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Constantine (Briton)

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King of Dumnonia and legendary King of Britain

Constantine (/ˈkɒnstəntn/,Welsh:Cystennin,fl. 520–523) was a 6th-century king ofDumnonia insub-Roman Britain, who was remembered in laterBritish tradition as alegendary King of Britain. The only contemporary information about him comes fromGildas, who castigated him for various sins, including the murder of two "royal youths" inside a church. The historical Constantine is also known from the genealogies of the Dumnonian kings, and possibly inspired the tradition ofSaint Constantine, a king-turned-monk venerated in southwest Britain and elsewhere.

In the 12th century,Geoffrey of Monmouth included Constantine in his pseudohistorical chronicleHistoria Regum Britanniae, adding details to Gildas' account and making Constantine the successor toKing Arthur as King of Britain. Under Geoffrey's influence, Constantine appeared as Arthur's heir in later chronicles. Less commonly, he also appeared in that role in medieval Arthurian romances and prose works, and in some modern versions of the legend.

History

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Southern Britain in c. 540, the time ofGildas. Constantine's likely kingdom ofDumnonia is in the southwest; the territory of theDamnonii is in the northwest.

The 6th-century monkGildas mentions Constantine in chapters 28 and 29 of workDe Excidio et Conquestu Britanniae.[1] Constantine is one of fiveBrittonic kings whom the author rebukes and compares to Biblical beasts. Gildas calls Constantine the "tyrannical whelp of the unclean lioness of Damnonia", a reference to the books ofDaniel andRevelation, and apparently also a slur directed at his mother. ThisDamnonia is generally identified as the kingdom ofDumnonia in present-daySouth West England.[2] Scholars such asLloyd Laing andLeslie Alcock note the possibility that Gildas may have instead intended the territory of theDamnonii, a tribe in present-dayScotland mentioned byPtolemy in the 2nd century, but others such as Thomas D. O'Sullivan consider this unlikely.[3]

Gildas says that despite swearing an oath against deceit and tyranny, Constantine disguised himself in anabbot's robes and attacked two "royal youths" praying before a church altar, killing them and their companions. Gildas is clear that Constantine's sins were manifold even before this, as he had committed "many adulteries" after casting off his lawfully wedded wife. Gildas encourages Constantine, whom he knows to still be alive at the time, to repent his sins lest he be damned.[1] The murders may relate to a 6th-century cult inBrittany honoring theSaints Dredenau, two young princes killed by an ambitious uncle.[4]

Scholars generally identify Gildas' Constantine with the figureCustennin Gorneu orCustennin Corneu (Constantine of Cornwall) who appears in the genealogies of the kings of Dumnonia.[5] Custennin is mentioned as the father ofErbin and the grandfather of the heroGeraint in theBonedd y Saint, the prose romanceGeraint and Enid, and after emendation, thegenealogies in Jesus College MS 20.[6][7] Based on Custennin's placement in the genealogies, Thomas D. O'Sullivan suggests afloruit for Constantine of 520–523.[8]

Saint Constantine

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Main article:Constantine (British saint)
Saint Constantine's Church inConstantine, Cornwall, perhaps connected to the historical king of Dumnonia

The historical Constantine of Dumnonia may have influenced later traditions, known in southwestern Britain as well as inWales, Ireland, andScotland, about aSaint Constantine who is usually said to have been a king who gave up his crown to become a monk. The Cornish and Welsh traditions especially may have been influenced by Gildas, in particular his adjuration for Constantine to repent; the belief may have been that the reproach eventually worked.[9]

The two major centers for thecultus of Saint Constantine were the church inConstantine Parish and the Chapel of Saint Constantine inSt Merryn Parish (nowConstantine Bay), both in Cornwall. The former was established by at least the 11th century, as it is mentioned inRhygyfarch's 11th-centuryLife of Saint David. At this time it may have supported a clerical community, but in later centuries it was simply a parish church. The Chapel at Constantine Bay had aholy well, and was the center of its own sub-parish.[9]

