2012 it was announced that this six-member commission would be named theCommission on the consequences of devolution for the House of Commons, would be chaired by formerClerk of the House of Commons,Sir William McKay, and would have one member from each of the devolved countries. The McKay Commission reported in March 2013.[44]
On 22 October 2015 The House of Commons voted in favour of implementing a system of "English votes for English laws" by 312 votes to 270 after four hours of intense debate. Amendments to the proposed standing orders put forward by both Labour and The Liberal Democrats were defeated. Scottish National Party MPs criticized the measures stating that the bill would render Scottish MPs as "second class citizens".[45] Under the new procedures, if theSpeaker of The House determines that a proposed bill orstatutory instrument exclusively affects England, England and Wales or England, Wales and Northern Ireland, then legislative consent should be obtained via aLegislative Grand Committee. This process was performed at the second reading of a bill or instrument as an attempt at answering theWest Lothian question.[46] English votes for English laws was suspended in April 2020,[47] and in July 2021 the House of Commons abolished it, returning to the previous system with no special mechanism for English laws.[48]
England has three distinct sub-national areas; thenorth, themidlands and thesouth.
Devolution for England was proposed in 1912 by theMember of Parliament for Dundee,Winston Churchill, as part of the debate onHome Rule for Ireland. In a speech inDundee on 12 September, Churchill proposed that the government of England should be divided up among regional parliaments, with power devolved to areas such as Lancashire, Yorkshire, the Midlands and London as part of a federal system of government.[49][50]
The division of England into provinces or regions was explored by several post-Second World War royal commissions. TheRedcliffe-Maud Report of 1969 proposed devolving power from central government to eight provinces in England. In 1973 theRoyal Commission on the Constitution proposed the creation of eight English appointed regional assemblies with an advisory role; although the report stopped short of recommending legislative devolution to England, a minority of signatories wrote a memorandum of dissent which put forward proposals for devolving power to elected assemblies for Scotland and Wales, and five regional assemblies in England.[51]
The 1966–1969Redcliffe-Maud Report recommended the abolition of all existing two-tier councils and council areas in England and replacing them with 58 newunitary authorities alongside threemetropolitan areas (Merseyside, 'Selnec', and theWest Midlands). These would have been grouped into eight provinces with a provincial council each. The report was initially accepted "in principle" by the government.[citation needed]
In April 1994, theGovernment of John Major created a set of tenGovernment OfficeRegions for England to coordinate central government departments at a provincial level.[52]Regional Development Agencies were set up in 1998 under theGovernment of Tony Blair to foster economic growth around England. These Agencies were supported by a set of eight newly createdRegional Assemblies, or Chambers. These bodies were not directly elected but members were appointed by local government and local interest groups.
In a white paper published in 2002, the government proposed decentralisation of power across England similar to that done for Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland in 1998.[53] Regional Assemblies were abolished between 2008 and 2010, but theRegions of England continue to be used in certain governmental administrative functions.
![[icon]](/mt/?noimg=&dark=on&url=http%3a%2f%2fen.wikipedia.org%2fwiki%2fFile%3aWiki_letter_w_cropped.svg) | This sectionneeds expansion. You can help byadding to it.(October 2022) |
Following areferendum in 1998, a directly elected administrative body was created for Greater London, theGreater London Authority which has "accrued significantly more power than were originally envisaged."[54]
Within the Greater London Authority (GLA) are the electedMayor of London andLondon Assembly. The GLA is colloquially referred to as the City Hall and their powers include overseeingTransport for London, the work of theMetropolitan Police and theLondon Fire Brigade, various redevelopment corporations, and theQueen Elizabeth Olympic Park.[55] In 2013, the GLA established the Devolution Working Group to oversee and further devolution in London.[56] In 2017 the work of these authorities along withPublic Health England achieved a devolution agreement with the national government in regard to some healthcare services.[57][58]
Northern England has a statutory transport body,Transport for the North. Multiple bodies are or have advocated for further devolution to Northern England. TheNorthern Powerhouse Partnership is one of these, made up of businesses and civil leaders.
