The termde-Stalinization is one which gained currency in bothRussia and theWestern world following thedissolution of the Soviet Union, but was never used during theKhrushchev era. However, de-Stalinization efforts were set forth at this time by Khrushchev and theGovernment of the Soviet Union under the guise of the "overcoming/exposure of the cult of personality", with a heavy criticism ofJoseph Stalin's "era of the cult of personality".[2] However, prior toKhrushchev's "Secret Speech" to the20th Party Congress, no direct association between Stalin as a person and "the cult of personality" was openly made by Khrushchev or others within the party, although archival documents show that strong criticism of Stalin andhis ideology featured in private discussions by Khruschchev at thePresidium of the Supreme Soviet.[2]
De-Stalinization meant an end to the role of large-scaleforced labour in the economy. The process of freeingGulag prisoners was started byLavrentiy Beria. He was removed from power, arrested on 26 June 1953, and executed on 23 December 1953. Khrushchev soon emerged as the most powerful Soviet politician.[3] A period of "silent de-Stalinization" subsequently took place, as the revision of Stalin's policies was done in secret, and often with no explanation.[4] There were dangers in denouncing Stalin as he was placed on a pedestal both at home and amongcommunists abroad.[5] This period saw a number of non-publicizedpolitical rehabilitations,[4] by way of persons and groups such as MarshalMikhail Tukhachevsky,Politburo membersRobert Eikhe andJānis Rudzutaks, those executed in theLeningrad Affair,[6] and the release of "Article 58ers".[4] However, due to the huge influx of prisoners returning from the camps (90,000 prisoners in 1954–55 alone), this could not continue.[4]
Anastas Mikoyan, a close ally of Khrushchev, played a significant role in the early de-Stalinization process. In March 1954, he called for the rehabilitation of the poetYeghishe Charents, a victim of the Purges, in a speech inYerevan in his nativeArmenia.[7][8] He subsequently played a leading role in the rehabilitation ofpolitical prisoners, and worked withLev Shahumyan (son of Bolshevik revolutionaryStepan Shahumyan) andGulag returneesAlexei Snegov andOlga Shatunovskaya to convince Khrushchev of the necessity of denouncing Stalin.[9][10] In December 1955, Khrushchev proposed thata commission be set up in order to investigate Stalin's activities on behalf of the Presidium. This investigation determined that out of the 1,920,635 arrested for anti-Soviet activities, 688,503 (35.8 per cent) were executed.[11]
O kulcie jednostki i jego następstwach, Warsaw, March 1956, first edition of the Secret Speech, published for the inner use in thePolish United Workers' Party
While de-Stalinization had been quietly underway ever since Stalin's death, the watershed event was Khrushchev's speech entitled "On the Cult of Personality and Its Consequences", concerning Stalin. On 25 February 1956, de-Stalinization became official when he spoke to a closed session of the20th Party Congress of theCommunist Party of the Soviet Union, delivering an address laying out some of Stalin's crimes and the "conditions of insecurity, fear, and even desperation" created by Stalin.[1] Khrushchev shocked his listeners by denouncing Stalin's dictatorial rule and hiscult of personality as inconsistent with communist and Party ideology. Among other points, he condemned the treatment of theOld Bolsheviks, people who had supported communism before the revolution, many of whom Stalin had executed as traitors. Khrushchev also attacked the crimes committed by associates of Beria.
One reason given for Khrushchev's speech was his moral conscience;Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn said that Khrushchev spoke out of a "movement of the heart". This, the Communists believed, would prevent a fatal loss of self-belief and restore unity within the Party.[12]
HistorianMartin McCauley argues that Khrushchev's purpose was to "liberate Party officials from the fear of repression". Khrushchev argued that if the Party were to be an efficient mechanism, stripped from the brutal abuse of power by any individual, it could transform the Soviet Union as well as the entire world.[13]
However, others have suggested that the speech was made in order to deflect blame from the Communist Party or the principles ofMarxism–Leninism and place the blame squarely on Stalin's shoulders, thus preventing a more radical debate.[12] The publication of this speech caused many party members to resign in protest, both abroad and within the Soviet Union.[12][6]
By attacking Stalin, McCauley argues, he was undermining the credibility ofVyacheslav Molotov,Georgy Malenkov,Lazar Kaganovich and other political opponents who had been within "Stalin's inner circle" during the 1930s more than he had been. If they did not "come over to Khrushchev", they "risk[ed] being banished with Stalin" and associated with his dictatorial control.[13]
On the other hand, historianA. M. Amzad argues that the speech was "deliberate" and "was designed to determine Khrushchev's political fate", as, according to him, necessary initiatives were already taken "to resolve the ills of Stalin's dictatorship".[14]
Theamnesty of 1953 and the subsequentrehabilitation processes began the release of most prisoners.[15] Former political prisoners often faced ingrained hostility upon their return, which made it difficult to reintegrate into normal life.[16] On 25 October 1956, a resolution of the CPSU declared that the existence of the Gulag labour system was "inexpedient".[17] The Gulag institution was closed by theMinistry of Internal Affairs (MVD) order No 020 of 25 January 1960.[18]
For those who remained, Khrushchev attempted to make the Gulag labour system less harsh, by allowing prisoners to post letters home to their families, and by allowing family members to mail clothes to prisoners, which was not allowed under Stalin.[19]
The Statue of Stalin inYerevan was removed in 1962 and replaced byMother Armenia in 1967.