TheAnnales Cambriae (Welsh Annals) and theAnnals of Ulster record the conversion of a certain Constantine; these may be a reference to the Cornish saint and therefore to the historical figure.[9] Several subsequent religious texts refer to Constantine, generally associating him with Cornwall, often specifically as its king. TheLife of Saint David says that Constantine, King of Cornwall, gave up his crown and joinedSaint David's monastery atMenevia. TheVitae Petroci includes an episode in whichSaint Petroc protects a stag being hunted by a wealthy man named Constantine, who eventually converts and becomes a monk. Here Constantine is not said to be king, but a 12th-century text referring to this story, theMiracula, specifically names him as such, further adding that upon his conversion he gave Petroc an ivory horn that became one of the saint's chief relics.[10] A number of other traditions attested across Britain describe saints or kings named Constantine, suggesting a confusion and conflation of various figures.[11]

Other sites in Southwestern Britain associated with figures named Constantine include the church ofMilton Abbot, Devon; a chapel in nearbyDunterton, Devon; and a chapel inIllogan, Cornwall. The two Devon sites may have been dedicated instead toConstantine the Great, as local churches were subject toTavistock Abbey, dedicated to Constantine the Great's motherHelena. In Wales, two churches were dedicated to Constantine:Llangystennin (inConwy) andWelsh Bicknor (now inHerefordshire, England).[9] The church inGovan, a parish in present-dayScotland, was also dedicated to a Saint Constantine.[12]

Geoffrey of Monmouth and the chronicle tradition

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Historia Regum Britanniae

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King Arthur from a 15th-century Welsh adaptation ofGeoffrey of Monmouth'sHistoria Regum Britanniae. Geoffrey made Constantine Arthur's successor

Geoffrey of Monmouth includes Constantine in a section of hisHistoria Regum Britanniae adapted from Gildas. As he does throughout the work, Geoffrey alters his source material, recasting Gildas' reproved kings as successors, rather than contemporaries as inDe Excidio.[13] In addition to Gildas, Geoffrey evidently knew the Dumnonian genealogy essentially as it appears inGeraint and Enid and similar sources. He further adds a number of other details not found in earlier sources, identifying Constantine as a son ofCador, a Cornish ruler known in Welsh tradition as Cadwy mab Geraint. Notably, Geoffrey's Constantine isKing Arthur's kinsman and succeeds him asKing of the Britons.[14]Norris J. Lacy andGeoffrey Ashe suggest Geoffrey made this Arthurian connection based on an existing tradition locating Arthur's birthplace in southwest Britain.[15] However, noting that the earliest references place Arthur in northern Britain rather than the southwest,Rachel Bromwich considers the connection an arbitrary invention by Geoffrey, perhaps suggested by his earlier inventions of familial ties between Arthur andConstantine the Great and the usurperConstantine III.[16] Geoffrey calls Constantine Arthur'scognatus, or blood relative, but does not specify the exact relation, causing much confusion for later writers.[17]

In Geoffrey, Arthur passes his crown to his relative Constantine after being mortally wounded by the traitorMordred in theBattle of Camlann. Geoffrey identifies Gildas' "royal youths" asMordred's two sons, who, along with theirSaxon allies, continue their father's insurrection after his death. After "many battles" Constantine routs the rebels, and Mordred's sons flee to London andWinchester, where they hide in a church and a friary, respectively. Constantine hunts them down and executes them before the altars of their sanctuaries. Divine retribution for this transgression comes three years later when Constantine is killed by his nephewAurelius Conanus (Gildas' Aurelius Caninus), precipitating a civil war. He is buried atStonehenge alongside other kings of Britain.[18]

Latin scholar Neil Wright considers Geoffrey's changes to Gildas to be deliberate reformulations that produce a more sympathetic picture of Constantine and his successors. For Wright, identifying the "royal youths" as traitors justifies the killing, reducing Constantine's offence from murder to sacrilege (for killing the traitors in sanctuary).[13] Overall, scholars regard Geoffrey's depiction of Constantine as pessimistic, highlighting how little of Arthur's legacy survives his death.[19]