In May 2025 the mayors of combined authorities across theNorth of England (Greater Manchester, Hull and East Yorkshire, Liverpool City Region, North East, South Yorkshire, Tees Valley, West Yorkshire, York and North Yorkshire) launched a partnership known asThe Great North. The partnership, whose brand is based on theGreat North Run, will lead trade missions and focus on pan-North investment propositions including hosting a Northern investment summit.[59][60][61]
TheNorthern Party was a political party established to campaign forDevolution to the North of England through the creation of a Regional Government over covering the six historic counties of the region.[62] The Campaign aimed to create a Northern Government with tax-raising powers and responsibility for policy areas including economic development, education, health, policing and emergency services.[63][64]TheNorthern Independence Party is aseparatist,democratic socialist party founded in 2020, in response to the perceived growth of theNorth–South divide in England,[65] aiming for the formation of an independent country in the north of England under the name ofNorthumbria, after the early medieval Anglo-Saxon kingdom of the same name. The party currently has no elected representatives in parliament.[66]
A proposal to devolve political power to a fully elected Regional Assembly was put to public vote in the2004 North East England devolution referendum. This, however, was defeated 78% to 22%, resulting in the cancellation of subsequent referendums planned inNorth West England andYorkshire and the Humber, with the government abandoning its plans of regional devolution altogether.[67] As well as facilitating an elected assembly, the proposal would also have reorganised local government in the area. However, the North East Combined Authority, covering much of the region, is to be formed in 2024.
Arguments for devolution to Yorkshire, which has a population of 5.4 million – similar to Scotland – and whose economy is roughly twice as large as that of Wales, include focus on the area as acultural region or even anation separate from England,[68] whose inhabitants share common features.
This cause has also been supported by the cross-party One Yorkshire group of 18 local authorities (out of 20) in Yorkshire. One Yorkshire has sought the creation of adirectly elected mayor of Yorkshire, devolution of decision-making to Yorkshire, and giving the county access to funding and benefits similar to combined authorities.[69] Various proposals differ between establishing this devolved unit in Yorkshire and the Humber (which excludes parts of Yorkshire and includes parts of Lincolnshire), in the county of Yorkshire as a whole, or inparts of Yorkshire, withSheffield andRotherham each opting for a South Yorkshire Deal.[70][71] This has been criticised by proponents of the One Yorkshire solution, who have described it as aBalkanisation of Yorkshire and a waste of resources.[70]
The Yorkshire Devolution Movement is anassociate parliamentary group campaigning for a directly elected parliament for the whole of the traditional county ofYorkshire with powers second to no other devolved administration in the UK.[72]
TheYorkshire Party advocates for the establishment of a devolved Yorkshire Assembly within the UK, with powers over education, environment, transport and housing. In the2019 European Parliament election, it received over 50,000 votes in theYorkshire and the Humber constituency.[73] In the2021 West Yorkshire mayoral election,[74]2022 South Yorkshire mayoral Election,[75] and the2022 Wakefield By-Election,[76] the Yorkshire Party beat major parties, being the third most voted forpolitical party in each election.
