 | |
| Author | Roger Scruton |
|---|---|
| Language | English |
| Subject | Conservatism |
| Publisher | All Points Books |
Publication date | 2017 |
| Publication place | United Kingdom |
| Media type | |
| Pages | 176 |
| ISBN | 978-1-250-17056-9 |
| Text | Conservatism: An Invitation to the Great Tradition at Internet Archive |
Conservatism: An Invitation to the Great Tradition is a 2017 book byEnglish philosopherRoger Scruton, in which the author outlines the development of modernconservatism. It is intended as an introduction to conservatism, with the author stating, "I have written this book in the hope of encouraging well-meaningliberals to take a look at what [the] arguments [for conservatism] really are”.[1]
Scruton traces the intellectual development of modern Westernconservatism. He contends that modern conservatism "began as a defense of tradition against the calls for popular sovereignty; it became an appeal on behalf of religion and high culture against the materialist doctrine of progress, before joining forces with the classical liberals in the fight against socialism. In its most recent attempt to define itself it has become the champion of Western civilisation against its enemies".
Throughout, Scruton places emphasis on the tension between individual ambition and social membership—the "freedom of the individual” and the "need for custom and community”.[2] Scruton criticizes both theindividualism of Westernprogressivism and thecollectivism ofsocialism, arguing conservatism finds a realistic middle ground that suits both the limits and aspirations of individuals by recognizing that "the individual first sets out on the journey to freedom" from the "spheres of attachment" offamily andcommunity.
Scruton argues that whereas the conservatism of "pre-history" (pre-Enlightenment) focused on the preservation of old systems of power in which political authority flows down from the sovereign to individuals, modern conservatism is stolidly "a product of theEnlightenment" that accepts the (originallyprogressive) notion ofpopular sovereignty. Modern conservatism began as a "hesitation within liberalism", arising from the ideas of theclassical liberals—notablyThomas Hobbes,James Harrington,John Locke, andBaron de Montesquieu—while insisting that the "liberation of the individual" advocated by liberalism "could not be achieved without the maintenance of customs and institutions". In particular, both "conservatives and liberals agree on the need forlimited government,representative institutions, theseparation of powers, and the basicrights of the citizen", but conservatives rejectsocial contract theory and individualism not grounded by custom and tradition.
Scruton places particular emphasis on the conservative belief thatliberty is not possible without custom and tradition, as "individual liberty [issues] from political order", and not the other way around. Because people are, according to Scruton, born into society "burdened by obligations and subject to institutions and traditions", he contends that liberty isinherited rather thanchosen. He pillories liberals for focusing on "abstract ideas...designed to apply to all people everywhere" rather than "focus on the concrete inheritance of a people"—a tendency he argues led to the devastation of theFrench Revolution, which "systematically destroyed the stock of social capital" and descended into tyranny, and whose counter-tendency for continuity and respect of the law was the reason for the success of theAmerican Revolution, whoseconstitution was "no more than a document making explicit a spirit already present in the Anglo-Americancommon law".
Scruton contends that the advent of theIndustrial Revolution resulted in a shift in focus for conservatives, from "the battleground of politics" to the preservation of cultural values in the face of rapidsocial change. In particular, conservatives worried thatindustrial capitalism was destroying social cohesion and transforming culture.
Alexis de Tocqueville, notes Scruton, believed that "the major problem facing modern society...is that of reconciling equality with liberty". The liberal tendency, Scruton alleges, emphasizes equality, and ultimately birthedsocialism. In response, conservatives positioned themselves as champions ofliberty first, and followingWorld War I conservatives galvanized in opposition to the rise ofsocialism. In America, in particular, theCold War cemented anti-communism as a part of conservatives' "self-definition". Notable voices in opposition to communism includedFriedrich Hayek, who inThe Road to Serfdom warned of the "danger oftyranny that inevitably results from government control of economicdecision-making throughcentral planning";[3]Ayn Rand, who believed "socialist policies...prevent the best and most useful people from exercising their skills and talents"; andJames Burnham, who inThe Managerial Revolution argued that the "tendency of socialism is not to produce a classless society...but on the contrary to generate a new and intransigent ruling class of bureaucrats—the managerial elite".
With the decline ofsocialism, Scruton argues conservatism again evolved. Contemporary conservatism, he believes, focuses on the championing ofWestern civilization and defending "national identity and traditional attachments against the emerging orthodoxy of 'multiculturalism'". This manifests in defending "culture and institutions in the face of the challenge presented bymass migration", as well as protecting Western civilization from two "enemies":political correctness andIslamic extremism. Fighting these "enemies" in a "culture war" has become a core component of the modern conservative identity, Scruton argues.
Other areas of focus in recent years have been opposition to judges who "read into" theUS Constitution "rights and freedoms that appeal to modern liberals...but not to conservatives", including aright toabortion and aright tosame-sex marriage, and defending the approach of using "market solutions" for social and political problems, rather than direct government intervention.
The book has received mixed reviews.
Richard Aldous inThe Wall Street Journal praised it, calling it "one of the most eloquent and even moving evocations of the conservative tradition in Western politics, philosophy and culture I have ever read…the ideal primer for those who are new to conservative ideas”.[4] Steven Kessler inThe European Conservative similarly reviewed the book favorably, stating:[5]
"This book is an ideal primer to the intellectual conservatism. Scruton gracefully articulates conservatism’s main tenets, its historical foundations, and its value to our lives today. His eloquent yet accessible prose make this a perfect introduction to those interested in better understanding the liberal/conservative debate of today."
Michael S. Roth inThe New York Times offered a lukewarm review, stating that while "readers will find Scruton’s deft handling of a variety of conservative thinkers enlightening", they will "be appalled at the grand old tradition ofscapegoating he employs to rally the troops".[6] He places particular criticism on Scruton's "scapegoating" of Muslims, stating:
"At the end of the book he turns against Muslims, hoping for a “rediscovery of ourselves” by stoking fear and loathing against those who he says do not share “our” religious or political inheritance. He knows how this will sound to many of his readers, so he warns them against thinking he’s just being racist. But one doesn’t have to be politically correct or to participate in what Scruton calls the “culture of repudiation” to find it unfortunate that a philosopher should stoop so low. The “great tradition” Scruton describes can attract study and respect without stimulating nasty chauvinism."
Joseph Hogan inThe Nation struck a negative tone, calling the book "anachronistic and hopelessly obscure"—asserting that when Scruton "could apply his airy defenses of 'tradition' and 'custom' to today’s most urgent problems...he is either blandly silent or quaintly anachronistic. And when he manages to gesture toward issues of present importance—immigration and nationalism—he attempts, euphemistically, to dignify nativism and xenophobia".[7] Hogan took aim at Scruton's claim that the book is intended to attract liberals, concluding the review by saying:
"What is most impressive aboutConservatism is, in the end, its aloofness. It is difficult even to imagine young conservatives seeing themselves in the book. Easier to imagine, however, is the likely reaction of liberal readers, especially those who once yearned for a “philosophical” conservatism of custom and tradition. Scruton’s vision of conservatism is so unrelated to the current project of the right that it couldn’t produce in its liberal readers anything like nostalgia for a “Burkean” conservatism—but rather the felt sense that such a conservatism could never have existed."
{{cite book}}:ISBN / Date incompatibility (help){{cite book}}:ISBN / Date incompatibility (help)