Later chronicles

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Geoffrey returned to Constantine's struggles and untimely murder in his later workVita Merlini. The text, set during the reign of Aurelius Conanus, recounts how Constantine gave Mordred's sons a "cruel death" and ended their destructive rebellion, omitting details of the killing. According to theVita, Constantine ruled only briefly before Conanus rose up, killed him, and seized the kingdom he now governs poorly. Rosemary Morris writes thatVita Merlini reinforces theHistoria's message that Constantine was unable to perpetuate the glories of Arthur's reign.[19][20]

Variants of Geoffrey's version of Constantine appeared in the numerous later adaptations of theHistoria, which were widely regarded as authentic in the Middle Ages. Such variants includeWace's Anglo-NormanRoman de Brut, the WelshBrut y Brenhinedd, andLayamon's EnglishBrut.[21] These typically reflect Geoffrey's cynicism about the character. Layamon, however, adds a touch of optimism, writing that Constantine successfully if briefly answered Arthur's charge to rule in his manner.[19] Following Geoffrey, many of these works do not expand upon Constantine's relation to Arthur, though others elaborate that he is Arthur's nephew. Taking hints from Geoffrey's version of Arthur's family tree, these writers make Constantine's father Cador a brother, or half-brother, of Arthur through Arthur's motherIgraine.[22][23]

Later traditions

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Medieval romance and prose tradition

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Constantine does not figure strongly in the Arthurian romance traditions or prose cycles. He is absent from the FrenchVulgate andPost-Vulgate Cycles, in whichLancelot and his kin kill off Mordred's sons, and no successor to Arthur appears.[24][25] Some scholars find this omission significant. Rosemary Morris suggests these versions downplay the issue of a designated heir to Arthur to heighten the stakes of Mordred's usurpation and to magnify Lancelot's role in the story.[24] Richard Trachsler writes that the exclusion of an heir adds a sense of finality to the Arthurian story after Arthur's death.[25]

Constantine does appear in some medieval works. InJean d'Outremeuse's 14th-centuryLy Myreur des Histors, Lancelot installs Constantine on the throne after Arthur's death.[21] He is king of Britain in some versions of theHavelok the Dane legend, beginning withGeoffrey Gaimar's 12th-centuryEstoire des Engleis.[26] He is also mentioned as Arthur's successor in the 14th-century Englishalliterative poem known as theAlliterativeMorte Arthure, following Arthur's war with the Romans and his subsequent mortal battle with Mordred.[27] Other English romances that reference Constantine in passing include the 14th-centuryThe Awntyrs off Arthure andSir Gawain and the Carle of Carlisle, written around 1400.[28]Jorge Ferreira de Vasconcelos's 16th-century Portuguese novelMemorial das Proezas da Segunda Távola Redonda fuses Constantine with the ubiquitousRound Table knightSagramore, creating "Sagramor Constantino", Arthur's son-in-law and heir. As king, he forms a new Round Table to defeat the old enemies and continue the glory of Arthurian Britain.[29][30][31]

Constantine's relation to Arthur varies widely in these later works. Many works leave it unstated, while others follow the chronicles in making Constantine Arthur's nephew. Several romances, especially English works, cast him as Arthur's grand-nephew, with Cador being the son of a (generally unnamed) sister of the king.[32]

Constantine also appears as Arthur's heir inThomas Malory'sLe Morte d'Arthur, including sections adapted from the AlliterativeMorte Arthure. Malory makes several changes to his source material that expand Constantine's role. Malory has Arthur designate Constantine and Baldwin of Britain as regents before going off to fight the Romans, a role that the AlliterativeMorte ascribes to Mordred.Eugène Vinaver suggests that Malory modelled this change afterHenry V's appointment ofJohn, Duke of Bedford and BishopHenry Beaufort as regents. Others finds it likelier that Malory simply wanted to replace Mordred in the Roman war narrative.[33][34] Malory also expands Constantine's role after Arthur's death, saying that he ruled honourably and restored theBishop of Canterbury to his seat. Scholars note that this expansion closes the book on a much more optimistic note than Malory's sources, indicating that Arthurian ideals lived on under Constantine.[35][36][37]