TheWessex Regionalists are a small political party who argue for self-government for modern Wessex, which it defines accordingly to the Wessex Society as the historical counties of Berkshire, Oxfordshire, Gloucestershire, Somerset, Wiltshire, Hampshire, Devon, Dorset and the Isle of Wight. As such, the Wessex area corresponds to five of the six existing counties of the South West region (not including Cornwall) and four ceremonial counties from the South East region: Berkshire, Oxfordshire, Hampshire, and the Isle of Wight. The proposedHeart of Wessex Combined Authority will devolve power toDorset,Wiltshire andSomerset.[77]
After the proposal of devolution to regions failed, the government pursued the concept ofcity regions. The2009 Local Democracy, Economic Development and Construction Act provided the means for the creation ofcombined authorities based upon city regions, a system of cooperation between authorities. Multiple combined authorities where created in the early-to-mid-2010s,[78] the oldest of these being theGreater Manchester Combined Authority established in 2011.[79] Over the latter part of the 2010s and into the 2020s, the national government has progressed with proposed deals for more groups of local authorities to devolve at a sub-regional level.[80] TheLocal Government Association keeps a register of up-to-date devolution proposals.[81]
As of the beginning of 2024, eleven combined authorities exist, ten of which have adirectly elected mayor. The powers given to the combined authorities are smaller compared to the powers of the devolved national governments; they are limited largely to the economy, transport, and planning.[82]
In October 2024, the newly elected Labour government established a UK wideCouncil of the Nations and Regions and an England-onlyMayoral Council bringing together ministers from the UK government, the Mayor of London and the Mayors of Combined Authorities.[83][84] As the Labour government hopes that combined authorities will be established throughout England, the Mayoral Council would eventually evolve into an all-England forum.[85] As of October 2024, 48% of the population and 26% of the land area of England is represented on the Mayoral Council.[86]
The concept of a meeting of mayors had also been proposed prior to 2024. In 2012, then prime ministerDavid Cameron proposed that directly-elected mayors sit within an "English Cabinet of Mayors", chaired by the prime minister and meeting at least twice a year, giving them the opportunity to share ideas and represent their regions at national level.[87][88] No further action towards establishing an English Cabinet of Mayors was taken. In 2022,Labour also proposed a similar body to be known as the "Council of England", chaired by the prime minister and bringing together combined authority mayors, representatives of local government and other stakeholders.[89]
There is amovement that supports devolution inCornwall. A law-making Cornish Assembly is party policy for theLiberal Democrats,Mebyon Kernow,Plaid Cymru and theGreens.[90][91] A Cornish Constitutional Convention was set up in 2001 with the goal of establishing aCornish Assembly. Several Cornish Liberal Democrat MPs such asAndrew George,Dan Rogerson and former MPMatthew Taylor are strong supporters of Cornish devolution.[92]
On 12 December 2001, the Cornish Constitutional Convention and Mebyon Kernow submitted a 50,000-strong petition supporting devolution in Cornwall to10 Downing Street.[93][94] This was over 10% of the Cornish electorate, the figure that the government had stated was the criteria for calling a referendum on the issue.[95] In December 2007 Cornwall Council leader David Whalley stated that "There is something inevitable about the journey to a Cornish Assembly".[96]
A poll carried out bySurvation for theUniversity of Exeter in November 2014 found that 60% were in favour of power being devolved from Westminster to Cornwall, with only 19% opposed and 49% were in favour of the creation of a Cornish Assembly, with 31% opposed.[97]
In January 2015Labour'sShadow Chancellor promised the delivery of a Cornish assembly in the next parliament if Labour are elected.Ed Balls made the statement whilst on a visit toCornwall College inCamborne and it signifies a turn around in policy for the Labour party who in government prior to 2010 voted against the Government of Cornwall Bill 2008–09.[98]
Cornwall has also been discussed as a potential area for further devolution and therefore a federal unit, particularly promoted by Mebyon Kernow. Cornwall has adistinct language and theCornish have been recognised as a national minority within the United Kingdom, a status shared with the Scots, the Welsh, and the Irish.[99] The electoral reform society conducted a poll which showed a majority supported more local decision making: 68% of councillors supported increased powers for councils and 65% believed local people should be more involved in the decision making process.[100]
Cultural historian Peter Brandon has called the current division of Sussex into east and west 'unnatural' and advocates the reunification of East and West Sussex[101] while historian Chris Hare has called for adevolved regional assembly for Sussex.[102]Brighton KemptownMP,Lloyd Russell-Moyle has also called for a tax-raising Sussex Parliament, with similar powers to the WelshSenedd, and for regional representation for Sussex in a reformedHouse of Lords.[103][104][105] In 2026, theSussex and Brighton Combined Authority will elect the first mayor in the2026 Sussex and Brighton mayoral election.[106]
The legislatures of theCrown Dependencies are not devolved as their origins predate the establishment of the United Kingdom and their attachment to theBritish Crown, and the Crown Dependencies are not part of the United Kingdom. However, the United Kingdom has redefined its formal relationship with the Crown Dependencies since the late 20th century.