Following the momentum of these public renamings, the Soviet government dismantled hundreds ofStalin monuments across the USSR. For example, the monument to Stalin in the Armenian capital Yerevan was removed in spring 1962 and replaced byMother Armenia in 1967.[22] Several more monuments were dismantled or destroyed across theEastern Bloc. In November 1961, the largeStalin Statue on Berlin's monumental Stalinallee (promptly renamedKarl-Marx-Allee) was removed in a clandestine operation. TheMonument in Budapest was destroyed in October 1956. The biggest one, thePrague monument, was taken down in November 1962.
In the aftermath of the Stalin era, Khrushchev defined Soviet foreign policy during theCold War. The biggest change to foreign policy dealt with "uncommitted nations". There were two types of neutrality according to the Soviets, those by ideology and those by circumstance.[25] Many of the nations that were neutral came from both of these groups and were former colonies of European powers. During Stalin there was no room for neutral countries and the idea of neutral powers came about under Khrushchev.[25] Khrushchev's biggest contribution to foreign policy is taking advantage of other aspects of de-Stalinisation to try to show the world a different Soviet Union more in line with traditional socialist ideals in Lenin era.[26]
De-Stalinization has been considered a fragile process. Historian Polly Jones said that "re-Stalinization" was highly likely after a brief period of "thaw".[2]Anne Applebaum agrees: "The era which came to be called the 'Thaw' was indeed an era of change, but change of a particular kind: reforms took two steps forward, and then one step—or sometimes three steps—back."[27]
^Amzad, A. M. (2019).Sōbhiẏēta i'uniẏanēra itihāsa 1917–1991সোভিয়েত ইউনিয়নের ইতিহাস ১৯১৭-১৯৯১ [History of the Soviet Union: 1917–1991] (in Bengali). Dhaka, Bangladesh: Abishkar. p. 315.
^Gulag Museum of Perm, Russia; US National Park Service."Introduction: Stalin's Gulag".Gulag: Soviet Forced Labor Camps and the Struggle for Freedom. Center for History and New Media, George Mason University. Retrieved17 July 2013.
^Adler, Nanci (2002).The Gulag Survivor: Beyond the Soviet System.
^Smirnov, M. B.; Sigachev, S. P.; Shkapov, D. V (1998).Система мест заключения в СССР. 1929–1960 [System of places of detention in the USSR, 1929–1960]. In Smirnov, M. B.; Okhotin, N. G.; Roginsky, A. B. (eds.).Система исправительно-трудовых лагерей в СССР [System of Forced Labor Camps in the USSR]. Moscow: Zvenya. Archived fromthe original on 14 December 2016 – viaMemorial.
^Srivenko, S. (1998).Главное Управление Лагерей ОГПУ–НКВД–МВД [Main Directorate of Camps OGPU–NKVD–MVD]. In Smirnov, M. B.; Okhotin, N. G.; Roginsky, A. B. (eds.).Система исправительно-трудовых лагерей в СССР [System of Forced Labor Camps in the USSR] (in Russian). Moscow: Zvenya. Retrieved7 October 2022 – viaMemorial.
^Hosford, David; Kachurin, Pamela; Lamont, Thomas."Gulag: Soviet Prison Camps and their Legacy"(PDF). US National Parks Center; Davis Center for Russian and Eurasian Studies. Retrieved17 July 2024.
^Bursa, G. R. F. (1985). "Political Changes of Names of Soviet Towns".Slavonic and East European Review.63.
^"CNN Interactive – Almanac – October 31".CNN.(October 31) 1961, Russia's de-Stalinisation program reached a climax when his body was removed from the mausoleum in Red Square and re-buried.
^"Stalingrad Name Changed".The New York Times.Reuters. 11 November 1961.MOSCOW, Saturday, Nov. 11 (Reuters) – The 'Hero City' of Stalingrad has been renamed Volgograd, the Soviet Communist party newspaper Pravda reported today.
^abDallin, David (1961).Soviet Foreign Policy After Stalin. New York: J. B. Lippincott Company. p. 286.
^Barghoorn, Frederick C. (1956). "De-Stalinization: Temporary Tactic or Long Term Trend?".International Journal.12 (1):24–33.doi:10.2307/40198288.JSTOR40198288.
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Filtzer, Donald.Soviet Workers and De-Stalinization: The Consolidation of the Modern System of Soviet Production Relations 1953–1964 ( Cambridge UP, 2002).
Jones, Polly, ed.The dilemmas of de-Stalinization: negotiating cultural and social change in the Khrushchev era (2006).
McClarnand, Elaine. "The Politics of History and Historical Revisionism: De-Stalinization and the Search for Identity in Gorbachev's Russia, 1985–1991." History Teacher 31.2 (1998): 153–179.online
Mëhilli, Elidor. "Defying de-stalinization: Albania's 1956."Journal of Cold War Studies 13.4 (2011): 4–56.online