Modern literature and media

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Constantine features in some modern treatments of the legend.Katrina Trask'sUnder King Constantine, an 1892 book comprising three long romantic poems, is set in his reign.[38] He is an importantunseen character inHenry Newbolt's 1895 playMordred in his usual role as Arthur's successor.[39] He similarly appears inRosemary Sutcliff's 1963 novelSword at Sunset, in which the grievously wounded "Artos" voluntarily passes the crown to him.[40] InParke Godwin's 1984 novelBeloved Exile, Constantine is one of several nobles fightingGuenevere, the protagonist, in a bid to succeed Arthur.[41] He is the chief protagonist of the 1990 computer gameSpirit of Excalibur; players control Constantine and his allies as they defend the kingdom after Arthur's death.[42]Darrell Schweitzer's 1995 fantasy story "The Epilogue of the Sword" features an ageing Lancelot returning to serve Constantine against the Saxons.[43] Constantine elaborately figures intoArthur Phillips' 2011 novelThe Tragedy of Arthur, which centers on anapocryphal Arthurian play attributed toWilliam Shakespeare that the narrator, a fictional version of Phillips, insists is a hoax created by his father. In the play-within-the-novel, Constantine isGuenhera's brother and Arthur's vassal and heir; the novel's narrator claims that Constantine is based on his father's old nemesis, prosecutor Ted Constantine.[44][45]

Notes

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  1. ^abDe Excidio et Conquestu Britanniae, ch. 28–29.
  2. ^Lloyd, pp. 131–132.
  3. ^O'Sullivan, p. 92 & note.
  4. ^Wasyliw, pp. 80–81.
  5. ^O'Sullivan, pp. 92–93.
  6. ^Bromwich, pp. 318–319; 356–360.
  7. ^Geraint and Enid.
  8. ^O'Sullivan, p. 95.
  9. ^abcdOrme, pp. 95–96.
  10. ^Jankulak, p. 17.
  11. ^Bromwich, pp. 318–319, discusses the confusion of some of these various Constantines. Notable in the context of "Saint" Constantine isCustennin Vendigeit (The Blessed), the name for the historical usurperConstantine III in theWelsh Triads.
  12. ^Clarkson 1999.
  13. ^abWright, p. 10.
  14. ^Bromwich, p. 319.
  15. ^Lacy, Ashe, and Mancoff, p. 301.
  16. ^Bromwich, p. 319, 358.
  17. ^Moll, p. 166.
  18. ^Historia Regum Britanniae, Book 11, ch. 2–4.
  19. ^abcMorris, p. 138.
  20. ^Geoffrey of Monmouth,Vita Merlini lines 1128–1135. See:Geoffrey of Monmouth (2007). Huber, Emily Rebekah (ed.)."Arthur from the Vita Merlini".The Camelot Project.University of Rochester. Retrieved22 September 2014.
  21. ^abBruce, p. 218.
  22. ^Molchan, pp. 31, 38, and notes.
  23. ^Blaess, pp. 70–71.
  24. ^abMorris, p. 139.
  25. ^abTrachsler, p. 31.
  26. ^Spence, p. 55, 83–85.
  27. ^Benson & Foster,Alliterative Morte Arthure line 4316.
  28. ^Blaess, p. 76 and note.
  29. ^Vargas Díaz-Toledo 2006, pp. 233–234.
  30. ^Vargas Díaz-Toledo 2013, para. 29–33.
  31. ^Finazzi-Agrò, pp. 45–48.
  32. ^Blaess, pp. 70–71, 76.
  33. ^Dichmann, pp. 73–74.
  34. ^Whitaker, pp. 15–16.
  35. ^Whitaker, pp. 102–103.
  36. ^Simko, pp. 167–168.
  37. ^Benson, p. 247.
  38. ^Lupack & Lupack, p. 12.
  39. ^Fisher, p. 166.
  40. ^Taylor & Brewer, p. 303.
  41. ^Hoburg, pp. 72–73, 75–78.
  42. ^Thompson & Lacy, p. 590.
  43. ^Thompson, p. 605.
  44. ^Grylls, David (9 October 2011). "The play's the thing – or is it? – A new 'Shakespeare' provokes both scholarly dispute and a teasingly postmodern domestic drama".The Sunday Times.
  45. ^Phillips, pp. 254, 257–259, 297.

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