Crown dependencies are possessions of the British Crown, as opposed tooverseas territories orcolonies of the United Kingdom. They comprise theChannel Islandbailiwicks ofJersey andGuernsey, and theIsle of Man in the Irish Sea.[107]
For several hundred years, each has had its own separate legislature, government and judicial system. However, as possessions of the Crown they are not sovereign nations in their own right and the British Government is responsible for the overall good governance of the islands and represents the islands in international law. Acts of the UK Parliament are normally only extended to the islands only with their specific consent.[108] Each of the dependencies is represented on theBritish-Irish Council.
TheLord Chancellor, a member of the UK Government, is responsible for relations between the government and the Channel Islands. All insular legislation must be approved by theKing-in-Council and the Lord Chancellor is responsible for proposing the legislation on thePrivy Council. He can refuse to propose insular legislation or can propose it for the King's approval.
In 2007–2008, each Crown Dependency and the UK signed agreements[109] that established frameworks for the development of the international identity of each Crown Dependency. Among the points clarified in the agreements were that:
Jersey has moved further than the other two Crown dependencies in asserting its autonomy from the United Kingdom. The preamble to the States of Jersey Law 2005 declares that 'it is recognized that Jersey has autonomous capacity in domestic affairs' and 'it is further recognized that there is an increasing need for Jersey to participate in matters of international affairs'.[110] In July 2005, the Policy and Resources Committee of theStates of Jersey established the Constitutional Review Group, chaired by SirPhilip Bailhache, with terms of reference 'to conduct a review and evaluation of the potential advantages and disadvantages for Jersey in seeking independence from the United Kingdom or other incremental change in the constitutional relationship, while retaining the Queen as Head of State'. The Group's 'Second Interim Report' was presented to the States by the Council of Ministers in June 2008.[111] In January 2011, one of Jersey's Council of Ministers was for the first time designated as having responsibility for external relations and is often described as the island's 'foreign minister'.[112][113] Proposals for Jersey independence have not, however, gained significant political or popular support.[114][115] In October 2012 the Council of Ministers issued a "Common policy for external relations"[116] that set out a number of principles for the conduct of external relations in accordance with existing undertakings and agreements. This document noted that Jersey "is a self-governing, democratic country with the power of self-determination" and "that it is not Government policy to seek independence from the United Kingdom, but rather to ensure that Jersey is prepared if it were in the best interests of Islanders to do so". On the basis of the established principles the Council of Ministers decided to "ensure that Jersey is prepared for external change that may affect the Island's formal relationship with the United Kingdom and/or European Union".[citation needed]
There is also public debate in Guernsey about the possibility of independence.[117][118] In 2009, however, an official group reached the provisional view that becoming amicrostate would be undesirable[119] and it is not supported by Guernsey's Chief Minister.[120]
In 2010, the governments of Jersey and Guernsey jointly created the post of director of European affairs, based in Brussels, to represent the interests of the islands to European Union policy-makers.[121]
Since 2010 the Lieutenant Governors of each Crown dependency have been recommended to the Crown by a panel in each respective Crown dependency; this replaced the previous system of the appointments being made by the Crown on the recommendation of UK ministers.[122][123]
Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales enjoy different levels[124] of legislative, administrative and budgetary autonomy. Each devolved administration has exclusive powers in certain policy areas, while in others, responsibility is shared and some areas of policy in the specific area are not under the control of the devolved administration. For example, while policing and criminal law may be a competence of the Scottish Government, the UK Government remains responsible for anti-terrorism, and coordinates serious crime response through theNational Crime Agency.
Under section 30 of theScotland Act 1998, powers that arereserved to theUK Parliament can be temporarily devolved to theScottish Parliament.[125] A section 30 order has been granted 16 times since the creation of the Scottish Parliament; these orders have covered a variety of areas, including the power to hold areferendum on independence.[125]
However, section 35 of the Scotland Act 1998 grants theSecretary of State for Scotland the ability to make an order prohibiting thePresiding Officer of the Scottish Parliament from submitting abill toroyal assent if they believe it would be incompatible with any of the United Kingdom's international obligations or the interests of defence or national security, or would make modifications of the law as it applies to reserved matters and which the Secretary of State has reasonable grounds to believe would have an adverse effect on the operation of the law as it applies to reserved matters. This power was used for the first time in January 2023, when Scotland SecretaryAlister Jack announced that he would make an order under section 35 to prevent theGender Recognition Reform (Scotland) Bill from proceeding to royal assent.[126]
The Act has restrictive – and potentially damaging – consequences for the regulatory capacity of the devolved legislatures...This was not the first time since the Brexit referendum that the Convention had been set aside, but it was especially notable given that the primary purpose of the legislation was to constrain the capacity of the devolved institutions to use their regulatory autonomy...in practice, it constrains the ability of the devolved institutions to make effective regulatory choices for their territories in ways that do not apply to the choices made by the UK government and parliament for the English market.
UK Internal Market Act 2020 imposed new restrictions on the ability of the devolved institutions to enact measures...mutual recognition and non-discrimination requirements mean that standards set by the legislatures in Wales and Scotland cannot restrict the sale of goods which are acceptable in other parts of the UK. In other words, imposing such measures would simply create competitive disadvantages for businesses in Wales and Scotland; they would not change the product standards or environmental protections applicable to all goods which can be purchased in Wales and Scotland.
The UK Internal Market Act gives ministers sweeping powers to enforce mutual recognition and non-discrimination across the four jurisdictions. Existing differences and some social and health matters are exempted but these are much less extensive than the exemptions permitted under the EU Internal Market provisions. Only after an amendment in the House of Lords, the Bill was amended to provide a weak and non-binding consent mechanism for amendments (equivalent to the Sewel Convention) to the list of exemptions. The result is that, while the devolved governments retain regulatory competences, these are undermined by the fact that goods and services originating in, or imported into, England can be marketed anywhere.
That phase of joint working was significantly damaged by the UK Internal Market Act, pushed through by the Johnson government in December 2020...the Act diminishes the authority of the devolved institutions, and was vehemently opposed by them.
the Internal Market Bill—a Bill that contains provisions which, if enacted, would significantly constrain, both legally and as a matter of practicality, the exercise by the devolved legislatures of their legislative competence; provisions that would be significantly more restrictive of the powers of the Scottish Parliament than either EU law or Articles 4 and 6 of the Acts of the Union...The UK Parliament passed the European Union (Withdrawal Agreement) Act 2020 and the Internal Market Act 2020 notwithstanding that, in each case, all three of the devolved legislatures had withheld consent.
Taken as a whole, the Internal Market Act imposes greater restrictions upon the competences of the devolved institutions than the provisions of the EU Single Market which it replaced, in spite of pledges to use common frameworks to address these issues.Lord Hope, responsible for many of the leading judgments relating to the first two decades of devolution, regarded the legislation's terms as deliberately confrontational: 'this Parliament can do what it likes, but a different approach is essential if the union is to hold together'.
| Devolved areas |
| ||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Referendums1 | |||||||||||||
| Heads of devolved governments | |||||||||||||
| Devolved legislatures2 | |||||||||||||
| Devolved administrations3 | |||||||||||||
| Organisations and laws of the legislatures and governments of the UK and the devolved areas |
| ||||||||||||
| Elections | |||||||||||||
| Related articles |
| ||||||||||||
| |||||||||||||
.svg)
.svg)
.svg)
